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Part        the   State  of  MaIsachitsetts, 


T    H    fi 


NATURAL     and     CIVIL 


HISTORY 


O    F 


VERMONT. 


by    SAMUEl/wiLLIAMS,  LL.  D. 

Member  of the  Meteorological  Society  in  Germa- 
ny, of  the  Philosophical  Society  in  Philadeu 
phia,  and  of  the  academy  of  arts  and  sciences 
IN  Massachusst TS. 


Publijhed  according  to  Act  of  Congress. 


PRINTED    at    WALPOLE,   Newhampshire, 

By  ISAIAH  THOMAS  and  DAVID  CARLISLE,  Jun. 

Sold  at  their  Bookstore,  in  Walpole,  and  hy  faid  Thomas,  at  hi* 
Books  tore,   in  Worcejher , 

MDCCXCIV. 


•i 


To  the  CITIZENS  of  the  STATE 

OF 

VERMONT, 

The  following    OBSERVATIONS 

ON    THEIR 

NATURAL   and   CIVIL 

HISTORY, 

Are  humbly  Inscribed  ; 

As  a  Testimony  of  Respect 

For  their  many  Virtues, 

As  an  Attempt  to  Promote 

A  more  particular  Acquaintance 

With  their  own  Affairs, 

And  with  the  moft  ardent  Wishes 

For  their  further  Improvement 

And  Prosperity, 

By  their  obedient 

and  humble  Servant, 

The  AUTHOR. 
%utUnd>  July  i6t  X794. 


APR  || 


JL  HREE     centuries    have     parTedl 
away  fince  America  was  firft  difcovered  by  Colum* 
bus*     From  that  time  until  now,  the  affairs  of  A- 
merica  have   engaged   the  attention  of  hiftorians 
and   philofophers. — The   natural  productions   of 
this  continent,  have  been  one  object  of  general  in- 
quiry.     Among   the   Spanifh   writers,   there  are 
fome  good  eiTays  on   the  natural   hiftory   of  the 
fouthern  parts  of  America.      In  Canada,  fome   of 
the  phyficians  and  jefuits  were  attentive  to  the  nat- 
ural productions  of  that   part  of  the  continent ; 
and  have  left  fome  valuable  pieces  on  the  natural 
hiftory  of  Newfrance.     This  kind  of  knowledge 
was  not  much  attended  to,  by  the  firft  fettlers  of 
the  Britifh  colonies  ;  and  we  have  but  few  of  their 
ancient  writings,  in  which  it  was  contemplated  ai 
all.      Obliged  to  depend  upon  tranfient  and   par- 
tial accounts,  the  belt  writer  u.pon  natural  hiftory, 
M.  de  Buffon,  has  fallen  into  many  miftakes  re- 
flecting   the    natural   productions  of  America, 
which,  more  accurate  obfervations  would  have  cor- 
rected.    The  fubject  inftead  of  being  fully  ex* 
plored,  is  yet  a  treafure  but  little  examined. 

n* 


vi  PREFACE. 

» 

The  Man  of  America  was  an  object  ftill  more 
curious  and  important.  But  the  age  in  which  the 
firft  difcoveriee  and  fettlements  were  made,  was 
not  enough  enlightened,  to  afford  either  accurate 
or  impartial  observations,  on  the  manners,  cuftoms, 
language,  abilities,  or  ftate  of  fociety,  among  the 
Indians.  Prejudiced  by  their  fordid  manners, 
and  enraged  by  their  barbarities,  the  men  of  Eu- 
rope never  looked  for  any  thing  good  in  fuch  men  : 
And  while  intereft  and  revenge  joined  to  deftroy 
that  unhappy  race,  but  few  were  able  to  confider 
their  cuftoms  or  rights  with  calmnefs,  or  dared  to 
fay  any  thing  in  their  favour. — It  is  not  more  than 
half  a  century,  fince  this  fubject  has  been  properly 
attended  to  by  philofophers  :  And  their  conclu- 
fionsf  have  been  of  the  moll  oppofite  and  contrary 
lands.  Some  have  with  great  zeal  advanced,  that 
the  perfection  of  man  was  to  be  found  in  the  fav- 
age  ftate  ;  while  others  have  as  warmly  contend- 
ed, that  this  was  the  lowed  ftate  of  degradation 
and  abafement,  to  which  the  human  race  can  pof- 
fibly  be  reduced.  Such  oppofite  and  contrary 
fyftems  make  it  neceffary  to  examine  this  part  of 
the  natural  hiftory  of  man,  with  great  care  and  im- 
partiality ;  that  we  may  diftinguifh  what  was  val- 
uable in  that  ftage  of  fociety,  and  what  was  difad- 
vantageous  and  degrading. 

an  object  of  ftill  higher  magnitude  and  impor- 
tance, has  been  prefented  to  our  view  by  the  A- 
i-nerican  Revolution.  The  firft  fettlers  in  the  Bsit- 
^fh  colonies  were  left  in  a  great  meafure  by  their 

fovereignsj, 


P     R     E*    F     A     C     E.  vri 

Sovereigns,  to  take  care  of  themfelves.  The  only 
fituation  which  they  could  take,  while  they  were 
clearing  the  woods  and  forming  their  fettlements, 
was  that  of  equality,  induftry,  and  economy.  In 
fuch  a  fituation  every  thing  tended  to  produce, 
and  to  eftablim.  the  fpirit  of  freedom.  Their  em- 
ployments,, cufloms,  manners,  and  habits  ;  their 
wants,  dangers,  and  interefts,  were  nearly  the 
fame  ;  tftefe,  with  every  other  circum fiance  in 
their  fituation,  operated  with  a  fteady  and  certain 
tendency,  to  preferve  that  equality  and  freedom,, 
jvhich  nature  had  made. — This  fpirit  of  freedom 
was  in  fome  degree  checked  by  the  cuftomary  in* 
terpofitions  of  royal  authority  i  But  thefe  were  too 
irregular  and  contradictory,  to  become  matters  of 
veneration,  to  alter  the  natural  feelings  of  men,  or 
to  change  the  natural  courfe  and  tendency  of 
things  :  And  while  the  minifters  of  kings  were 
looking  into  their  iaws  and  records,  to  decide  what 
fhould  be  the  rights  of  men  in  the  colonies,  nature 
was  eftablifhing  a  fyftem  of  freedom  in  America, 
which  they  could  neither  comprehend,,  or  difcern. 
The  American  Revolution  explained  the  bu£nef3 
to  the  world,  and  ferved  to  confirm  what  nature 
and  fociety  had  before  produced. 

having  affumed  their  rank  among  the  nations 
of  the  earth,  the  dates  of  America  now  prefent  to 
the  world  a  new  ftate  of  fociety  ;  founded  on  prin- 
ciples, containing  arrangements,  and  producing  ef- 
fects, not  vifible  in  any  nation  before.  The  un- 
common and  increafing  profpcrity  which  has  at- 
tended 


viii  PREFACE. 

tended  it,  has  afcertained  its  fpirit  and  tendency  J 
The  people  are  diftinguifhed  by  the  fpirit  of  in- 
quiry, induftry,  economy,  enter/prize,  and  regular- 
ity :  The  government  is  dependent  upon,  but 
guides,,  and  reverences  the  people  :  And  the 
whole  country  is  rapidly  increafing  in  numbers, 
extent,  wealth,  and  powef.  The  higheit  perfec- 
tion and  felicity,  which  man  is  permitted  to  hope 
for  in  the  prefent  life,  may  rationally  be  expect- 
ed in  fuch  a  ftate  of  fociety  :  And  it  becomes 
of  courfe  the  object  of  universal  inquiry  and  at- 
tention. 

to  reprefent  the  ftate  of  things  iri  America  in 
a  proper  light,  particular  account*  of  each  part  o£ 
the  federal  union  feem  to  be  neceflary  ;  and  would 
anfwer  other  valuable  purpofes.  An  able  hifto- 
rian,  the  Reverend  Dr.  Belknap ,  has  obliged  the 
world  with  the  Hiftory  of  Newhampjhire.  The 
following  treatife  is  defigned  to  defcribe  the  ope- 
rations of  nature  and  fociety,  in  the  adjacent  ftate 
of  Vermont.  This  is  the  youngeft  of  the  ftates,  an 
inland  country,  and  now  rapidly  changing  from  a 
vaft  tract  of  uncultivated  wildemefs,  to  numerous 
and  extenfive  fettlements.  In  this  ftage  of  ioci- 
ety,  induftry  and  economy  feem  to  produce  the 
greateft  effects,  in  the  morteft  periods  of  time. 

the  manner  in  which  the  work  has  been  exe- 
cuted, I  am  apprehenfive  will  require  much  can- 
dour  in  the  reader.  In  the  variety  of  fubjects 
which  have  come  under  contemplation,  I  cannot 
flatter  myfelf,  that  I  have  been  free  from  errors 

and 


PREFACE.  ix 

and  miftakes  :  And  the  reafon  why  feveral  of  the 
fubjecis  are  fo  imperfectly  confidered,  was  becaufe 
I  had  not  the  ability  or  information  to  (late  them 
btherwife. 

the  American  war  confidered  with  refpeft  to 
its  caufes,  operations,  or  effects,  prefents  to  our 
view  fome  of  the  mod  important  events,  which 
have  taken  place  in  modern  times  :  But  neither  of 
thefe  particulars  can  be  comprehended  in  the  hif- 
tory  of  any  particular  ftate.  To  give  fuch  an  im- 
perfect view  of  this  fubje£i  as  could  be  properly 
contained  in  the  hiftory  of  Vermont,  did  not  ap- 
pear eligible.  No  further  accounts  therefore  of 
the  war,  are  inferted,  than  what  appeared  necef- 
fary  to  explain  the  fubject,  which  I  had  more  par- 
ticularly in  view. 

the  controverfies  which  took  place  between 
the  flates  of  Vermont,  Newyork,  and  Newhamrj- 
fhire,  were  of  the  moft  dangerous  nature ;  and 
they  were  agitated  for  a  while,  with  a  violence 
greatly  unfavourable  to  the  peace  and  fafety  of  the 
whole  union.  Moft  of  the  wars  which  have  tak- 
en place  among  mankind,  have  been  occafioned 
by  difputes  refpecling  territory  arid  jurisdiction  : 
And  however  juft  or  proper  it  might  be  for  any 
nation,  to  give  up  part  of  its  territory  and  domin- 
ion to  its  neighbours,  fuch  a  facrifice  was  fcaicely 
ever  made  without  compulsion  and  force.— To 
have  expe&ed  Newyoik  would  voluntarily  give 
up  part  of  her  territory,  :whcn  the  decinono  of  I 
king,  and  the  law  were  in  her  favour,  was  to  cx- 
£  peSfe 


x  PREFACE. 

peel:  that  which  is  never  done  by  any  fovereign 
or  nation,  while  they  have  power  to  prevent  it. 
To  have  expected  the  people  of  Vermont  would 
voluntarily  fubmit  to  a  government,  which  fet 
afide  their  titles  to  the  lands  which  they  had  pur- 
chafed  of  the  crown,  and  made  valuable  by  their 
labours  and  fufferings,  was  to  look  for  that,  which 
no  people  ever  ought  to  fubmit  to,  if  it  is  in  their 
power  to  avoid  it. — When  the  Hates  of  Newyork, 
Newharnpfhire,  and  Vermont,  had  engaged  in  a 
controverfy  of  this  kind,  it  was  more  agreeable  to 
the  courfe  of  human  affairs  to  expect  it  would 
produce  a  civil  war,  than  to  look  for  fo  much  wif- 
dom  and  moderation  among  either  of  the  contend- 
ing parties,  as  to  prevent  it. 

in  relating  thefe  controverfies,  I  have  felt  a 
conftant  anxiety,  left  I  fhould  mifreprefent  the 
proceedings  of  either  of  thole  ftates^  I  had  not 
the  interefts  or  the  paflions  which  thofe  parties 
produced,  to  guard  again  ft  ;  nor  am  I  apprehen- 
five  that  prejudice  has  milled  me,  in  relating  an}' 
of  thofe  matters.  But  it  is  not  improbable  that 
I  have  not  had  complete  information  in  fome  par- 
ticulars, refpe&ing  thofe  complicated  controver- 
fies ;  and  may  have  miftaken  the  views  of  parties, 
in  fome  of  their  leading  tranfaclions.  If  this 
mould  be  found  to  be  the  cafe,  it  will  give  me 
great  pleafui  e  to  receive  fuch  further  information, 
as  (hall  enable  me  to  correct  any  miftakes.  Thofe 
who  point  out  to  us  our  errors,  perform  the  fame 
friendly  office,  as  thofe  who  help  us  to  new  truths. 

THE 


PREFACE. 


XI 


the  moft  important  of  all  our  philofophical 
fpeculations,  are  thofe  which  relate  to  the  hiftory 
of  man.  In  moft  of  the  productions  of  nature, 
the  fubjecl  is  fixed,  and  may  always  be  found  and 
viewed  in  the  fame  fituation.  And  hence  a  Heady 
courfe  of  obfervation,  ferves  to  difcover  and  af- 
certain  the  laws  by  which  they  are  governed,  and 
the  fituation  they  will  a  flu  me  in  other  periods  of 
time.  It  is  probable  the  actions  and  affairs  of 
men  are  fubjecl;  to  as  regular  and  uniform  laws, 
as  other  events  :  And  that  the  fame  ftate  of  focie- 
ty  will  produce  the  fame  forms  of  government, 
the  fame  manners,  cuftoms,  habits,  and  purfuits, 
among  different  nations,  in  whatever  part  of  the 
earth  they  may  refide.  Monarchy,  freedom,  fu- 
perftition,  truth,  and  all  the  general  caufes  which 
actuate  mankind,  feem  every  where  to  bear  the 
fame  afpec"l,  to  operate  with  the  fame  kind  of  in- 
fluence, and  to  produce  fimiJar  effects ;  differing 
not  in  their  nature  and  tendency,  but  only  in  the 
circumftances  and  degrees,  in  which  they  influ- 
ence different  nations. — But  nothing  is  ftationary, 
nothing  that  depends  upon  the  facial  ftate,  is  fo 
unalterably  fixed,  but  that  it  will  change  and  vary 
with  the  degradation  or  improvement  of  the  hu- 
man race.  And  hence,  while  the  nature  of  man 
Temains  unaltered,  the  ftate  of  fociety  is  perpetu- 
ally changing,  and  the  men  of  one  age  and  coun- 
try, in  many  refpe&s  appear  different  from  thofe 
of  another.  And  as  men  themfelves  are  more  or 
Jefs  improved,  every  thing  thaf  conftitues  a  part 

of 


xii  PREFACE. 

of  the  focial  (late,  will  bear  a  different  appearance 
among  different  nations,  and  in  the  fame  nation, 
in  different  circumftances,  and  in  different  periods  ■ 
of  time. — To  afcertain  what  the*e  is  thus  peculiar 
and  diftinguifhing  in  the  Mate  of  foeiety  in  the 
federal  Union,  to  explain  the  caufes  which  have 
led  to  this  ftate,  to  mark  its  effect  upon  human 
happinefs,  and  to  deduce  improvement  from  the 
whole,  are  the  mod  important  objects  which  civil 
hiftory  can  contemplate  in  America  :  And  they 
are  objects,  every  where  more  ufefui  to  men,  than 
any  refinements,  di  functions,  or  difcoveries,  mere- 
ly fpeculative. 

i  have  wifhed  to  keep  fuch  objects  in  view,  in 
confidering  the  date  of  foeiety  in  this  part  of  the 
continent:  But  it  is  with  diffidence  that  I  fubmit 
the  attempt  to  the  view  of  the  public.  The  dif- 
pofition  of  America  is  to  favour  fuch  attempt* 
and  publications,  as  are  adapted  to  promote  any 
valuable  public  purpofe  :  But  fpeculative  and  ufe- 
lefs  effays  cannot  much  engage  the  attention  of  a 
people,  whofe  main  object  is  the  profperity  and 
improvement  of  their  country.  The  public  fen- 
timent  will  be  a  juft  decifion,  among  which  of 
thefe,  the  following  work  ought  to  be  placed. 


CONTENTS. 


xm 


CONTENTS. 


s 


CHAP.     I, 

Page, 

►  ITU  AT  I  ON,  Boundaries,  Area, 
Soil,  and Fac$  of  the  Country.  \j 

CHAP.     II. 
Mountains. — Their  Direction,  Altitude,  Tops, 
Caverns,  the  origin  of  Springs  and  Rivers.  21 

CHAP.     III. 
JIivers  and   Lakes. — The  Situation,  Chan* 
nels,  Intervales,    Courfes,  Depths,  and   Effedls 
of  the  Rivers .    An  Account  of  Lake  Chamnlajn. 
and  Memphremagog.  **'■  30 

CHAP.     IV. 
Climate. — An  Account  of  the   Temperature, 
Winds,    Rain,   Snow,   and    Weather.       The 
Change  of  Climate  which  has  attended  the  Cul- 
tivation of  the  Country.  4a 
CHAP.     V. 
Vegetable     Productions. — Foreji     Trees, 
efculent  and  medicinal  Vegetables.     Remarks  on 
the   Magnitude,   Number,  Age,  Evaporation, 
Emiffion  of  Air,  Heat,  and  Effecls  of  the  Trees.     66 
CHAP.     VI. 
Native  Animals.-— An  Account  of  the   Qua- 
drupeds -,  with  Obfervations  on  their  Enumer- 
ation, Origin,  Migration,  Species,  Magnitude, 
Difpofition,  and  multiplying  Power.  The  Birds, 
Fijhes,  Reptiles  and  Infecls*  81 
CHAP.     VII. 
Original  Inhabitants. — The  Employments, 
Civil  Government,  Syjlem  of  War,  Education, 
Manners,  and  Cufloms  of  the  Indians ;  the  Ad- 
vantages,   and  Disadvantages  of  the  Savage 
State.                                                            133 

CHAP. 


x'w  CONTENTS. 

CHAP.      VIII.  P,ge, 

Qbfervaiions  on  the  Origin  of  th£  Indians,  their 
Antiquity t  Progrefs  of  Society ,  and  Tendensy  to 
Dtjfclution.  187 

CHAP.  IX. 
Flrjl  Settlement  of  Vermont  by  the  Englijh. 
Grants  from  New h amp/hire.  Proceedings  of 
Newyork.  Violent  Oppofttion  if  the  Settlers. 
American  War.  Declaration  of  the  Freedom 
and  Independence  of  the  State.  210 

CHAP.  X. 
Proceedings  of  Newyork.  Refolves  of  Congrefs. 
Centrovurfy  with  Newhampjhire.  Claims  of 
Newbamp/hire,  Newyork,  and  Maffachufetts, 
Appointment  of  Commiffioners,  to  confer  with 
the  Inhabitants.  Interpofition  of  Congrefs. 
Csndutl  of  Vermont.  Meafures  purfued  by 
Congrefs.  Further  Claims  of  Vermont.  Pro- 
ceedings and  Views  of  the  Britijh  Generals,  and 
Minijiers.  Refolu lions  of  Congrefs,  Proceed- 
ings of  Vermont y  Newyork,  and  Newhampjhire. 
Advice  of  General  PVaJhington,  Proceedings 
ef  Vermont.  Votes  of  Congrefs.  Remarks  on 
the  Defign,  and  Effecl  of  thofe  Votes,  234 

CHAP.  XI. 
Dijlurbances  in  Vermont.  Refolutions  of  Con- 
grefs. Remonjirances  againjl  the  proceedings 
of  Congrefs ,  Peace  with  Greatbritain.  Dif- 
inchnation  of  Vermont  to  an  Unien  with  the 
confederated  States.  New  federal  Conflitu- 
tidn.  Propofals  from  Newyork*  Settlement 
of  the  Controversy  with  that  State.  Admiffion 
ef  Vermont  into  the  federal  Union.  Political 
Effscls  of  tbefe  Controverfies.  290 

CHAP.     Xil. 
State  of  Society. — The  Employments  of  the 
People  :  Agriculture,  Manufactures,  Huntings 
the  Profits  of  Labour.,  3 1 1 

CHAP. 


CONTENTS.  xv 

G    H    A    P.       XIII.  page. 

State  of  Society. — Cujioms   and  Manners  : 
Education,  early  Marriages,  Activity,  Equali- 
ty, Economy,  and  Hofpitality  of  the  People.         324 
CHAP.     XIV. 

State  of  Society. — Religion:  Importance  of 
this  Principle,  Danger  of  any  Controul  in  it, 
Equality  of  all  Denominations,  Effetl  of  this 
Equality,  Grants  and  Laws  for  the  Support 
cf  Religion,  Extent  of  Religious  Liberty,  Con- 
nexion of  Religion  with  Science  and  Education.  334 
CHAP.      XV. 

State  of  Society. — Nature  of  the  American 
Government.  Conflitution  of  Vermont,  Laws, 
Counties  and  Courts,  Annual  Expenfe  of  Gov- 
ernment, Public  Revenue,  Militia,  Popularity 
of  the  Government.  042 

CHAP.     XVI. 

State  of  Society. — Population'.  Caufes  on 
which  this  depends,  the  mean  Period  of  Human 
Life  in  the  American  States,  Period  of  doub- 
ling in  Vermont,  comparative  View  of  Papula- 
tion in  new  and  old  Countries.  060 
CHAP.     XVII. 

State  of  Society. — Freedom  :  Dejlroyed  in 
feme  Countries  by  the  State  of  Society,  produced 
by  the  Settlement  of  America,  the  Caufe  and 
Effecl  of  the  American  JVar,  cannot  beprejerved 
by  Government,  depends  on  the  State  and  Con- 
dition of  the  People*  3% 


APPENDIX, 


xvi  CONTENTS. 

APPENDIX. 


Pag?. 
NUMBER      I. 

An  Account  of  the  Variation  of  the   Magnetic 
Needle,  in  the  Eajlrm  Stales.  377 

NUMBER     II. 
Obfervations  on  the  change  of  Climate  in  Europe, 
and  other  places.  380 

NUMBER      III. 
A  Differtation  on  the  Colours  of  Men,  particu- 
larly on  that  of  the  Indians  of  America.  385 
NUMBER      IV. 
The  Declaration  and  Petition  of  the  Inhabitants 
of  the  Newhampfhire  Grants  to  Congrefs,  an- 
nouncing the  Dflriti  to  be   a  Free  and  Inde- 
pendent State.  398 
NUMBER     V. 
?he  Remonflrance  of  the  Commiffioners  from  Ver- 
mont dgainfl  the  Proceedings  of  Congrefs,  Sep- 
tember 22,  1780.  4<Dt 
NUMBER       VI. 
Quejiions  propofed  by  the  Committee  of  Congrefs 
to  the  Agents  on  the  part  of  Vermont,  with  the 
Anfwers  of  the  Agents,  Auguft  18,  1781.            403 
NUMBER     VII. 
An  Account  of  the  Ratable  Property,  and  of  the 
Number   of  the   Inhabitants  in    Vermont,  at 
different  Ptriods.  of  Time.  404 


'HE 


NATURAL    and    CIVIL 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT, 


wwm>i 


CHAP. 


I. 


Situation j  Boundaries,  Area,  Soil,  and  Face  of  the 
Country, 


HE  ftate  of  Vermont  is  fituated 
between  420  44',  and  45  degrees 
of  north  latitude  ;  and  between 
10  43'  and  30  36'  of  longitude, 
eaft  from  the  meridian  of  Phila- 
delphia. It  is  altogether  an  in- 
land country  ;  furrounded  by 
the  dates  of  Newhampfhire,  MafTachufetts,  New- 
york,  and  the  province  of  Canada  :  That  part  of 
the  ftate  of  Vermont  which  is  nearefl  to  the  fea- 
coaft,  is  at  the  diftance  of  feventy  or  eighty  miles, 
from  any  part  of  the  ocean. 

C  Oa 


lS  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

On  the  fouth,  Vermont  is  bounded  by  the  ftate 
of  Mjffachufetts.  This  line  is  forty  one  miles  in 
length,  and  was  a  part  of  the  divifional  line  between 
Mailachufetts  and  Newhampfhire.  It  was  derived 
from  the  decifion  «jFa  former  king  of  Greatbritain  : 
On  March  5,  1740,  George  the  fecond,  refolved, 
'*  That  the  northern  boundary  of  the  province  of 
Maftachufetts,  be  a  fimilar  curve  line,  purfuing  the 
ccurfe  of  Merrimack  river,  at  three  miles  diftance, 
on  the  north  fide  thereof,  beginning  at  the  Atlan- 
tic ocean,  and  ending  at  a  point  due  north  of  Pa- 
tucket  falls  ;  and  a  ftraight  line  drawn  thence  due 
Weil,  until  it  meets  with  his  Majefty's  other  govern- 
ments.'* The  point  three  miles  north  of  Patucket 
falls,  was  found  to  be  in  the  town  of  Dracut.  From 
that  point,  tne  furveyor,  Richard  Hazen,  in  the 
months  of  February  and  March,  1741,  ran  the  di- 
vifional line  between  MafTachufetts  and  Newhamp- 
fhire. He  was  directed  by  Mr.  Bclchery  at  that 
time  governor  of  both  thole  provinces,  to  allow  ten 
degrees  for  the  wefterly  variation  of  the  magnetic 
needle.  The  magnetic  variation,  at  that  time  and 
place,  was  not  fo  great,  as  the  furveyor  affumed  : 
And  when  he  arrived  at  Connecticut  river,  a  dif- 
tance  of  fifty  five  miles,  inftead  of  being  in  a  weft 
line,  he  had  deviated  to  the  north  2'  57"  of  latitude. 
This  error  in  the  direction  of  the  line,  occafions  a 
lofs  of  59,873  acres  to  NewhampChire  ;  and  of 
133,897  acres  to  Vermont. 

The  eaflern  boundary  of  Vermont,  is  formed  by 
the  weft  bank  of  Connecticut  river.  This  line,  fol- 
lowing the  courfe  of  the  river,  is  about  two  hundred 
miles ;  and  is  derived  from  the  decree  of  George  the 
third.  On  the  20th  of  July,  1764,  his  M^jefly  or- 
dered and  declared,  "  The  weftern  banks  of  the 
Tiver  Connecticut,  from  where  it  enters  the  province 
of  MaiTachufetts  Bay,  as  far  north  as  the  forty  fifth 
degree  of  northern  latitude,  to  be  the  boundary  line 

between 


HISTORY  or  VERMONT.  19 

between  the  two  provinces  of  Newhampfhire  and 
Newyork  " 

The  north  line  of  the  ftate  begins  at  the  latitude 
of  45  degrees  north,  and  runs  upon  that  parallel, 
from  Lake  Champlain  to  Connecticut  river./j'This 
line  is  ninety  miles  and  one  quarter  of  a  mile  long, 
and  divides  this  part  of  the  United  States  Trom  the 
province  of  Canada.  Much  pains  was  taken  by  the 
provinces  of  Newj'ork  and  Canada,  to  afcertain  the 
latitude  of  45  by  aftronornical  obfervations.  This 
was  done  by  commifiioners  from  both  provinces,  in 
the  month  of  September,  1767.  At  the  place  where 
the  line  crofles  Lake  Champlain,  they  erected  a 
monument  of  ftone,  which  is  yet  Handing.  The 
line  was  afterwards  run  by  Mr.  Collins,  but  with 
what  accuracy  has  not  fince  been  examined. — This 
line  arifeth  from  the  proclamation  of  George  tho 
third,  of  October  7,  1763,  determining  the  fouthern 
boundary  of  the  province  of  Quebec  ;  and  from  the 
treaty  of  peace  between  Britain  and  the  ftates  of 
America,  in  1783. 

Beginning  at  the  fouthweft  corner  of  the  town  of 
Pownal,  the  weft  line  of  Vermont  runs  northerly, 
along  the  weflern  boundaries  of  the  townfhips  of 
Pownal,  Bennington,  Shaftfbury,  Arlington,  Sand- 
gate,  Rupert,  Pawlet,  Wells,  and  Poultney,  as  the 
faid  townfhips  are  now  held  and  poiTefTed,  to  the 
river  commonly  called  Poultney  river  ;  thence  down 
the  fame,  through  the  middle  of  the  deepeft  channel 
thereof,  to  Eaft  Bay  ;  thence  through  the  middle  ©f 
the  deepeft  channel  of  Eaft  Bay,  and  the  waters 
thereof,  to  where  the  fame  communicate  with  Lake 
Champlain  ;  thence  through  the  middle  of  the  deep- 
eft channel  of  Lake  Champlain,  to  the  eafhvard  of 
the  iflands  called  the  Four  Brothers,  and  to  the 
weftward  of  the  iflands  called  the  Grand  Ifle,  and 
Long  Ifle,  or  the  Two  Heroes,  and  to  the  weftwarrl 
of  the  Ifle  la  Motf,  to  the  forty  fifth  degree  of  north 

latitude. 


fio  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

latitude.— This  line  is  about  one  hundred  and  fev- 
enty  miles  in  length  ;  and  refults  from  the  declara- 
tion of  the  commifjioners  of  Newyork,  of  October 
7,  1790  ;  and  the  concurring  act  of  the  general  af- 
iembly  of  the  ftate  of  Vermont,  palTed  October 
28,  1790. 

Computing  by  the  latitudes,  the  length  of  the 
ftate  from  the  fouthern  to  the  northern  boundary, 
is  one  hundred  and  fifty  feven  miles  and  an  half. 
The  mean  width  from  eaft  to  weft  is  about  frxty  five 
miles.  This  will  give  10,2374  fquare  miles,  or 
6,553,000  acres,  as  the  fuperficial  area  contained 
within  the  boundaries  of  Vermont  ;  but  aconfider- 
able  deduction  mud  be  made,  to  exclude  the  waters, 
and  reduce  it  to  the  juft  quantity  of  land. 

The  land  included  within  thefe  limits,  is  of  a  very, 
fertile  nature,  fitted  for  all  the  purpofes  and  pro- 
ductions of  agriculture.  The  foil  is  deep,  and  of  a 
daik  colour  ;  rich,  moift,  warm,  and  loamy.  It  bear* 
corn  and  other  kinds  of  grain,  in  large  quantities, 
as  foon  as  it  is  cleared  of  the  wood,  without  any 
ploughing  or  preparation  :  And  after  the  firft  crops, 
naturally  turns  to  rich  paiture  or  mowing. 

The  face  of  the  country  exhibits  very  different 
profpetts.  Adjoining  to  our  rivers,  we  have  the 
wide  extenfive  plains,  of  a  fine  level  country.  At  a 
fmall  dittance  from  them,  the  land  rifesinto  a  col- 
lection and  chain  of  high  mountains,  interfered 
with  deep  and  long  valleys.  Defcendmg  from  the 
mountains,  the  ftreams  and  rivers  appear  in  every 
part  of  the  country,  and  afford  a  plentiful  fupply  of 
water. 


CHAP. 


HISTORY  or  VERMONT.  g i 


CHAP.  Ho 


Mountains. — their    Direfliena    Altitude^    Tops, 
Caverns 3  the  Origin  of  Springs  and  Rivers, 


IN  the  formation  of  our  mountains, 
llature  has  conitrudled  her  works  on  a  large  fcale  ; 
and  prefents  to  our  view  objects,  whofe  magnitude 
and  fituation,  naturally  engage  our  attention. 
Through  the  whole  tra6l  of  country  which  lies  be- 
tween the  weft  fide  of  Connecticut  river,  and  the 
eafl  fide  of  Hudfon's  river,  and  Lake  Champlain, 
there  is  one  continued  range  of  mountains. — Thefe 
mountains  begin  in  the  province  of  Canada  :  From 
thence,  they  extend  through  the  ftates  of  Vermont, 
Maflachufetts,  and  Connecticut,  and  terminate  with- 
in a  few  miles  of  thefea  coaft.  Their  general  di- 
rection is  from  N.  N.  E.  to  S.  S.  W.  ;  and  their 
extent  is  through  a  tract  of  country,  not  lefs  than 
four  hundred  miles  in  length.— -They  are  one  con- 
tinued range  or  collection  of  mountains,  appearing 
as  if  they  were  piled  one  upon  another.  They  are 
generally  from  ten  to  fifteen  miles  in  width,  are  much 
interfefted  with  valleys,  abound  with  fprings,  and 
ftreams  of  wate*,  and  are  every  where  covered  with 
■woods.  Their  appearance,  is  among  the  mod  grand 
and  majeftic  phenomena,  which  nature  exhibits. — 
From  the  perpetual  verdure  which  they  exhibit,  they 
are  called  the  Green  Mountains  ;  and  with  great  pro- 
priety their  name  has  been  affigned  to  the  flate. 

The  altitude  of  mountains,  has  been  one  of  the 
curious   inquiries,  which  the   philofophers  of  this 

century 


t*  the   NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

century  have  been  folicitous  to  determine.  The 
moft  common  method  of  meafuring  their  heights, 
has  been  by  the  Barometer.  I  do  not  know  that  in 
many  cafes,  a  better  method  could  have  been  ap- 
plied. The  theory  however  of  this,  is  not  attend- 
ed with  certainty,  or  precifion  :  And  in  its  applica- 
tion, it  has  generally  given  very  different  altitudes, 
to  the  fame  mountain.  Geometrical  menfurarions 
admit  of  greater  certainty  and  Gmplicity,  where  they 
can  be  applied  :  But  the  difficulty  and  exp.enfe  of 
making  fuch  menfurations,  has  prevented  any  great 
progrefs  from  being  made,  in  this  part  of  the  natu- 
ral hlftory  of  the  earth.  In  North  America,  the 
height  of  mod  of  our  mountains,  remains  yet  to  be 
determined. — In  December,  1792,  I  attempted  to. 
afcei  tain  the  altitude  of  Kdlington  Peakt  one  of  the 
higheft.  of  the  green  mountains,  by  a  geometrical 
procefs ;  and  had  the  happinefs  to  fucceed  in  the 
menfuration.  The  meafures  flood  thus, 
Height  of  Kellington  Peak  above  the  plain 
at  the  State  Koufe  in  Rutland,  bygeo-  Fwt. 
metrical  menfuration,  -         -  2813. 

Height  of  the  State  Houfe  above  the  waters 
of  Lake  Champlain,  deduced  from  the 
menfuration  of  the  falls  of  Otter- 
creek,  and  a  computation  of  other  de- 
fcents,  -  -  -  -     371. 

Defcent  of  the  water  from  that  part  of 
Lake  Champlain  where  the  current  be- 
gins, to  St.  John's  ;  a  diftance  of  fifty 
miles.  Eftimated  at  twelve  inches  to 
a  mile,  -  50. 

Falls  between  St.   John's  and   Chamble. 

Eftimated,  -  40. 

Defcent  of  the  water  from  the  bafon  of 
Chamble  to  Quebec,  a  diflance  of  one 
hundred  and  eighty  miles.  Eftimated 
«t  twelve  inches  to  a  mile,  180. 

Admitting 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  23 

Admitting  the  waters  of  the  river  St.  Lawrence  at 
Quebec,  to  be  of  the  fame  level  as  the  fea,  the  alti- 
tude of  Kellington  Peak  by  thefe  meafures  and  com- 
putations, is  3454  feet  above  the  level  of  the  ocean. 
The  altitude  at  which  a  perpetual  congelation  takes 
place  in  this  latitude  (430  30')  is  about  8066  feet 
above  the  level  of  the  fea.  This  is  probably  four 
fifths  of  a  mile,  higher  than  the  tops  of  our  higheft 
mountains*.     But  although  they  are  far  below  the 

freezing 

*  Mount  Blanc  in  Savoy,  is  the  higheft  mountain  in  Eu- 
rope, and  probably  the  higheft  in  the  other  hemifphere.  In 
1787  its  altitude  was  found  by  M..de  Sanjfurt  to  be  15.673  Eng- 
lifh  feet  above  the  level  of  the  fea.  In  the  fouthem  parts 
America  M.  Bouguer  found  the  higheft  part  of  the  Cordille- 
ras, to  be  20,590  feet  in  height ;  this  is  the  higheft  of  any  up- 
on the  glooe. — in  Virginia,  according  to  Mr.  yeffer/en^  the 
mountains,  of  the  Blue  ridge,  and  of  thefe  the  Peaks  of  Otter, 
are  thought  to  be  of  the  greatest  height,  meafur^d  from  their 
bafc.  "  From  data,"  faith  he,  "  which  may  found  a  tolerable 
conjecture,  we  fuppofe  the  higheft  peak  to  be  about  4000  feet 
perpendicular."  (Notes  on  Virginia,  Phila,  Edit.  p.  18.) — 
The  white  mountains  in  the  northeafterly  part  of  Newhamp- 
fhire,  are  generally  efteemed  to  be  the  hgheft  lands  in  New- 
cngland.  Their  altitude  has  not  been  determined  by  geomet- 
rical menfuration,  but  there  is  one  circumftance  attending 
their  phenomena,  which  may  ferve  to  denote  their  altitude, 
with  much  probability.  From  the  obfervations  which  have 
been  made  of  their  tops,  it  appears  that  the  altitude  of  the 
higheft  of  the  white  mountains,  is  below  the  point  of  perpet- 
ual congelation.  On  June  19,  1774,  on  the  fouth  fide,  in  one 
of  the  gullic-,  the  fnow  was  five  ieet  deep.  On  September  j, 
1783,  the  tops  of  the  mountain  was  covered  with  iceand  fnow, 
newly  formed.  In  1783,  Inow  was  leen  on  the  fouth  fide  of 
the  largeft  mountain,  until  July  12th,  In  1790,  the  fnow  lay 
until  the  month  of  Auguft.  In  general,  the  mountain  begins 
to  be  covered  with  fnow  as  early  as  September  ;  hut  it  goes  off 
again,  and  feldom  becomes  fixed  until  the  end  of  October,  or  the 
beginning  of  November  :  But  from  that  time,  it  remains  until 
July.  (Belknap's  Hift.  Newhampfhire, 3.  46,  47.) — From  thefe; 
obfervations  it  is  apparent,  that  the  white  mountains  rife  nearly 
to  the  line  of  perpetual  congelation  in  that  latitude,  but  do  not 
fully  come  up  to  it.  Thefe  mountains  are  in  the  latitude  of 
440  15'  north.  The  line  of  perDetual  congelation  in  that  lati- 
tude, as  deduced  from   the   obfervations   which  have   been 

made 


«4  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

freezing  point  in  fummcr,  their  phenomena  and 
productions  are  very  much  affected  by  the  degree 
of  cold,  to  which  they  are  conftantly  expofed. 

The  tops  of  our  mountains  are  generally  compof* 
cd  of  rocks,  covered  over  with  mofs.  The  trees  ap- 
pear to  be  very  aged,  but  they  are  of  a  fmall  fize  ; 
and  all  of  them  are  of  the  fpecies  called  evergreens  ; 
pine,  fpruce,  hemlock,  and  fir  •  intermixed  with 
fhrubs  and  bufties*  The  powers  of  vegetation  reg- 
ularly diminifh,  as  we  approach  the  fummit  of  an 
high  mountain  j  the  trees  degenerate  in  their  dimen- 
Cons,  and  frequently  terminate  in  a  (hrubbery  of 
fpruce  and  hemlock,  two  or  three  feet  high  ;  whofe 
branches  are  fo  interwoven  and  knit  together,  as  to 
prevent  our  palling  between  them.  Trees  thus  di- 
minifhed,  with  fhrubs  and  vines  bearing  different 
berries,  and  a  fpecies  of  grafs  called  winter  grafs, 
mixed  with  the  mofs  of  the  rocks,  are  all  the  vegeta- 
ble productions,  which  nature  brings  forth  on  the 
tops  of  our  highefl  mountains. 

The  fides  of  our  mountains  are  generally  very 
irregular,  and  rough  ;  and  fome  of  them  appear  to 
have  large  apertures,  or  openings  among  the  rocks. 
Among  thefe  fubtenaneous  paffages,  fome  caverns 
of  a  considerable  extent  have  been  found.  One  of 
thefe  is  at  Clarendon,  on  the  foutheaft  fide  of  a 
mountain,  in  the  wefterly  part  of  the  town.  The 
mouth  of  the  cave  is  not  more  than  24-  feet  in  diam- 
eter. In  its  defcentj  the  pailage  makes  an  angle 
with  the  hoiizon  of  35  or  40  degrees  ;  but  contin- 
ues of  nearly  the  fame  diameter,  through  the  whole 

length, 

made  In  Europe,  is  7872  feet  above  the  level  of  the  fea.  From 
the  greater  coldnefs  of  the  American  climate,  the  point  of  per- 
petual congelation  in  a  fimilarAmerican  latitude,cannot  exceed, 
but  mutt  rather  fall  fomething  fhortof  this.  The  altitude  there- 
fore of  the  white  mountains,  cannot  be  eftimated  as  more  than 
7800  feer  above  the  level  of  the  ocean  :  And  this  is  probably 
the  altitude  of  the  higheft  mountains  in  theeaftcrn  ftatcs. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  &$ 

length,  which  is  thirty  one  feet  and  an  half. — At  that 
diftance  from  the  mouth,  it  opens  into  a  fpacious 
room  ;  twenty  feet  long,  twelve  feet  and  an  half  wide, 
and  eighteen  or  twenty  feet  high.  Every  part  of 
the  floor,  fides,  and  roof  of  this  room,  appear  to  be  a 
lolid  rock,  but  very  rough  and  uneven.  The  water 
is  continually  percolating  through  the  top,  and  has 
formed  ftalaetites  of  various  forms  ;  many  of  which, 
.are  conical,  and  fome  have  the  appearance  of  maflive 
columns.— -At  the  north  part  of  this  room,  there  is 
another  aperture  of  about  forty  inches  diameter,  very 
rough,  and  uneven.  This  aperture  is  the  beginning 
of  another  paffage,  through  the  internal  parts  of  a 
folid  rock :  The  direction  of  this  paffage  is  oblique, 
and  full  of  flops  or  notches,  and  its  length  about 
twenty  four  feet.  Defcending  through  this  aper- 
ture, another  fpacious  room  opens  to  view.  The 
dimenfions  of  this  apartment  are  twenty  feet  in 
width,  thirty  in  length,  and  twenty  in  height.  In 
the  fpring  of  the  j'ear,  the  whole  of  this  lower  room 
is  full  of  water  ;  and  at  all  other  leafons,  water  is  to> 
be  found  in  the  lower  parts  of  it.-*—  No  animal  has 
been  found  to  refide  in  this  cave,  and  it  evidentiv 
appears  to  be  the  production  of  nature,  untouched 
by  the  hand  of  man. — Another  of  thefe  caverns  is 
at  Danby,  and  a  third  at  Dorfet.  Thefe  are  faid  to 
be  more  curious  than  this  at  Clarendon,  but  they 
have  not  been  properly  explored.  There  are  others 
in  different  parts  of  the  date:  All  of  them  are  the 
genuine  productions  of  nature  ;  never  altered  by  air, 
and  never  inhabited  by  any  of  the  hum^n  race. 

One  of  the  mofl  curious  and  important  operations 
which  nature  carries  on  in  the  mountains,  is  the  for- 
mation of  fprings  and  rivers.  All  our  dreams  of 
water  in  Vermont,  have  their  rife  among  the  green 
mountains  :  From  a  number  of  thefe  uniting,  are 
formed  all  thofe  brooks  and  rivers,  which*  run  in 
different  directions  through  the  various  parts  of  the 
D  country  : 


26  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

country  :  And  in  general,  the  origin  of  rivers  is 
to  be  found  in  the  mountains,  or  high  lands. 
In  what  manner  do  the  mountains  ferve  to  produce 
thefe  effects  ?  And  whence  is  it,  that  the  higheft 
mountains  attract,  collect,  become  the  refervoirs,  the 
receptacles,  or  the  fource,  of  the  largeft  and  mofl 
conftant  collections  of  water  ?  One  part  of  this  ef- 
fect, feems  to  be  derived  from  the  conftant  afcent  of 
the  waters,  from  the  bowels  to  the  fur  face  of  the 
earth.  That  water  is  contained  in  large  quantities 
in  the  bowels  of  the  earth,  is  evident  from  the  fprings 
which  are  found  in  almoft  all  declivities  ;  and 
from  thofe  which  every  where  fupply  wells,  at  the 
depth  of  twenty  or  thirty  feet  from  the  furface  of  the 
earth.  That  thefe  waters  are  conftantly  afcending 
towards  the  furface  of  the  earth,  and  going  off  into 
the  atmofphere,  is  evident  from  the  evaporation 
which  is  conftantly  taking  place,  and  from  the  man- 
ner in  which  heat,  or  as  it  is  generally  exprefTed,  a 
drought  affects  both  the  furface  of  the  earth,  and  the 
iprings,  by  railing  and  diffipating  the  water  from 
both.  If  this  afcent  of  the  waters  be  obftrudted  by 
any  ftrata  of  clay,  rocks,  or  any  other  fubftance, 
through  which  they  cannot  pafs,  they  will  collect  in 
fuch  quantities,  as  to  form  or  find  for  themfelves  a 
channel,  through  which  they  may  be  difcharged. 
The  place  of  this  discharge  can  only  be  on  the  fide 
of  a  hill,  or  in  fome  ground  below  the  level  of  that 
place,  where  they  are  thus  collected  :  And  at  fuch 
a  place  the  waters  would  continue  to  iffue  out, 
as  long  as  ihey  continued  to  afcend,  whatever  might 
be  the  feverity  or  duration  of  a  drought. — In  fome 
fuch  way,  it  appears  probable  to  me,  that  fome  of  the 
fprings  are  formed  in  the  mountains  :  By  waters 
which  are  afcending  towards  the  furface  of  the  earth  ; 
but  which,  inftead  of  going  off  at  the  top,  have  their 
difchafjge  in  fmall  quantities,  at  the  fides  of  the 
mountains.    Any  ftrata  of  clay,  rocks,  or  of  any  other 

matter, 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  27 

matter,  which  would  retain  the  water  when  it  de- 
fcendsin  rain  or  dew,  and  produce  a  fpring  for  their 
defcent,  would  alfo prevent  theafcending  water  from 
palling  through  them,  and  might  produce  a  fpring 
from  their  afcent. — This  afcent  of  the  waters  from  the 
bowels  to  the  furface  of  the  earth,  is  a  conflant,  pow- 
erful, and  unceafing  operation  of  nature  :  And  feems 
to  be  the  only  caufe,  which  is  adequate  to  the  for- 
mation of  thofe  fprings,  which  are  perennial.  Such 
fprings  could  fcarcely  be  formed,  or  preferved,  by 
the  waters  which  defcend  in  rain,  becaufe  they  are 
fo  little  affected  in  the  fevered  droughts  :  In  thefe 
feafons,  inftead  of  being  replenifhed  by  rain,  the 
earth  to  the  depth  of  many  feet,  is  much  exhaufted 
of  its  water  by  heat.  And  no  rain  can  ever  fall  up- 
on the  furface  of  the  earth,  which  was  not  firfl  carried 
off  from  it,  by  evaporation. 

Mountains  ferve  alfo  to  form  fmall  flreams  and 
rivulets,  by  preventing  the  evaporation  of  water  from 
their  furfaces.  The  vapours  out  of  which  the  clouds 
and  rains  are  formed,  are  all  of  them  firfl  raifed  from 
the  furface  of  the  earth.  When  the  evaporation  is 
in  an  open  field,  expofed  to  the  fun  and  wind,  the 
exhalations  are  foon  carried  off  into  the  atmofphere, 
and  the  furface  of  the  earth  is  left  dry.  When 
the  evaporation  is  from  lands  covered  over  with 
thick  trees  and  bullies,  the  influence  of  the  fun  and 
winds  are  much  prevented  ;  and  the  waters  ftagnate 
upon  the  furface  of  the  earth,  and  render  it  wet  and 
miry,  in  the  form  of  fwamps,  and  confined  waters. 
When  the  evaporation  is  from  the  fides  and  tops  of 
mountains,  covered  with  vegetables,  the  waters  are 
but  flowly  carried  off  by  the  heat  and  wind  ;  nor  can 
they  ftagnate,  but  will  be  gradually  and  conftantly 
defcending  down  the  fides  of  the  mountains,  in  nat- 
ural or  artificial  channels  :  And  in  this  way,  the 
mountains  will  alfo  be  conftantly  producing  {'mill 
ftreams  or  rivulets. 

A 


sr&  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

A  fimilar  effecl;  will  alfo  be  produced  by  the  eon- 
denfation  and  collection  of  the  vapours   in  the  at- 
mofphere,  occafioned  by  the  height  and  coldnefs  of 
the  mountains.     When  the  weather  is  fair  and  clear, 
and  the  atmofphere  ferene  and  pleafant  in  the  val- 
leys, the  tops  of  the  mountains  are  often  obfcured, 
and  covered  with  a  thick  fog  or  cloud.     In  the  cool 
mornings  of  the  fpring  and  fall,  the  vapours  form  a 
thick  fog  on  the   fides  and    tops   of  the   mountains, 
which  do  not  diffolve  and   difappear,   until  the  fun, 
bas  rifen  feveral  degrees  above  the  horizon,  and  the 
heat  is  considerably  increafed.     In  damp  and  rainy 
weather,  the  largeft  part  of  the  clouds  feem  tocolleft, 
and  diffolve  upon  the  mountains.     In  winter  the 
fnows  fall  fooner,  lie  deeper,  and  continue  longer  on 
the  mountains,  than  on  any  other  part  of  the  coun>» 
try.     Thefe  phenomena  denote  a  greater,  and  a  more 
conftant  collection   of  vapours  and  clouds   by  th# 
mountains,  than  takes  place  any  where  elfe  ;  and  it 
feems  to  be  occafioned  by  the  greater  degree  of  cold, 
which  prevails  in  thofe  elevated  fituations. — The 
higheft   parts  of  our  mountains  generally  abound 
with  rocks,  and  are  covered  with  large  quantities  of 
thick  green  mofs  j  fo  extenfive,  compact.,  and  thick, 
as  to  reach  from  one  rock  to  another,  and  of  fo  firm 
a  contexture  as  to  bear  the  weight  of  a  man,  without 
being  broken.     Thefe  immenfe  beds  of  mofs  retain 
the  moifture  fupplied  by  the  clouds  and  rain  :   And 
while  part  of  it  runs  down  the  fides  of  the  moun- 
tains, part  will  be  detained  by  the  fpungy  furface,  to 
penetrate  and  fink  into  the  earth.      On  this  account, 
and  forwant  of  a  more  rapid  evaporation,  feveral  of 
our  mountains  are  conftantly  wet  on  their  tops,  and 
bave   marihy  fpots,  which  are  frequented  by  the  a- 
quatic  birds.     The  roads  over  thefe  mountains  are 
frequently  very  wet  and  miry,  when  the  valleys  be- 
low are  dry. — When  the  waters  thus  fupplied  by  the 
clouds  and  rain,  meet  with  any  ftrata  which  prevent 

their 


HISTORY  01  VERMONT.  29 

their  defcent,  they  collect  in  fuch  quantities  as  to 
form  a  channel,  and  iffue  out  at  the  (ides  of  the 
mountain  in  the  form  of  fprings  and  rivulets.  All 
thofe  fprings,  which  are  intermitting  feem  to  be  thus 
formed  by  the  rains,  ordefcending  waters  :  And  the 
more  conftant  and  regular  the  rains  are,  the  more 
permanent  and  Heady  will  thefe  fprings  be  :  Such 
kinds  of  intermitting  fprings  are  to  be  found  in  great 
numbers,  on  the  fides  of  all  high  mountains.  They 
never  fail  to  run  while  the  rains  continue  in  their 
ufual  quantities  ;  but  when  the  rains  ceafe,  and  a 
fevere  drought  comes  on,  thefe  fprings  are  always 
found  to  fail. 

In  each  of  thefe  ways,  the  mountains  fupply  wa- 
ter for  the  fprings  and  dreams,  out  of  which,  the 
rivers  are  formed  :  And  they  are  fuch  as  can  never 
fail,  while  the  prefent  economy  of  nature  (hall  fub- 
fift.  But  as  the  country  becomes  cultivated,  fome 
of  the  fmaller  dreams  mud  decreafe  ;  and  it  is  not 
improbable  that  when  the  woods  (hall  be  cut  down, 
fome  of  the  lefler  fprings  will  wholly  difappear. 


CHAP/ 


30  the  NATURAL  akd  CIVIL 


CHAP.  III. 


Rivers  and  Lakes. — the  Situation,  Channels,  In' 
tervaies,  Courfes,  Depths,  and  EffecJs  of  the  Rivers, 
An  Account  of  Lake  Champlain^  and  Memphrema- 


jlxLL  the  ftreams  and  rivers  of  Ver- 
mont, have  their  origin  among  the  green  mountains. 
About  thirty  five  of  them  have  an  eafterly  direction, 
and  fall  into  Connecticut  river.  About  twenty  five 
run  wefterly,  and  difcharge  themfelves  into  Lake 
Champlain  :  Two  or  three,  running  in  the  fame  di- 
rection, fall  into  Hudfon's  river.  In  the  northeaft- 
erly  parts  of  the  ftate,  there  are  four  or  five  ftreams 
which  have  a  northerly  direction,  and  run  into  the 
lake  Memphremagog  ;  from  thence,  through  the 
river  St.  Francis,  they  are  emptied  into  the  river 
St.  Lawrence. 

The  moft  confiderable  ftreams  on  the  weft  fide  of 
the  green  mountains,  are  Ottercreek,  Onion  river, 
the  river  Lamoille,  and  Michifcoui. — Ottercreek 
rifesin  Bromley  ;  runs  northerly  about  ninety  miles, 
and  falls  into  Lake  Champlain  at  Ferrifburg;  and  in 
its  courfe  receives  about  fifteen  fmaller  ftreams. 
There  are  large  falls  in  this  river  at  Rutland,  Pittf- 
ford,  Middlebury,  and  Vergennes.  Between  thefe 
falls  the  current  is  very  flow,  the  water  is  deep,  and 
it  is  navigable  for  the  largeft  boats.  Veflels  of  any 
burden  may  come  up  to  the  falls  at  Vergennes,  five 
miles  from  its  mouth.     The  head  of  this  river  in 

Bromley 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  3* 

Bromley,  is  not  more  than  thirty  feet  from  the  head 
of  Batton  Kill,  which  runs  in  a  contrary  direction, 
and  falls  into  Hudfon's  river. 

Onion  river  was  formerly  called  the  French  river, 
and  by  the  Indians,  Winoofki.  It  rifes  in  Cabot, 
about  fourteen  miles  to  the  weft  of  Connecticut  riv- 
er, and  thirty  miles  to  the  eaft  of  the  heights  of  the 
green  mountains.  A  fmall  foutherly  branch  rifes  in 
Wafhington  and  Corinth,  not  more  than  ten  miles 
from  Connecticut  river.  From  this  foutherly  branch, 
Onion  river  runs  northwefterly,  about  feventy  five 
miles,  and  empties  itfelf  into  Lake  Champlain,  be- 
tween Burlington  and  Colchefter.  This  river  re- 
ceives fourteen  fmaller  ftreams,  and  is  navigable  for 
fmall  veiTcls,  five  miles  from  its  mouth.  It  has  fev- 
eral  falls,  between  which  it  is  navigable  for  boats. 
At  one  of  thefe  falls  in  Waterbury,  the  channel  of 
the  river  becomes  very  narrow,  and  panes  between  a 
high  ledge  of  rocks  on  each  fide.  A  huge  unlhape- 
\y  rock,  in  fome  ancient  time,  hath  fallen  from  one  of 
thefe  ledges,  in  fuch  a  manner,  that  the  whole  river 
now  runs  under  it.  The  rock  forms  a  kind  of  natu- 
ral bridge,  but  one  that  can  never  be  of  any  ufe  ;  as 
neither  the  fhape  of  the  rock,  or  the  fituation  of  the 
adjacent  banks,  will  ever  admit  of  a  road  either  to, 
or  over  the  rock.  About  fix  miles  from  its  mouth, 
between  Burlington  and  Colchefter,  the  channel  of 
this  river  is  formed  by  a  folid  rock.  The  channel 
through  the  rock,  by  eftimation,  is  fifteen  rods  in 
length,  fifty  feet  wide,  and  feventy  feet  deep.  Eve- 
ry appearance  feems  to  denote  that  this  channel  was 
formed  by  the  water,  which  in  this  place  could  not 
have  had  any  other  paffage. — Onion  river  is  one  of 
the  fined  ftreams  in  Vermont.  It  runs  through  a 
moft  fertile  country,  the  produce  of  which  for  fever- 
al  miles  on  each  fide  of  the  river,  is  brought  down  to 
the  lake  at  Burlington.  It  was  along  this  river,  that 
the  Indians  formerly  travelled  from  Canada,  when 

they 


33  The  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

they  made    their    attacks  upon  the  frontier  fettle 
merits  on  Connecticut  river. 

The  river  Lamoille  proceeds  from  a  pond  in 
Glover.  Its  general  courfe  is  wederly  :  After  run- 
ning about  feventy  five  miles,  and  receiving  fourteen 
leffer  dreams,  it  falls  into  Lake  Champlain  at  Col- 
cheder,  five  miles  north  of  the  mouth  of  Onion  riv- 
er ;  and  is  of  the  fame  magnitude  as  that. — The  river 
Lamoille  is  a  fine,  fmooth,  and  pleafant  dream  ;  and 
runs  through  a  rich,  level,  fertile,  country. — The 
height  of  the  land  in  the  northeaft  part  of  the  date, 
feems  to  be  about  Greenborough.  About  fix  miles 
to  the  fouthwed  of  the  origin  of  the  river  Lamoille, 
is  Scotland  pond :  From  this  proceeds  Black  river, 
which,  for  five  or  fix  miles  runs  in  a  direction  oppo- 
fite  to,  and  nearly  parallel,  with  that  of  the  river  La- 
moille, and  difcharges  itfelf  into  the  lake  Memphre* 
magog.  \ 

Michifcoui  is  the  Indian  name  of  the  mod  north- 
erly river  in  the  date.  It  has  its  fource  inBelvidere, 
and  runs  nearly  northead  until  it  has  eroded  the 
north  line  of  Vermont  :  After  running  to  fome  dif- 
tanee  in  Canada,  it  turns  wed,  and  then  foutherly, 
and  then  reenters  the  date  in  Richford  ;  and  falls 
into  Lake  Champlain  at  Michifcoui  bay,  in  Highgate. 
This  river  is  navigable  for  the  larged  boats  to  the 
falls  at  Swanton,  feven  miles  from  its  mouth.  Mi- 
chifcoui, Lamoille,  and  Onion  river,  are  nearly  of 
the  fame  magnitude. 

On  th&ead  fide  of  the  green  mountains,  the  rivers 
are  not  fo  large  as  thofe  on  the  wed,  but  they  are  more 
numerous.  The  larged  of  them  are  Wantaditquek 
or  Wed  river,  White  river,  and  Pooufoomfuek.— 
Wantaditquek  has  its  main  fource  in  Bromley,  about 
three  miles  fouthead  from  the  head  of  Ottercreek. 
Its  courfe  is  to  the  fouthead  ;  it  receives  feven  or 
eight  fmaller  dreams ;  and  after  running  about  thirty 
feven  miles,  fails  into  Connecticut  river  at  Brattle- 
borough. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  33 

borough.     At   its  mouth  this  river  is  about  fifteen 
rods  wide,  and  ten  or  twelve  feet  deep. 

The  north  branch  of  White  river,  riles  in  Kingfton. 
The  fouth  branch  has  its  fource  in  Philadelphia. 
From  Kingfton,  the  general  courfe  of  this  river  is 
foutherly ;  its  length  about  fifty  miles  j  it  receives 
fix  or  feven  leflfer  ftreams  j  and  falls  into  Connecticut 
river  at  Hartford.  White  river  abounds  with  falls 
and  rapids;  at  its  mouth  it  is  about  eighteen  rods  in 
width,  but  not  more  than  ten  feet  in  depth. 

Pooufoomfuck,  rifes  from  a  pond  in  Weftmore. 
Its  courfe  is  foutherly  j  it  is  made  up  of  ten  letter 
ftreams  ;  and  after  running  about  forty  five  miles,  it 
joins  Connecticut  river  in  Barnet.  It  is  there  twelve 
rods  wide,  and  eight  feet  deep. 

Connecticut  river,  into  which  thefe  ftreams  fall* 
forms  the  eaftern  boundary  of  the  ftate.  The  orig- 
inal Indian  name,  which  it  ftill  bears,  fignifies  the 
long  river*.  This  river  has  its  fource  in  a  ridge  of 
mountains,  which  extend  northeafterly  to  the  gulph 
of  St.  Lawrence.  The  head  of  its  northweftern 
branch,  is  about  twenty  five  miles  beyond  the  lati- 
tude of  forty  five  degrees ;  and  fo  far  it  has  been  fur- 
veyed.  When  it  firft  enters  the  ftate,  it  is  about  ten 
rods  wide  ;  and  in  the  courfe  of  fixty  miles  increafes 
in  its  width  to  twenty  four  rods.  Its  courfe  between 
Vermont  and  Newhampfhire,  a  diftance  of  two  hun- 
dred miles,  is  fouthwefterly  ♦  from  thence  to  its 
mouth,  the  courfe  is  more  foutherly.  After  running 
about  four  hundred  miles  through  the  country,  and 
E  receiving 

*  The  names  which  tha  original  inhabitants  affigned  to  our 
mountains,  plains,  and  valleys,  are  moftly  loft.  Many  of  our 
rivers,  bays,  and  falls  of  water,  are  yet  known  by  their  ancient 
Indian  names.  On  account  of  their  originality,  antiquity, 
fignification,  Angularity,  and  found,  thefe  names  ought  to  "be 
carefully  preferved.  In  every  refpeel  they  are  far  preferable 
to  the  unmeaning  application,  and  comtant  repetition  of  an 
improper  Englifh  name. 


4 


34  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

receiving  a  great  number  of  other  ftreams  and  rivers, 
it  difcharges  itlelf  into  the  ocean  at  Seabrook. — 
With  refpecl  to  its  length,  utility,  and  beauty,  this  is 
one  of  the  fined  rivers  in  the  eaftern  ftates.  In  the 
months  of  April  or  May,  it  overflows  its  banks  ;  and 
for  a  length  of  three  hundred  miles,  forms  and  fer- 
tilizes a  vafl  tract,  of  rich  meadow.  Veflels  of  eighty 
or  one  hundred  tons,  go  up  this  river  as  far  as  Hart- 
ford in  Connecticut,  fifty  miles  from  its  mouth.  It  is 
navigable  for  boats,  three  hundred  miles  further,  ex- 
cept the  falls  which  the  dates  of  Vermont,  Mafla- 
chufetts,  and  Connecticut,  are  now  making  naviga- 
ble by  locks.  While  it  increafes  the  richnefs,  and 
ferves  to  tranfport  the  produce,  by  its  perpetual 
majeftic  movement  through  an  immenfe  tract  of 
country,  it  is  always  adding  beauty  and  grandeur  to 
the  profpect. 

To  this   account  of  our  rivers,  fome  obfervations 
may  be  added  reflecting  their  operations  and  effects. 
— Their  firft  operation  feems  to  have  been,  to  form 
for  themlelves,  a  channel.      The   higheft  waters  de- 
fcend  along  the  mountains,  until    they   meet  with 
fome  obftacle  to  obftruCt  their  motion.      Whatever 
this  obftacle  may  be,  it  operates  as  a  dam,  and  ferves 
to  collect  the  waters  into  a  fmall  pond  or  lake.     Two 
caufes  are  conftantly  raifing  the  waters,   in  fuch  col- 
lections :   The  earth  is  perpetually  brought  down  by 
the  waters,  to  the  bottom  of  fuch  ponds ;  and   the 
water  is  conftantly  riling  by  its   own  accumulation. 
When   it  is  raifed  above  the  banks,  the  waters  find 
their  pafTage  in  the  loweft  part,  and  begin  to  form  a 
channel  there  ;  and  a  channel  thus  formed,  will  con- 
ftantly  be  made  more  and  more  deep,  by   the  per- 
petual running  of  the  water.     A   fimilar  operation 
mufl  take  place  through  the  whole  courfe  of  the  riv- 
er, from  its  firft  rife  and  fource,  to  its  final  difcharge 
into  the  waters  of  the  ocean.      Their  channels  mufl 
at  firft  have  been  formed  by  their  waters ;    which 

were 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  35 

were  condantly  accumulating,  and  dru^gling  for  a 
paflage,  approach,  or  difcharge,  into  the  n eared  Gtu- 
ation  they  could  take  to  the  center  of  the  earth. 

In  this  defcent  and  paflage  to  the  ocean,  all  the 
large  rivers  in  this  part  of  America,  have  alfo  formed 
large  traces  of  intervale  lands.  Ry  intervales  we 
mean  thole  low  lands,  which  are  adjacent  to  the  riv- 
ers, and  are  frequently  overflowed  by  them  in  the 
fpring  and  fall,  or  whenever  the  waters  are  railed  to 
their  greated  height.  Thefe  intervales  are  level, 
and  extenfive  plains  ;  of  the  fame  altitude  as  the 
banks  of  the  river ;  in  width  they  often  reach  from  a 
quarter  of  a  mile,  to  a  mile  and  an  half,  lometimes 
on  one,  and  fometimes  on  both  fides  of  the  river. 
There  are  frequently  two  ftrata  of  the  intervales,  the 
one  four  or  five  feet  higher  than  the  other  ;  the 
highed  of  which  is  not  overflowed,  but  when  the 
waters  are  raifed  to  an  uncommon  height  ;  but  they 
are  level,  and  extenfive  like  the  other. — Both  of 
them  have  many  indications,  that  they  were  formed 
by  the  waters  of  the  rivers.  The  foil  is  always  of 
that  rich  mud  and  dime,  which  is  brought  down  by 
the  rivers  in  the  fpring.  In  digging  into  thefe 
lands,  various  appearances  of  decaying  vegetables  are 
frequently  found.  The  drata  formed  at  particular 
years,  are  eafily  diflinguifhed  ;  and  the  original  and 
the  new  made  foil  are  (o  different,  as  to  be  readily 
known.  The  limbs  and  trunks  of  large,  and  found 
trees,  are  often  found  at  various  depths  j  fometimes 
fo  low  as  forty  feet  below  the  furface.  The  frnall 
iflands  in  thefe  intervales,  are  of  a  different  foil,  and 
lefs  rich  ;  and  are  evidently  the  tops  of  fmall  hillsj 
which  have  not  been  covered  by  the  inundations  of  the 
rivers.  Thefe  long  and  level  (urfaces  are  peculiar  to 
the  banks  of  rivers,  and  confid  of  the  fame  rich  ma- 
nure which  are  yet  annually  brought  down,  and 
depofited  by  the  waters.  Thecaufe,  by  which  they 
are  now  annually  increafed,  could  not  fail  to  have 

produced 


26  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

produced  fuch  effe&s,  in  the  courfe  of  a  long  feries, 
of  years. 

In  thefe  intervales  there  are  feveral  places,  where 
another  curious  phenomenon  occurs.  The  rivers 
have  changed  their  courfes,  their  ancient  channels 
are  left  dry,  and  they  have  formed  new  ones.  In 
the  uncultivated  parts  of  the  country,  where  the  op- 
erations of  nature  have  not  been  altered  or  changed, 
the  traveller  finds  many  places  where  the  rivers  for- 
merly rolled,  which  are  now  dry,  and  at  aconfiderable 
diftance,  fomctimes  a  mile  or  more  from  the  prefent 
beds  of  thofe  rivers.  In  fome  of  thefe  ancient  chan- 
nels, the  waters  mufl  have  run  for  a  long  number  of 
ages  ;  as  they  have  worn  the  furface  of  the  ftones  as 
fmooth  as  thofe,  which  are  to  be  found  on  the  fea 
fhores.  In  fome  places  the  former  channels  are  left 
dry,  abounding  with  fmooth  ftones  and  rocks  :  In 
others,  the  channels  are  converted  into  ponds,  or 
overgrown  with  bufh.e.s  or  trees.  Appearances  of 
this  kind  are  common  in  all  the  mountainous  parts, 
of  the  country  j  and  fomething  of  the  fame  kind,  is 
conftantly  taking  place  in  mofl  of  our  rivers.  In  all 
large  flreams,  the  channel  is  more  orlefs  affected  ev- 
ery year  :  Strips  of  land,  one  or  two  rods  in  width, 
and  of  fome  miles  in  length,  are  often  carried  off  in 
the  fpring  ;  and  additions  are  made  to  the  banks  in 
other  places.  The  lands  thus  formed,  in  fome 
places,  in  the  courfe  of  a  few  years  amount  to  fever- 
al acres,  and  are  of  an  uncommon  richnefs  and  fer- 
tility ;  but  they  are  always  attended  with  an  equal 
lofs  in  fome  other  part  of  the  river. 

The  depth  of  the  channels  which  our  rivers  have 
formed,  depends  upon  a  variety  of  circumftances  : 
The  naiure  of  the  foil,  the  declivity  of  the  river,  the 
fituaticn  of  the  adjacent  banks,  the  quantity  of  wa- 
ter, &c.  Their  channels  have  been  formed  two 
ways,  by  the  wearing  away  of  the  ground  in  fome 
places,  and  by  forming  or  railing  the  intervale  lands 

in 


HISTORY  0?  VERMONT.  3/ 

in  others  ;  but  moft  generally  the  channels  of  our 
rivers  have  been  formed  in  both  thefe  ways.  In 
large  dreams  paflSng  through  the  intervales  which 
they  have  formed,  and  moving  with  a  gentle  force, 
the  depth  of  the  channels  appear  to  have  a  fimilari- 
ty,  or  at  leaft  a  refemblance.  The  depth  of  the 
channels  in  fuch  fituations,  in  fundry  places  in  Con- 
necticut river,  Ottercreek,  and  Onion  river,  is  forty 
or  fifty  feet  below  that  of,  the  adjacent  banks.  But: 
the  alteration  in  the  depth  of  thefe  channels,  is  fo 
gradual  and  flow,  that  it  has  fcarcely  been  percepti-* 
ble,  fince  the  firft  fettlement  of  the  country  by  the 
Englifh. 

It  is  not  only  in  the  channels  and  intervaleSj, 
which  the  rivers  have  formed,  that  their  effects  are 
to  be  feen  j  but  their  operations  are  alfo  vifible,  up- 
on the  ftones  and  rocks.  The  ftones  which  have 
been  conftantly  waihed  by  the  ftreams  are  always 
found  to  be  fmooth  and  even  ;  and  the  rocks  in 
many  places,  are  not  only  become  fmooth  and  flip- 
pery,  but  they  are  much  worn  away  by  the  conftant 
running  of  the  water. — There  is  another  phenome- 
non extremely  curious,  derived  from  this  caufe  ;  in 
feveral  rivers,  there  are  holes  or  cavities,  wrought 
into  the  folid  body  of  large  rocks,  by  the  defcent,  or 
circular  motion  of  the  water.  At  Rockingham,  there 
is  a  remarkable  fall  in  Connecticut  river,  where  the 
water  pafles  over  a  bar  of  folid  rock  ;  and  which  it 
mull;  have  been  conftantly  palling  over,  ever  fince 
the  river  began  to  flow.  In  the  rocks  at  thefe  falls, 
there  are  feveral  cavities,  which  appear  to  have  been 
formed  by  the  circular  motion  of  fmall  ftones,  con- 
ftantly kept  in  a6lion  by  the  force  of  the  defcending 
waters.  Some  of  thefe  cavities  are  two  or  three  feet 
in  diameter,  and  from  two  to  four  feet  in  depth  ;  and 
probably  they  are  yet  increafing.  Such  phenomena 
are  not  uncommon  wherever  there  are  deep  falls  in 
our  rivers,     But  the  moft  Angular  appearances  of 

this 


38  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

this  nature  which  I  have  ever  feen,  are  at  Cavendifh, 
upon  Black  river,  near  the  houfe  of  Salmon  Dutton. 
Here,  the  channel  or  the  river  has  been  worn  down, 
one  hundred  feet  :  And  rocks  of  very  large  dimen- 
sions, have  been  undermined,  and  thrown  down,  one 
upon  another.  Holes  are  wrought  into  the  rocks, 
of  various  dimenfions,  and  forms  :  Some  of  them  are 
cylindrical,  from  one  to  eight  feet  in  diameter,  and 
from  one  to  fifteen  feet  in  depth  :  Others  are  of  a 
fpherical  form,  from  fix  to  twenty  feet  diameter, 
worn  almoft  perfectly  fmooth,  into  the  folid  body  of 
2  rock. 

How  long  a  period  nature  has  been  employed  in 
carrying  on  thefe  operations,  we  can  fcarcely  hope  to 
determine.  All  the  circumftances  relating  to  the 
channels  of  rivers,  and  the  intervales  which  they 
have  formed,  are  fuch  as  denote  periods  of  time  very 
lemote,  and  of  thehigheft  antiquity.  It  can  fcarce- 
ly be  fuppofed  that  in  the  formation  of  the  intervales, 
the  annual  incrcafe  has  amounted  to  the  tenth  part  of 
an  inch.  At  prefent,  thefrefhetsin  thefpring  and  fall, 
and  throughout  the  year,  do  not  annually  depolit  the 
onehalf  of  this  quantity  of  earth,  upon  the  intervales. 
At  no  place  in  this  ftate,  is  there  any  appearance  that 
the  furface  of  the  intervales  has  been  raifed  an  inch, 
in  the  period  of  ten  years.  But  admitting  fuch  art 
increafe,  where  the  depth  of  the  intervales  are  fifty 
feet,  the  period  neceffary  to  produce  fuch  an  effe£fcs 
would  be  fix  thoufand  years.  But  in  all  fuch  kinds 
of  computation,  the  data  which  we  aflume,  are  not 
marked  with  fufficient  certainty  orpreciiion,  to  leave 
us  fatisfied  with  the  conclufion. — The  effects  of  the 
rivers  upon  the  folid  rocks,  feem  to  be  more  flow, 
regular,  and  uniform.  There  are  fituations  in  this, 
and  in  every  part  of  America,  where  the  water  has 
been  conftantly  flowing  over  a  folid  body  of  rock, 
ever  fince  the  channels  of  the  rivers  were  firfl;  form- 
ed.    If  we  knew  from  obfervation,  how  much  fuch 

rocks 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  39 

rocks  were  worn  away  in  one  century,  by  the  waters, 
we  could  form  a  pretty  juft  conclufion  how  long  the 
waters  have  been  running  in  thofe  places.  If  the 
philofophers  of  the  prefent  age  will  make  accurate 
obfervations  of  the  altitude  and  Gtuations  of  fuch 
rocks,  and  put  their  obfervations  upon  record  in  the 
tranfactions  of  their  philosophical  focieties,  they  will 
enable  pofterity  to  folve  a  problem,  which  we  can 
hardly  expect  to  determine  in  our  day. 

While  the  one  half  of  our  rivers  pafs  off  into  the 
ocean  to  the  fouth,  through  Connecticut  river,  the 
other  half  find  their  way  to  the  ocean,  at  the  north- 
eaft,  through  Lake  Champlain  and  the  river  St» 
Lawrence. — Lake  Champlain  is  the  largeft  collec- 
tion of  waters  in  this  part  of  the  United  States,. 
Reckoning  its  length  from  Fairhaven  to  St.  John's, 
a  courfe  nearly  north,  it  will  amount  to  about  two 
hundred  miles.  Its  width  is  from  one  to  eighteen 
miles,  being  very  different  in  different  places  ;  the 
mean  width  may  be  estimated  at  five  miles.  This 
will  give  one  thoufand  fquare  miles,  or  fix  hundred 
and  forty  thoufand  acres,  as  the  area  of  its  furface. 
Its  depth  is  fufficient  for  the  navigation  of  the  largeft 
veffels.  It  contains  feveral  iflands  ;  one  of  them, 
the  Grand  Ifle,  is  twenty  four  miles  long*  and  from 
two  to  four  miles  wide. 

The  waters  which  form  this  lake,  are  collected  from 
a  large  tract  of  country.  All  the  dreams,  which  arife 
in  more  than  one  half  of  Vermont,  flow  into  it. 
There  are  feveral,  which  alfo  fall  into  itseaftern  fide, 
from  the  province  of  Canada.  It  is  probable  the 
rivers  which  flow  into  the  weft  fide,  are  as  large,  nu- 
merous, and  extenfive,  as  thofe  on  the  eaft.  The 
waters  therefore,  from  which  Lake  Champlain  is 
formed,  feem  to  be  collected  from  a  tract  of  country, 
of  a  larger  extent,  than  the  whole  ftate  of  Vermont. 
There  are  many  marks  and  indications  that  the 
furface  of  this  lake,  was  formerly  thirty  or  forty  feet 

higher 


40  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

higher  than  it  is  now.  The  rocks  in  feveral  placed 
appear  to  be  marked,  and  ftained,  with  the  former 
fuvface  of  the  lake,  many  feet  higher,  than  it  has 
been,  from  its  firft  difcovery  by  Sir  Samuel  Cham- 
plain,  in  1608.  FofTil  fhells,  the  limbs  and  bodies 
of  trees,  are  frequently  found  at  the  depth  of  fifteen 
or  twenty  feet  in  the  earth  ;  this  is  the  cafe  not  only 
along  the  mores,  but  in  the  low  lands  at  the  diftance 
of  two  or  three  miles  from  them.  The  foil  in  many 
places  near  the  fhore,  is  evidently  of  the  fame  fac- 
titious kind,  as  the  intervales  formed  by  the  rivers0 
Thefe,  and  other  circumftances,  have  left  no  doubt 
in  the  minds  of  the  inhabitants  along  the  lake  more, 
that  the  waters  of  it  were  formerly  much  higher, 
and  fpread  to  a  much  greater  extent*  than  they  now 
are. 

The  operations  of  nature  with  refpecl:  to  the  lake^ 
inuft  have  been  the  fame  that  they  were  in  relation 
to  the  rivers.  When  the  waters  difcharged  by  the 
Streams,  amounted  to  fuch  a  collection,  as  to  rife  a- 
bove  the  fhores  of  the  lake,  they  would  overflow  at 
the  loweft  part.  There,  the  channel  would  begin  ; 
and  being  formed,  it  would  become  more  and  more 
deep,  in  the  fame  manner  as  the  channel  of  a 
river.  The  channel  which  this  lake  found,  and 
formed,  was  to  the  northward  ;  into  the  river  St. 
Lawrence ;  and  through  that  into  the  ocean. 
When  this  channel,  by  the  conftant  running  of 
the  water,  was  worn  down  thirty  or  forty  feet,  the 
furface  of  the  lake  would  naturally  fubfide  the 
fame  fpace. 

At  prefent  there  is  but  little  alteration  in  the  height 
of  the  waters,  through  the  year.  They  generally 
rife  from  about  the  twentieth  of  April  until  the  twen- 
tieth of  June.  Their  rife  is  commonly  from  four  to 
fix  feet,  the  greateft  variation  is  not  more  than  eight 
feet.  The  lake  is  early  frozen  round  the  fhores,  but 
it  is  not  commonly  wholly  fhut  up  with  the  ice,  until 

the 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  ii 

the  middle  of  January*.  Between  the  6th  and  the 
15th  of  April,  the  ice  generally  goes  off;  and  it  is 
not  uncommon  for  many  fquare  miles  of  it,  to  dis- 
appear in  one  cay. 

The  north  line  of  Vermont  pafTes  over  the  fouth 
part  of  the  lake  Memphremagog.  This  lake  is  a- 
bout  forty  miles  in  length,  and  two  or  three  miles 
wide..  It  lies  chiefly  in  the  province  of  Canada,  and 
has  a  northerly  direction.  The  river  St.  Francis 
forms  a  communication  between  the  lake  Memphre- 
magog, and  the  river  St.  Lawrence.  Round  this 
lake,  there  is  a  rich  foil,  and  a  fine  level  country. 


*  When  the  ice  is  become  of  its  greateft  denfity  and  firmnefs, 
large  and  extenfive'eracks  or  openings  will  fuddenly  take  place. 
Thefe  cracks  in  the  ice,  generally  run  in  an  oblique  direction, 
from  one  cape  to  anothcj,  and  often  to  the  diftance  of  ten  cr 
fifteen  miles.  Sometimes  the  ice  will  feparate  on  each  fide, 
to  the  diftance  of  five  or  fix  Teet  ;  at  other  times  it  will  lap 
over,  or  more  commonly  be  thrown  up  in  ridges  four  or  five 
feet  high  ;  and  it  is  often  broken  into  pieces  of  two  or  three 
feet  diameter,  all  round  the  edges.  Thefe  openings  often  prove 
dangerous  to  the  traveller.  They  feem  to  be  produced,  by 
the  occafional  rife  and  fall  of  the  waters,  in  the  lake  ;  which 
as  they  cannot  remove,  mult  operate  to  elevate  and  deprefs* 
and  thus  to  bend  and  break,  the  extenfive  and  fol'd  body  of 
ice,  which  muft  have  affumed  the  fpherical  form,  which  the 
Waters  had  when  they  were  firft  frozen. 


£  CHAP, 


4f  ths  NATURAL  M  CIVIL 


CHAP.  IV. 


Climate. — An  Account  of  the  'Temperature,  PVinds, 
Rain,  Snow,  and  [Feather.  The  Changs  of  Climate 
which  has  attended  the  Cultivation  of  the  Country* 


JL  HE  temperature  of  any  particu- 
lar place,   depends  chiefly  upon   the   latitude,   the 
cultivation  of  the  country,  the  elevation  of  the  place 
above  the  adjacent  iands,  and  its  proximity  to  the 
ocean.    The  latitude  of  Vermont  is  between  4 2°  44', 
and  450  north  :  Much  the  largeft  part  "of  the   ft  ate 
has  never  been  cultivated  :  A  large  part  of  the  land, 
is  a  range  of  mountains,  much  higher  than  the  ad- 
jacent parts  of  the  country  :  And  the   ftate  is   from 
eighty  to  one  hundred  and  fixty  miles  from  the  ocean. 
The  moil  common   method  of  determining  the 
mean  degree  of  heat  which   prevails  in  any  patt   of 
the  earth,  is  by  thermometries!  obfervations.     In  the 
years  1789,90,  91,  I  made  a  courfe  of  meteorologic- 
al  obfervations  at  Rutland,  about  the   latitude  of 
430  30'.     The  greateft  height  of  Farcnheit's  ther- 
mometer during  that  period,  was  930!,  on  July  13, 
1791.     The  ieaft  height  was   27   below   o,  on  De- 
cember   19,  1790.        Thefe    may  be   efteemed    as 
near  the  extremes  of  heat  and  cold,  in  this   climate. 
The  mean  heat,  deduced  from  the  whole  number  of 
obfervations,  was  43°4-. 

The  temperat'ure  of  the  climate  may  alfo  be  de- 
termined by  obfervations  of  iiie  heat  which  pre- 
vails in  deep  welis  and  fpringsl     The  heat  of  the 

,atmofphere> 


HISTORY  or  VERMONT. 


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4$  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

The  winds  in  Northamerica  receive  their  genera! 
direction  from  the  fituation  of  the  fea  coafts,  moun- 
tains, and  nrivers.  Thefe  are  very  much  frpm  the 
fouthweft  to  northeaft. :  The  moft  prevalent  of  our 
winds,  are  either  parallel  with,  or  perpendicular  to 
this  courfe  :  Or  rather,  they  are  from, the  northeaft, 
eaft,  fouthweft,  and- ■•north-weft*  More  than  one 
half  of  the  winds  which  blow  during  the  year,  aie 
from  that  quarter  which  lies  between  the  fouthweft 
and  northweft.— The  weft  and  northweft:  wincls  are 
drv,  cooling,  and  elaftic.  Thefe  winds  always  be- 
gin at  the  fea  ooaft.  Thofe  from  the  fouth  and 
fouthweft  are  more  warm,  moift,  and  relaxing. :  The 
eafterly  winds  ..feldom  ejxtend  fo  far  from  the  fea 
coaft  as  Vermont;.  They  not  only  lofe  their  diftref- 
fing  chill  and  dampnefs,  as  they  advance  into  the 
country,  but  they  feldom  reach  fo  far  as  Connecti- 
cut river  ;  and  they  are  unknown  on  the  weft   fide 

of  the  green  mountains. The  winds  feem  to  ob- 

ferve  fomething  like  a  regular  courfe,  during  the 
day.  At  funrife  there  generally  feems  to  be  a 
calm  ;  about  feven  or  eight  o'clock,  the  winds  be- 
gin to  rile,  which  at  nine  or  ten  becomes  a  frefii 
breeze ;  and  increafes  until  one  or  two  o'clock  :  From 
about  three  or  four,  the  wind  decreafes  until  eight  or 
rune  in  the  evening  ;  when  it  again  becomes  calm, 
and  continues  thu^  through  the  night.  This  gen- 
eral routine  feems  to  be  obferved  more  generally  in 
the  latter  part  of  winter,  and  in  the  fpring,  than  at 
other  times  of  the  year.  But  there  are  times  ifi 
thofe  feafons  of  the  year,  when  the  wind  rage's  With-. 
out  much  intermiffion  for  two  or  three  days  to-4 
gether. 

A  general  table  of  their  directions  at  differeh.s| 
places  upon  the  continent,  will  give  the  beft  views 
of  their  comparative  courfes, 

Tbs 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT, 


49 


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The 


50  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

The  quantity  of  rain  which  falls  at  thofe  places 
in  Northamerica  where  meteorological  obfervations 
have  been  made,  has  been  found  to  be  more  than 
double  to  that  which  generally  falls  in  the  fame  lat- 
itude in  Europe.  We  cannot  well  account  for  this, 
without  fuppofing  that  the  immenfe  forefts  of  A- 
merica,  fupply  a  larger  quantity  of  water  for  the 
formation  of  clouds,  (han  the  more  cultivated  coun- 
tries of  Europe.  Many  parts  of  America  do  how- 
ever, fuffer  feverely  by  drought  :  This  is  very  fel- 
dom  the  cafe  in  Vermont.  The  lands  are  natural- 
ly moift,  the  mountains  fupply  water  for  regular 
rains,  and  the  heat  of  the  fun  is  not  fo  intenfe  as 
fuddenly  to  difperfe  the  vapours,  dry  up  the  waters, 
or  parch  the  land.  Thefe  kinds  of  obfervations  will 
be  reduced  to  the  fmalleft  compafs,  and  give  the 
moft  complete  comparative  view,  by  exhibiting  thens 
in  the  form  of  a  general  Table. 


The 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT. 


51 


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5*  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL  "■ 

During  three  months  in  the  year,  this  part  of  A« 
merica  is  covered  with  fnow.  On  the  mountains 
the  (how  is  generally  from  two  and  an  half  to  four 
and  an  half  feet  deep  ;  and  does  not  go  off  until  after 
the  middle  of  April.  In  the  lower  grounds,  the 
fnow  for  the  moft  part,  is  from  one,  to  two  and  an 
lialf  feet  deep  ;  and  remains  until  about  the  20th  of 
March. — The  advantage  derived  to  the  earth  from 
the  quantity  and  duration  of  the  fnow,  is  every  where 
apparent.  As  foon  as  it  is  melted  on  the  mountains, 
the  earth  appears  to  be  greatly  fertilized  :  The  fpring 
comes  on  immediately  ;  and  the  vegetables  of  every 
kind  are  green,  and  flouriQiing.  ,  With  a  very  little 
cultivation,  the  earth  is  prepared  for  the  reception 
of  the  feed  ;  and  the  vegetation  becomes  extremely 
quick  and  rapid. 

The  effects  being  fo  apparent,  a  general  opinion 
feems  to  have  taken  place,  that  the  fnow  communi- 
cates to  the  earth  fome  nitrous  falts  or  enriching  fub- 
ftance which  tends  to  increafe  its  fertility.  In  Feb. 
1791,  I  melted  as  much  fnow  as  afforded  fix  gallons 
of  water.  The  fnow  was  collected  as  it  was  falling  : 
Being  evaporated  there  remained  eleven  grains  of 
calcarious  earth,  five  grains  of  an  oily  fubftance,  and 
two  grains  of  faline  matter.  The  fertilizing  efFe£t 
of  fnow,  cannot  therefore  be  derived  from  any  ni- 
trous falts,  which  it  receives  or  contains  when  it  is 
falling  through  the  atmofphere.  Sufpecting  it 
might  acquire  fome  faline  mixtures  by  laying  on  the 
earth,  Jan.  30,  1792,  in  an  open  field  covered  with 
grafs,  I  collected  as  much  of  the  fnow  which  lay 
next  to  the  earth,  as  produced  fix  gallons  of  water. 
This  fnow  fpread  over  an  area  of  fixteen  fquare  feet, 
and  had  lain  upon  the  ground  fifty  nine  days.  Upon 
evaporating  the  water  there  was  not  more  faline  mat- 
ter, or  calcarious  earth,  than  in  the  former  experi- 
ment ;  but  a  much  larger  quantity  of  oily  fubftance. 
The  oil  was  of  a  dark  brown  colour,  not  inflamma- 
ble, 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  53 

ble,  and  weighed  four  pennyweights  and  nine  grains, 
troy  weight.  From  the  former  experiment,  it  ap- 
pears that  the  biggeft  part  of  this  oily  matter  ac- 
crued to  the  fnow  after  it  had  fallen  upon  the  earth  : 
And  to  this  oily  fubftance,  is  probably  to  be  imput- 
ed that  dirty  or  footy  appearance,  which  the  fnow 
is  generally  obferved  to  have,  after  it  has  begun  to 
thaw.  If  the  fnow  which  I  removed  contained  the 
fame  quantity  of  oil  as  that  which  I  examined,  a 
confiderable  nutriment  might  be  preferved  to  the 
earth  from  this  caufe.  The  depth  of  the  fnow  was 
thirty  inches  :  The  depth  of  that  quantity  which  I 
collected  to  melt,  as  nearly  as  I  could  determine,  was 
three  inches.  This  will  give  two  ounces,  three  pen- 
nyweights and  eighteen  grains,  as  the  quantity  of 
mucilaginous  matter,  which  would  have  defcended 
upon  fixteen  fqu are  feet  of  the  earth,  from  the  quan- 
tity of  fnow  that  was  then  upon  the  ground- 
While  the  fnow  thus  prevents  all  wade  from  the 
furface  of  the  earth,  it  performs  another  and  more 
important  office,  that  of  preserving  its  internal  heat. 
The  internal  parts  of  the  earth  through  the  territory 
of  Vermont,  are  heated  to  about  the  forty  fourth  de- 
gree of  Farenheit's  thermometer.  When  the  heat 
of  the  atmofphere  is  greater  than  this,  a  part  of  that 
heat  will  flow  into  the  earth,  and  thus  the  heat  of 
the  earth  will  be  increafed.  When  the  heat  of  the 
atmofphere  is  lefs  than  forty  four  degrees,  the  heat 
will  flow  out  of  the  earth  into  the  atmofphere,  and 
in  this  way  the  internal  parts  of  the  earth  will  be 
lofing  their  heat,  or  becoming  colder.  This  is  the 
cafe  during  the  winter  months  ;  or  rather,  from  the 
middle  of  October,  to  the  beginning  of  April.  Hence 
the  furface  of  the  earth  when  expofed  to  the  atmof- 
phere, becomes  frozen  to  a  greater  or  lefs  depth,  ac- 
cording to  the  degree  and  duration  of  the  cold.  The 
fnow  tends  very  much  to  prevent  this.  By  covering 
over  the  furface  of  the  ground  a  confiderable  depth, 

the 


5i  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

the  fnow  by  its  nature  and  colour,  prevents  the  in* 
ternal  heat  of  the  earth  from  flowing  into  the  colder 
atmofphere,  and  the  atmofphere  from  coming  into 
contact  with  the  earth.  In  this  way  while  the  earth 
is  covered  with  a  deep  fnow,  its  heat  is  preferved, 
and  the  furface,  in  the  coldeft  weather,  is  kept  warm. 
To  afcertain  to  what  degree  the  heat  of  the  earth  was 
affected,  by  the  quantity  of  fnow  that  lay  upon  it, 
on  Jan.  14,  1791  (an  extreme  cold  winter)  I  dug 
through  the  frozen  furface  in  a  plain  open  field, 
where  the  fnow  had  been  driven  away  by  the  wind, 
and  found  the  ground  was  frozen  to.  the  depth  of 
three  feet  and  five  inches.  In  the  woods,  where  the 
fnow  was  three  feet  deep,  I  found  on  the  lame  day 
the  heat  of  the  earth,  fix  inches  below  the  furface, 
was  thirty  nine  degrees.  The  furface  of  the  earth 
had  been  frozen  to  this  depth,  before  it  was  covered 
with  fnow.  The  froft  was  not  only  extracted,  but 
the  furface  of  the  earth  was  heated  feven  degrees 
above  the  freezing  point,  in  confequen.ee  of  the  fnow 
with  which  it  was  covered. 

This  will  help  us  to  account  for  the  beneficial  ef- 
fects, which  are  derived  from  the  fnow,  in  all  cold 
climates.  Different  degrees  of  heat  are  neceffary, 
for  the  prefervation  and  growth  of  different  vegeta- 
bles. None  of  them  grow,  when  they  are  frozen  • 
and  moil  of  them  will  perifh  when  the  cold  at  their 
roots  is  very  fevere.  A  thick  covering  of  fnow  pre- 
vents thefe  effects.  The  earth  is  kept  open,  and  the 
roots  of  the  vegetables  are  preferved  comparatively 
warm.  The  fnow  is  continually  melting  at  the  fur- 
face of  the  earth  :  It  moiflens,  and  enriches  the  foil  ; 
keeps  off  the  froft  and  wind,  and  prevents  all  evap- 
oration from  the  furface  of  the  earth.  The  earth 
thus  prepared  by  heat  and  moifture,  and  a  collection 
of  all  its  effluvia,  is  in  a  fit  ftate  for  that  fudden  and 
rapid  vegetation,  which  takes  place  in  all  cold  cli- 
mates, immediately  upon  the  melting  of  the  fnow. 

The 


JiiSTOftY  of  VERMONT.  55 

The  weather  is  generally  fair,  in  the  winter  ;  and 
often,  with  an  hazy   atmolphere.       The   fnows  arc 
frequent,  but   they  generally  come  in  fmall  quanti- 
ties, and  are  over  in  one  or  two  hours  :  They  are 
not  attended  with  high  winds,  or  heavy  norms ;   but 
they  come  from  all  points  of  the  compafs,  except 
the  eaft;  very  frequently  from  the  weft,  and  north- 
weft.     Hail  is   not  uncommon   in  the   winter,  but 
rain  is  not  frequent. — About  the  middle  of  March 
the   fpring  commences.     The   winds   and  weather 
are  then  very  unfettled  until  the  beginning  of  April. 
In  April  and   May  the  weather  becomes  mild  and 
J>leafant,  attended  with   frequent  fhowers. — In  the 
fummer  months  the  weather  is  generally  fair,  clear 
and  fettled.     The  winds  are  moftly  from  the  foutb, 
and  fouthwefl ;  the  heat  in   the  middle  of  the  day 
is  often  very  uncomfortable,  but  the   nights   are  al- 
moft  ever  cool   and  pleafant. — From  the  beginning 
of  September,  until  the  middle  of  October,  we  have 
commonly  the  mod  agreeable  feafon,  with  moderate 
wefterly  winds,  and  a  clear  iky.     The  latter  part  of 
October  and  November,  are  generally  cold,  wet  and 
uncomfortable  ;  attended  with  frequent  rains,  fome 
fnow  and  high  winds. 

Thunder  and  lightning  are  common  in  the  months 
of  May,  June,  July  and  Auguft  ;  but  feldom  in  the 
other  months.  The  Aurora  Borealis  is  the  mofl 
common  in  the  months  of  March,  September  and 
October;  but  it  is  not  unufual  at  other  times  of  the 
year.  Heavy  and  long  ftorms  of  fnow,  or  rain,  are 
fcarcely  ever  known  :  But  fudden  and  violent  whirl- 
winds or  hurricanes  fometimes  arife,  and  do  much 
damage  in  the  fall  ;  but  we  feldom  receive  any  in- 
jury from  the  hail. — Annual  courfes  of  meteorology 
ical  obfervations  properly  reduced,  will  afford  the 
moil  complete  information  of  the  weather,  and  me- 
teors, in  the  different  parts  of  Northamerica. 

the 


56 


the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 


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HISTORY  or  VERMONT,  5? 

The  above  accounts  are  defigned  to  exhibit  a  juft 
view  of  our  climate.  But  inftead  of  remaining  fixed 
and  fettled,  the  climate  is  perpetually  changing  and 
altering,  in  all  its  circumftances  and  affections  :  And 
this  change  inftead  of  being  fo  flow  and  gradual,  as 
to  be  a  matter  of  doubt,  is  fa  rapid  and  conftant, 
that  it  is  the  fubjecl;  of  common  obfervation  and 
experience.  It  has  been  obferved  in  every  part  of 
the  United  States  ;  but  is  mod  of  all  fenfible  and 
apparent  in  a  new  country,  which  is  fuddenly  chang- 
ing from  a  ftate  of  vaft  uncultivated  wildernefs,  to 
that  of  numerous  fettlements,  and  extenfive  improve- 
ments.— When  the  fettlers  move  into  a  new  town- 
Chip,  their  firft;  bufinefs  is  to  cut  down  the  trees, 
clear  up  the  lands,  and  fow  them  with  grain.  The 
earth  is  no  fooner  laid  open  to  the  influence  of  the 
fun  and  winds,  than  the  effects  of  cultivation  begin 
to  appear.  The  furface  of  the  earth  becomes  more 
'warm  and  dry.  As  the  fettlements  increafe,  thefe 
effefts  become  more  general,  and  extenfive  :  The 
cold  decreafes,  the  earth  and  air  become  more  warm  ; 
and  the  whole  temperature  of  the  clirriate,  becomes 
more  equal,  uniform  and  moderate.  At  the  fame 
time  the  lands  and  roads  become  more  dry  and  hard  ; 
The  ftagnant  waters  difappear,  fmall  ftreams  and  riv- 
ulets dry  up,  and  the  redundant  waters  are  carried 
off.  The  number  and  quantity  of  the  fnows  de- 
creafe  ;  the  winds  receive  new  directions,  and  the 
Weather  and  feafons  become  much  altered.  Thefe 
changes  every  where  attend  the  cultivation  of  the 
country  ;  and  have  formed  a  remarkable  change  of 
climate  in  thofe  ftates,  which  have  been  long  fettled. 

In  this  change  of  climate,  the  firft  effect  which  is 
generally  obferved,  is  an  alteration  in  the  tempera- 
ture. The  cold  of  the  winters  decreafe  ;  the  rivers 
are  not  frozen  fo  foon,  fo  thick,  or  fo  long,  as  they 
formerly  were  ;  and  the  effects  of  extreme  cold,  in 
every  refpect,  appear  to  be  dimirwfhed.  A  rema>k- 
II  able 


58  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

able  change  of  this  kind,  has  been  obferved  in  all 
the  fettled  parts  of  Northamerica.  The  bays  and 
livers  in  Newengland,  are  not  frozen  fo  hard,  or  fo 
long,  as  they  were  at  the  firft  fettlementof  the  coun- 
try.* At  the  firft  fettlement  of  Philadelphia,  the 
river  Delaware  was  commonly  covered  with  ice, 
about  the  middle  of  November,  old  ftyle.t  It  is 
not  now  commonly  covered  with  ice,  until  the  firft 
week  in  January.  Similar  obfervations  have  been 
made  with  regard  to  the  ice  in  Hudfon's  river.  J 
The  baron  Lahontau  gave  this  account  of  the  river 
St.  Lawrence,  at  Quebec,  in  1690  t  "  I  put  to  fea 
the  20th  of  November,  new  ftyle,  the  like  of  which  was 
never  Teen  in  that  place  before.  The  ice  had  cov- 
ered the  river  on  the  13th  and  14th  of  November, 
but  was  carried  off"  by  a  fudden  thaw."||  The  river 
is  not  frozen  over  now  until  the  latter  end  of  De- 
cember, or  the  beginning  of  January.  The  ancient 
1 people  at  Quebec,  in  1749,  informed  Mr.  Kalm, 
that  the  winters  in  Canada  were  formerly  much 
colder,  than  they  were  then.§  Similar  obfervations 
have  been  made  in  almoft  every  part  of  Northameri- 
ca, where  fettlements  and  cultivation  have  taken  place. 
Although  the  general  effect  has  been  every  where 
apparent,  it  is  not  an  eafy  thing  to  afcertain  the  de- 
gree, to  which  the  temperature  has  changed,  in  any 
particular  place.  When  our  anceftors  firft  came 
into  America,  thermometers  were  not  invented  : 
And  they  have  not  left  us  any  accurate  meteorolog- 
ical remarks  or  obfervations,  from  which  we  can  de- 
termine the  exa6r,  degree  of  cold,  which  prevailed  in 
their  times.  Upon  looking  over  the  moft  ancient 
writers  of  Newengland,   the  only  account  I  have 

foundr 

*  Newengland's  ProPp^a,  by  W.  Wood  j  wrote  in  1633,  p.  4* 

+  Kalm's  Travels,  Vol.  I.  p.  410. 

%  Smith's  Hiftory  of  Newyork. 

||  Voyages  to  Northamerica,  p.  16;, 

%  Kalm's  Travels,  Vol.  II.  p.  382. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  59 

found,  which  will  afford  any  diftincl:  information 
upon  this  fubjecl,  is  the  following  pafTage  ;  refer- 
ring to  years  previous  to  1633.  "  The  extremity  of 
this  cold  weather  lafteth  but  for  two  months,  or  ten 
weeks,  beginning  in  December,  and  breaking  up  the 
tenth  day  of  February  (21ft  new  ftile)  which   hath 
become  a  pafTage    very  remarkable,    that  for  ten 
or  a  dozen  years,  th«  weather  hath  held  himfelf  to 
his  day,  unlocking  his  icy  bays  and  rivers,  which  are 
never  frozen  again  the  fame  year,   except  there  be 
fome  fmall  froft  until  the  middle  of  March."*     The 
winter  is  lefs  fevere  now  in  feveral   refpe&s  :  The 
extremity  of  the  cold  weather  does  not  come  on  fa 
foon  by  feveral  weeks  ;  the  bays  at  Bofton,  inftead 
of  being  annually  covered  with  ice,  are  but  feldom 
frozen  to  this  degree  ;  and  they  do  not  continue  in 
this  ftate  a  longer  time  than  eight  or  ten  days.     In 
the   year    1782,  the  harbour  between  Bofton    and 
Charleftown  was  frozen  to  fuch  a  degree,  that  horfes 
and  fleighs  paffed  over  the  ice,  for  five  or  fix  days. 
This  was  the  beginning  of  fuch  an  effect,   as   that 
which  is  mentioned  in  the  ancient  account.     The 
ice  became  fixed  and  permanent  on  February  2  ;  and 
continued  in  this  ftate  until  February  10.     During 
that  time  I  found  the  loweft  degree  of  Farenheit's 
thermometer   to  be — 90  ;  the  greateft   degree  was 
280  ;  and  the  mean  heat  was  130.     It  may  be   pre- 
fumed  therefore,  that  the  freezing  of  the  bays  of 
which  Wood  fpeaks,  could  not  have  taken  place,  or 
continued,  in  a  lefs  degree  of  heat  than  this.      This 
will  give  us  13  degrees  of  Farenheit's  thermometer, 
as  the  mean  heat  which  took  place  during  eight   Or 
ten  weeks  of  the  winter,  fo  far  back  as  the  year  1630, 
By  the  meteorological  obfervations  which   I  made 
in  the  Univerfity  at  Cambridge  forfeven  years,  from 
1780  to  1788,  1  found  the  mean  heat  in  the  month 
of  December  was  290  4'  j  in  January  it  was  220  5' ; 

and 
*  Wood's  Profpea,  p.  4* 


to  ,       ths  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

and  in  February  it  was  230  9 .  Thefc  numbers  ex- 
prefs  the  prefent  temperature  of  the  winter  at  Bof- 
ton.  If  this  computation  be  admitted,  the  change 
of  temperature  in  the  winter,  at  Bolton,  from  the 
year  163010  the  year  1788,  mult  have  been  from 
ten  to  twelve  degrees. 

A  permanent  alteration  in  the  temperature  of  the 
climate  or  atmofphere,  fuppofes  an  alteration  equal- 
ly great  and  permanent,  in  the  heat  of  the  earth. 
"Whether  the  heat  of  the  earth  is  thus  affe&ed  by 
cultivation,  and  what  will  be  its  effects,  I  endeavour- 
ed to  afcertain  in  the  following  manner.  On  the 
53d  of  May,  1789,  I  funk  a  thermometer  to  the 
depth  of  ten  inches  below  the  furface  of  the  earth. 
Upon  repeated  trials  the  quickfrlver  flood  at  fifty 
degrees  :  This  was  in  a  level  open  field,  ufed  for 
pafture  or  grazing,  and  fully  expofed  to  the  fun. 
The  fame  experiment  was  then  made  in  the  woods, 
where  the  furface  of  the  earth  was  covered  with  trees, 
and  never  had  been  cultivated.  To  afcertain  the 
gradual  increafe  of  heat  at  each  place,  the  obfervations 
were  often  repeated.      The  refult  was  as  follows. 


Time. 

Heat  in  the 

Heat  in  the 

Differ- 

Pafture. 

Woods. 

ence. 

May             23 

28 

June           15 

27 

50'1  | 

57 
o\4 

62 

46" 
48 

5l 
51 

6° 
9 

*3 

11 

July             16 

30 
Auguft       15 

62 

654 
68 

0   , 

55* 

58 

11 

10 
10 

31 
September  15 

October        1 

59^ 

59x' 

59? 

55 
55 
55 

4? 
4? 

4t 

«5 

November    1 

49 
43 

49 
43 

0 

1 

0 

16 

1               43t 

43t 

O 

The 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  61 

The  effect  of  cultivation  with  regard  to  the  heat 
of  the  earth,  To  far  as  it  can  be  collected  from  thefe 
experiments,  appears  to  be  this  :  Expofing  the  land 
to  the  full  force  of  the  folar  rays  in  this  latitude, 
will  produce  an  heat  at  the  depth  pf  ten  inches  be- 
low the  furface,  ten  or  eleven  degrees  greater  than 
that  which  prevails  in  the  uncultivated  parts  of  the 
country  ;  and  this  effect  continues  while  the  folar 
rays  are  fufficient  to  increafe  the  heat  of  the  earth. 
This  additional  heat  in  the.  earth,  will  be  fufficient 
to  produce  the  fame  alteration  in  the  temperature  of 
the  air  ;  for  whatever  degree  of  heat  prevails  in  the 
eaith,  nearly  the  fame  will  be  communicated  to  the 
lower  parts  of  the  atmofphere.  Thus  the  earth  and 
the  air,  in  the  cultivated  parts  of  the  country,  arc 
heated  in  confequence  of  their  cultivation,  ten  or 
eleven  degrees  more,  than  they  were  in  their  uncul- 
tivated Hate  :  It  fhould  feem  from  thefe  obfervations 
that  the  effect,  or  the  degree  of  heat  produced  by 
cultivation,  is  the  fame  with  the  change  of  climate, 
that  has  taken  place  in  the  eaftern  part  of  MaiTachu- 
fetts. 

Another  remarkable  effect  which  makes  part  of 
the  change  of  climate,  and  always  attends  the 
cultivation  of  the  country,  is  an  alteration  in  the 
moifture  or  wetnefs  of  the  earth.  As  the  furface  of 
the  earth  becomes  more  warm,  it  becomes  more  dry 
and  hard,  and  the  (lagnant  waters  difappear.  Alter- 
ations of  this  kind,  have  been  common,  and  great, 
in  all  the  ancient  fettlements  in  the  United  States. 
Many  of  the  fmall  ftreams  and  brooks  are  dried  up ; 
Mills,  which  at  the  firft  fettlement  of  the  country, 
were  plentifully  fupplied  with  water  from  fmall  riv- 
ers, have  ceafed  to  be  ufeful.  Miry  places,  and 
large  fwamps,  are  become  among  the  richeft  of  our 
arable  lands. — In  the  new  fettlements,  the  change  is 
effected  in  two  or  three  years  :  Fields  of  corn  and 
wheat  are  attended  with  the  molt  rapid  vegetation, 

and 


6V  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

and  the  greatefl:  increafe,  in  lands,  where  the  waters 
five  or  fix  years  ago,  were  ftagnant,  and  in  fuch 
quantities  as  to  be  fpread  over  the  largeft  part  of  the 
ground.  One  of  the  firfl;  effects  of  cultivation  is 
the  difperfion  of  thefe  waters,  and  a  change  in  the 
foil,  from  the  appearance  of  a  fwamp,  to  that  of  a 
dry  and  fertile  field. 

There   are  two   ways   in  which   cultivation  op- 
crates,  to  produce  this  effect.     By  the  cutting  down 
of  the  trees,  the  difperfion  of  a  vaft  quantity  of  fluid, 
emitted  by  their  evaporation,  is  prevented  ;  and  by 
laying  the  lands  open  to  the  influence  of  the  fun 
and  winds,  the  evaporation  of  the  ftagnant  waters  is 
greatly  promoted. — The  effecT;  of  the  firft,  from  ex- 
periments which  will  be  related  when  the  vegetable 
productions  are  confidered,  may  be  eftimated  at  three 
thoufand  and  eight  hundred  gallons  of  water  thrown 
off  from  the  trees  on  one  acre,  in  the  fpace  of  twelve 
hours,   in   hot   weather.       To  afcertain  the   effect 
which  might  arife  from  the  latter,  on  June  27th, 
1789,  a  fair,   calm,   and  hot  day,  I   placed  a  china 
faucer  on  the  ground  in  the  woods,   where  it  was 
covered  from  the  folar  rays  by  the  trees,  the  leaves  of 
which  at  the  height  of  ten  or  twelve  feet,  were  very 
thick.     Another  faucer  in  all  refpe&s  fimilar  to  this, 
was  placed  on  the  ground  in  an  open  field  adjoining, 
where  it  was  fully  expofed  to  the  wind  and  fun.     I 
poured  into  each  of  them  equal  quantities  of  water  ; 
at  the  end  of  three  hours  the  evaporation  from  the 
latter,  was  to  that  from  the  former  as   Ox,  eight  to 
one. — With  regard  then  to  the  moifture  or  wetnefs 
of  the  country,  it  appears  that  fettlement  and  culti- 
vation will  be  fufficient  to  prevent  the  difcharge  of 
three  thoufand  and  eight  hundred  gallons  of  water, 
over  one  acre  of  land,  in  twelve  hours,   during  the 
hot  weather  ;  and  at  the  time  to  effect  the  difperfion 
of  fix,   eight  times  as  much  water  from  the  furface 
of  the  earth,  as  would  have  been  difperfed  in  its 

uncultivated 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  63 

uncultivated  flate.  If  we  may  judge  upon  a  matte* 
which  cannot  be  reduced  to  exact  calculation,  it 
fhould  feem  that  the  caufe  was  here  equal  to  the 
effea. 

A  change  in  the  climate  hath  alfo  been  manife$ 
in  the  apparent  decreafe  of  the  fnow,  in  all  the  an- 
cient cultivated  parts  of  the  United  States.  Wheth- 
er there  has  been  any  alteration  in  the  annual  quan- 
tity of  rain  in  any  part  of  America,  we  cannot  de- 
termine, for  want  of  meteorological  observations  5 
but  a  great  decreafe  of  fnow  has  been  obferved  in  all 
the  ancient  fettlements.  At  the  firft  fettlement  of 
Newengland,  the  earth  was  generally  covered  with 
fnow  for  more  than  three  months  in  the  year.  It 
began  to  fall  in  large  quantities  by  the  firft  of  De- 
cember, and  feldom  went  off  until  fome  time  in 
March.  This  is  yet  the  cafe  in  the  inland  and 
mountainous  parts  of  the  country.  The  fnow  cov- 
ers them  for  three  months,  and  is  fcarcely  ever  car- 
ried off  by  a  thaw  until  the  fpring  comes  on.  In  thofe 
parts  of  the  country  which  have  been  long  fettled 
and  cultivated,  the  fnows  have  been  declining  for 
many  years.  They  are  neither  fo  frequent,  deep, 
or  of  fo  long  continuance,  as  they  were  formerly  ; 
And  they  are  yet  declining  very  faft  in  their  num- 
ber, quantity,  and  duration*  This  event  is  derived 
from  the  change  of  temperature,  which  has  taken 
place  in  the  atmofphere  ;  and  probably  will  keep 
pace  exactly  with  it.  There  has  aifo  been  an  ap- 
parent alteration  in  the  direction  of  the  winds.  The? 
prevalency  and  extent  of  the  wefterly  winds,  feerrt 
to  be  abating:  Or  rather  the  eafterly  winds  are  cer- 
tainly increafing  in  their  frequency  and  extent* 
Thefe  winds  are  now  very  frequent  in  the  fpringy 
in  all  that  part  of  the  country,  which  lie*  within  fix- 
ty  or  feventy  miles  of  the  fea  coaft.  Half  a  century 
ago,  the  eaflerly  winds  feldom  reached  farther  than 
thirty  or  forty  miles  from  the  fea  fhore.    They  have 

now 


64  the  NATURAL  a*d  CIVIL 

now  advanced  as  far  as  the  mountains,  which  ar£ 
generally  eighty  or  an  hundred  miles  from  the  ocean, 
A*  the  country  becomes  fettled  and  cleared,  they 
are  found  to  advance  more  and  more,  into  the  in- 
ternal parts  of  the  country. — -It  can  hardly  be  doubt- 
ed, but  that  this  event  is  owing  to  the  increafing 
cultivation  of  the  country.  As  the  woods  are  cut 
down,  the  earth  and  atmofphere  become  more  heat- 
ed than  the  ocean  :  The  direction  of  the  winds  will 
of  courfe  be  from  the  fea,  towards  the  land.  As  the 
country  becomes  more  fettled  and  cleared,  it  is  prob- 
able thefe  winds  will  continue  to  advance  further 
towards  the  weft. 

The  fame  caufes  which  produce  a  change  in  the 
heat  of  the  earth,  in  its  wetnefs,  in  the  fnow  and 
winds,  will  produce  as  great  a  change  in  the  weather 
and  feafons.  While  the  ftate  of  a  country  remains 
unaltered,  the  general  courfe  and  appearance  of  na- 
ture will  be  the  fame,  from  one  age  to  another. 
Summer  and  winter,  fpring  and  fall,  the  productions 
of  the  earth,  the  ftate  of  the  air  and  weather,  will  be 
fubjecl:  to  but  little  annual  alteration  or  change. 
But  when  the  whole  face  and  ftate  of  a  country  are 
changing,  the  weather  and  feafons  will  alfo  change 
with  them. — This  is  an  event  that  has  already  taken 
place  in  the  moft  ancient  and  cultivated  parts  of  A- 
merica.  When  our  anceftors  firft  came  into  New- 
ergland,  the  feafons  and  weather  were  uniform  and 
regular.  The  winter  fet  in  about  the  beginning  of 
December,  old  ftyle,  and  continued  until  the  middle 
of  February.  During  that  time  the  weather  wa3 
generally  fair,  and  cold,  and  without  much  change. 
Towards  the  end  of  February  the  winter  generally 
broke  up.  When  the  fpring  came  on,  it  came  on 
at  once  ;  without  repeated  and  fudden  changes  from 
he  i  to  cold,  and  from  cold  to  heat.  The.fummer 
was  ^mely  hot  and  fultry,  for  a  month  or  fix 
week        _.t  it  was  of  a  fhoit  duration.    The  autumn 

commenced 


.IHJSTQRY  oi?  VERMONT.-  £5 

commenced  about  the  beginning  of  September  ;  and 
the  harveft  of  all  kinds  was  gathered  by  the  end  of 
that  month. — A  very  different  (late  of  things  now 
takes  place,  in  all  that  part  of  Newengland,  which 
has  been  long  fettled.  The,  feafons  are  much  change 
cd,  and  the  wezrther  is  become  more  variable  and 
uncertain.  The  winter  is  intermixed  with  great 
and  fudden  thaws,  and  is  become  much  ihorter. 
The  changes  of  weather  and  temperature,  are  great 
and  common  in  the  fpring  ;  and  at  that  feafon  there 
lis  generally  an  unfortunate  fluctuation  between  heat 
and  cold,  greatly  unfavourable  to  vegetation,  and 
the  fruits  of  the  earth.  The  fummers  are  become 
more  moderate  in  refpect  t,o  the  extreme  heat  of  a 
few  weeks ;  but  they  are  of  a  much  longer  duration. 
The  autumn  commences,  and  ends,  much  later  than 
formerly  :  The  harveft  js  _not  fmifhed  until  the  firfi; 
if&k  of  November  ;  and  the  feverity  of  winter  does 
not  commonly  take  place,  until  the  latter  end  of 
December.  JBfiit  the  whole  courfe  of  the  weather  is 
become  more  uncertain,  variable  and  fluctuating 
than  it  was  in  the  uncultivated  ftate  of  the  country* 
It  is  in  thefe  particulars,  the  change  that  has  tak~ 
tn  place  in  the  heat  of  the  earth,  in  its  wetnefs,  in 
the  mow,  wind?,  weather  and  feafons,  that  the  change 
Of  climate  iri  Northamerica  has  principally  appear- 
ed. That  this  change  of  climate  is  much  connected 
with,  and  greatly  accelerated  by  the  cultivation  of 
(he  country,  cannot  be  doubted.  But  whether  fhiif 
caufe  is  fufficient  to  account  for  all  the  phenomena, 
which  have  attended  the  change  of  climate  lii  the 
various  parts  of  the  earth,  Items  to  be  uncertain. 


6   II  A   P. 


W  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 


C    H     A     P.       V, 


Vegetable  Productions. — For  eft  trees,  efculent 
and  medicinal  Vegetables*  Remarks  on  the  Magnitude, 
Number,  Age,  Evaporation,  Emifiion  of  Air,  Heat, 
and  Effecl  of  the  Trees* 


VV^HEN  the  Europeans  firfl  took 
poffeffion  of  Northamerica,  it  was  one  continued  for- 
eft,  the  greateft  upon  the  earth.  The  country  was 
every  where  covered  with  woods,  not  planted  by  the 
hand  of  man  ;  but  derived  from,  and  ancient  as  the 
powers  of  nature.  The  great  variety  of  plants  and 
flowers,  the  immenfe  numbers,  dimenfions,  and 
kinds  of  trees,  which  fpread  over  the  hills,  valleys, 
and  mountains,  prefented  to  the  eye,  a  moft  mag- 
nificent and  boundlefs  profpect.  This  is  ftill  the 
cafe  with  the  uncultivated  parts  of  the  country. 

Much  the  largeft  part  of  Vermont  is  yet  in  the 
ftate,  in  which  nature  placed  it.  Uncultivated  by 
the  hand  of  man,  it  prefents  to  our  view  a  vaft  tra6t 
of  woods,  abounding  with  trees,  plants,  and  flowers, 
almoft  infinite  in  number,  and  of  the  moft  various 
fpecies  and  kinds.  It  would  be  the  employment  of 
jnany  years,  to  form  a  complete  catalogue  of  them. 
I  fh all  not  attempt  to  enumerate  any,  but  thofe 
%-hich  are  the  moft  common  and  ufeful. 

FOREST 


HISTORY  or  VERMONT.  Sj 

FOREST     TREES.     . 

•  ■ 
The  Trees  which  are   the  moll  large   and   com- 
mon a*e  the 

White  pine:     Pinus  firobus. 
Yellow  pine.     Pinus  pinea. 
Pitch  pine.     Pinus  tada. 
Larch.     Pinus  larix. 
Hemlock.     Pinus  abies. 
White  fpruce.    ?    Pinus  canaderiflSf 
Black  fpruce.     J  * 

Fir.     Pinus  balfamea. 
White  maple.     Acer  negundo. 
Red  maple.     Acer  rubrum, 
Black  maple.     Acer  faccharinum. 

K££?" }  '&*£*• 

White  afh.     Fraxinus  excelfior. 
Black  afh.     Fraxinus  americana. 
White  birch.     Betula  alba. 
Black  birch.     Betula  nigra. 
Red  or  yellow  birch.     Betula  lent  a » 
Alder.     Betula  alnus. 
•  White  elm.    ?   Wmus  amncanat 
Red  elm.       y 
Black  oak.     ghtercus  nigra. 
White  oak.     £$uercus  alba. 
Red  oak.     Quercus  rubra. 
Chefnut  oak.     Quercus  prinus. 
White  hiccory,  or  Walnut.     Juglans  alba. 
Shagbark.     Juglans  albax  cortice  Jquamofo. 
Butternut.     Juglans  alba,  cortice  cathartica. 
Chefnut.     Fagus  caftanea. 
Buttonwood.     Plantanus  occidentalis. 
BaflTwood,  or  lime  tree.     Tilia  americana. 
Hornbeam,     Carpinus  betulus, 

WiW 


6*  ti«  NATURAL  ano  CIVIL 

• 
Wild  cherry,  feveral  f pedes. 
SafTafras.     Laurus  fejfafras. 
White  cedar.     Thuja  Occident  alii. 
Red  cedar.     Juniptrur  Virginian  a.  l' 

White  poplar,  or  Afpen.     Populus  iremula. 
Black  poplar,  cr  Balfam.     P^pulus  nigra.. 
Red  willow.     Salix. 
White  willow.     Salix  alba. 
Hackmatack.  ■ 

ESCULENT. 
The  following  are  fmall  trees,  fhrubs,  or  vines,  val- 
uable on  account  of  their   falubrious    and  pieafan^ 
fruit. 

Red  plumb.         ~) 

Yeliow  plumb.      )>     Prunusjyheftris. 

Thorn  plumb.     J 

Black  cherry.     ~\ 

Red  cherry.         >     Cerafus fylveflris. 

Choke  cherry.   J 

Juniper.     Juniperusfabina. 

jHazlenut.     Corylus  avellana. 

Black  currant.     Kibes  nigrum. 

Wild  goofeberry.     Ribes  glofuiaria. 

Whortleberry.  "\ 

Bilberry.  i  .  .  ,  ■ 

Blueberry.  f*      **cc,ntttm  arymbcfu^ 

Chokeberry.      J 

Partridgeberry.     Arbutus  virfdts'. 
Pigeonbcrry.     Cijfus. 
Barberry.     Berberis  vulgaris. 
Mulberry.     Morns  nigra. 
Black  grape.     Vitis  labrufca. 
Fox  grape.      Vitis  vulpina. 
Black  rafpberry.      Rubus  id<tus. 
Red  rafpberry.     Rubus  c&uadenfis. 
Upright  blackberry.     Rubus  fruticojus. 

Running 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  6g 

Running  blackberry.     Rubus  moluccanus. 
Brambleberry.     Rubus  occitfeHtalis. 

£ufhbScrry.        }     Vacciniu*  txycuccs. 
Strawberry.     Fragaria  vefca. 
Dewberry.     Rubus  Cdfius. 
Cloudberry.     Rubus  cbamamorus. 

Thefe  fruits  are  in  great  abundance  in  the  uncul- 
tivated parts  of  the  country  ;  but  theyfeem  to  ar- 
rive to  their  higheft  perfection  of  numbers,  magni- 
tude, and  richnefs,  in  the  new  fields  and  plantations. 
There  are  other  vegetables  which  are  alfo  efctdent, 
and  valuable,  chiefly  on  account  of  their  roots,  or 
feeds.     Among  thefe  are  the 

Artichoke.     Helianthus  tuberofus. 
Ground  nut.     Glicine  apios. 

r^j^JL  ,.„  e*      i   Convolvulas  batatas. 
Ked  potatoe.        y 

Wild  leek. 

Wild  otrion. 

Wild  oat.     Zizania  aquaiica. 

Wild  pea. 

XVild  hop.     Humulus  lupulus. 

Indian  cucumber.     Medeola. 

MEDICINAL. 

Many  of  the  vegetables  which  are  indigenous  to 
this  part  of  America,  are  applied  to  medicinal  pur-r 
pofes.     Of  this  nature  are  the 

Bitter  fweet.     Solanum. 
Angelica.     Angelica  Jylvejlris. 
Black  elder.     Sambucus  nigra. 
Red  elder.     Viburnum  opulus. 
Sarfaparilla.     Aralia. 
Pettymorrel.     Aralia  nigra. 
Solomon's  feal.     Convallaria. 

Maidea 


7o  the  NATURAL  and  CIVII< 

M  aiden  hair.     Adianthus  pedatus. 

Arfmart.     Polygonum  fagittatum. 

Wild  rofe.     Rojajylveftris. 

Golden  thread.      Nigella. 

Mallow.     Malva  rotundifolis. 

JVlarihmallow.      Alth<ea. 

Lobelia,  feveral  fpecies. 

Senna.     Caffia  ligufirina. 

Clivers.     Gallium  Jpurium. 

Blue  flag.     ir/>. 

Sweet  flag.     Acorus. 

Skunk  cabbage.     Aram  americanum. 

Garget.     Phytolacca  decandra* 

Blood  root.     Sanguinaria. 

Pond  lily.     Nympb<ea. 

Elecampane.     Inula, 

Black  fnake  root.     Aftea  racemofa. 

Seneca  fnake  root,     Polygala  fenega. 

Pleurify  root.     AJcleyias  decumbens. 

Liquorifh  root. 

Dragon  root.     Amur. 

Ginfeng.     Panax  trifelium, 

Ginfeng  was  formerly  efteemed  a  plant  indigenous 
only  to  China  and  Tartary.  In  1720,  it  was  dif- 
covered  by  the  Jefuit  Lafitan,  in  the  forefts  of  Can- 
ada ;  and  in  1750,  it  was  found  in  the  weftern  parts 
of  Newengland.  It  grows  in  great  plenty  and  per- 
fection, in  Vermont.  The  root  has  many  virtues  ; 
"but  we  do  not  find  them  to  be  fo  extraordinary,  as 
the  Chinefe  have  reprefented.  It  was  a  valuable 
article  in  the  commerce  of  Canada  in  the  year  1752, 
and  large  quantities  were  purchafed  in  this  ftate  but 
a  few  years  ago  ;  an  injudicious  method  of  collect- 
ing, curing,  and  packing  it,  has  greatly  injured  its 
reputation  ;  this,  with  the  large  quantities  in  which 
it  was  exported,  have  nearly  deftroyed  the  fale. 

T© 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  7"* 

To  this  accounVof  medicinal  plants,  it  may  not 
be  improper  to  fubjoin  thofe,  which  in  their  natur« 
al  ftate,  are  found  to  operate  as  poifons  ;  the  mod  of 
which,  by  proper  preparations,  become  valwabltf 
medicines.     Of  thefe  we  have  the 

Thorn  apple.     Datura  Jlramoniutn, 
Henbane.     iJyqfcyamus  niger. 
Nightfhade.     Solatium  nigrum. 
Ivy.     Hedera  helix. 
Creeping  ivy.      Rhus  radicans. 
Swamp  fumach.     Rhus  ipxicodendr urn* 
Baneberry.     Aclaafpicata. 
White  hellebore.     Veratrum  alhum. 

In  addition  to  thefe,  there  is  a  great  variety  of 
plants  and  flowers,  the  names  and  virtues  of  which, 
are  unknown.  Some  of  our  vegetables  deferve  a 
particular  defcription,  on  account  of  their  iincom- 
mon  properties  :  .Thus,  the  Bayberry  (myrica  cerif- 
era)  is  diftinguifhed  by  a  fine  perfume,  and  a  deli" 
cate  green  wax.  The  Prickly  Aih  is  Yahiable  for 
its  uncommon  aromatic  properties.  The  Witch  Ha» 
zel  {hamamelis)  is  endowed  with  the  lingular  prop- 
erty of  putting  forth  its  bloffoms,  after  the  froft  has 
deftroyed  its  leaves.  The  Indian  Hemp  (afclepias) 
may  be  wrought  into  a  fine,  and  ftrong  thread.  The 
Silk  Grafs  another  fpecies  of  the  afclepias  y  contains 
a  fine  foft  down,  which  may  be  carded  and  fpun  in- 
to an  excellent  wickyam.  The  berries  of  the  com- 
mon Sumach  (rbus)  are  ufed  to  great  advantage  ins 
medicinal  applications,  and  in  feveral  kinds  of  dyes. 
It  would  be  a  very  ufeful,  but  a  laborious  employ- 
ment, for  the  botanifts  to  give  to  the  world  an  e- 
numeration,  and  fcientific  defcription  of  our  indige- 
nous vegetables.  The  Flora  Americana^  would  be 
the  moft  valuable  addition,  that  could  be  made  to 
the  works  of  the  celebrated  Linnaeus  :  But  it  cannot 
be  completed  without  the  united  afiiftanceof  wealth, 
genius,  time,  and  labour.  To 


■ntz  NATURAL -aha  CIVIL 


:  To- this'  imperfeft  catalogue  of  our  vegetable,  1 
mall  add  fome  remarks  on  the  magnitude,  number',, 
age,  evaporation,  emiflion  of  air,  heat,  and  effect  of 
the  Trees. 

Magnitude. — The  magnitude  to  which  a  tree 
will  arrive,  depends  upon  the  nature  of  the  tree,  and 
of  the  foil.  The  following  are  the  dimenuons  of 
fuch  trees  as  are  efteemed  large  ones  of  their  kind, 
in  this  part  of  America.  They  do  not  denote  the 
greateft,  which  nature  has  produced  of  their  partic- 
ular fpecies,*  but  the  greateft  of  thofe  which  are  to 
l>e  found  in  rrioft  of  otir  towns. 


frees. 

Pine, 

Maple, 

Buttonwood, 

Elm, 

Hemlock, 

Oak, 

BafTwood, 

Am, 

Birch, 


Diameter. 

Feet.      Inch. 


6 

5 
5 
5 
4 
4 
4 
4 
3 


o 

9 
6 

0 

9 

o 

o 
o 
o 


Height. 

Ftet. 

247 


%l 


I" 


g 


Number. — The  number  or  thicknefs  of  the  trec^ 
feems  to  depend  chiefly  on  the  richnefs  of  the  foil. 
In  fome  parts  of  the  country  they  are  fo  thick,  tha£ 
it  is  with  difficulty  we  can  ride  among  them.  In 
other  places,  they  haverefolved  thernfeives  into  trees 
of  large  dimensions,  which  are  generally  at  the" .dis- 
tance of  eight  or  ten  feet  from  each  other.  On  out 
acre,  the  number  of  the  trees,  is  commonly  from 
one  hundred  and  fifty  to  fix  hundred  and  fifty  ;  va- 
rying in  their  number,  according  to  the  richnefs  of 
the  foil,  and  the  divnenfions  the  trees  have  attained. 
Eflimating  a  cord  to  be  four  feet  in  height,  and  width, 

and 

*  A  white  pine  was  cut  at  Dunftable  in  Newhampfhire,  in 
17365  the  diameter  of  which  was  feven  feet,  eight  inches. 
Di/urla/i'  SHnimtny)  Vol.  II.  p.  53. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT,  73 

and  eight  feet  in  length,  the  quantity  of  wood  which 
is  generally  found  on  one  acre,  is  from  fifty  to  two 
hundred  cords  :  Where  the  large  pines  abound,  the 
quantity  of  wood  is  much  larger  than  what  is  here 
ftated;  but  thefe  trees  are  never  mea lured  as  cord 
wood,  but  always  applied  to  other  purpofes. 

Age. — There  is  a  circumftance  attending  the 
growth  of  trees,  which  ferves  to  denote  their  age, 
with  great  accuracy.  The  body  of  a  tree  does  noC 
increafe  by  an  univerfal  expanfion  of  all  its  internal 
parts,  but  by  additional  coats  of  new  wood  :  And 
thefe  are  formed  every  year,  by  the  fap  which  runs 
between  the  bark,  and  the  old  wood.  When  a  tree 
is  cut  down,  this  procefs  of  nature  becomes  apparent 
in  the  number  of  parallel  circles,  or  concentric  rings, 
which  fpread  from  the  centre  to  the  circumference 
of  the  tree.  In  many  obfervations  made  by  others, 
and  by  myfelf,  upon  trees  whofe  ages  were  known, 
the  number  of  thefe  circles  was  found  to  agree  ex- 
actly with  the  age  of  the  tree. — By  this  method  of 
computation,  I  have  always  found  the  pine  to  be 
the  moft  aged  tree  of  our  foreft,  feveral  of  which 
were  between  three  hundred  and  fifty  and  four 
hundred  years  of  age.  The  largeft  trees  of  oth- 
er fpecies,  are  generally  between  two  and  three 
hundred  years.  In  the  more  advanced  periods  of 
vegetable  life,  this  method  of  computation  often 
fails  :  The  decays  of  nature  generally  begin  in  the 
central,  which  are  the  moft:  aged  parts.  From  them, 
the  mortification  gradually  extends  to  others  ;  and 
thus,  the  internal  parts  of  the  tree,  die  in  the  fame 
order  in  which  they  were  produced  ;  the  progrefs  of 
death,  regularly  and  fteadily  following  the  fame  order 
and  courle,  which  had  been  obferved  in  the  progrefs 
of  life.  In  this  flate  of  a  tree,  no  computation  can 
be  made  of  its  age  :  But  it  feems  moft  probable, 
that  the  time  of  its  natural  increafe  and  decreafe,  are 
nearly  the  fame ;  and  that  the  natural  period  of  veg- 
K  etable 


74  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

etable  life,  is  double  to  that,  which  the   tree  has  at* 
tained,  when  it  firft  begins  to  decay  at  the  heart. 

Evaporation. — Betides  the  growth,  there  arc 
other  proceffes  carried  on  by  nature  in  vegetables, 
of  which  we  have  no  fufpicion,  until  their  effects 
become  apparent.  This  is  the  cafe  with  the  evap- 
oration which  takes  place  from  the  woods,  during 
the  fummer  months.  Every  tree,  plant,  and  vege- 
table, is  then  pouring  into  the  atmofphere,  an  amaz- 
ing quantity  of  fluid. — On  the  12th  of  June,  1789,1 
put  the  end  of  one  of  the  limbs  of  a  fmall  maple 
tree,  into  a  bottle  containing  about  one  pint.  That 
part  of  the  limb  which  was  within  the  bottle,  con- 
tained two  leaves,  and  one  or  two  buds.  The  mouth 
of  the  bottle  was  flopped  up  with  beefwax,  that  no 
vapour  might  efcape.  In  five  or  fix  minutes,  the 
infide  of  the  bottle  was  clouded,  with  a  very  fine 
vapour;  and  in  about  half  an  hour,  fmall  drops  be- 
gan to  collect  on  the  fides,  and  run  down  to  the  bot- 
tom. At  the  end  of  fix  hours,  1  weighed  the  water 
which  had  been  collected  in  the  bottle  during  that 
time,  and  found  it  amounted  to  fixteen  grains,  troy 
weight. — The  tree  on  which  this  experiment  was 
made,waseight  inchesandan  half  in  diamter,  and  thir- 
ty, feet  in  height.  To  make  an  eftimate  of  the  quan- 
tity of  water,  thrown  off  from  this  tree  into  the  at- 
mofphere, in  a  given  portion  of  time,  I  endeavoured 
to  ascertain  the  number  of  leaves  which  it  contained. 
With  this  view  (after  I  had  made  fome  other  ex- 
periments) I  bad  the  tree  cut  down  ;  and  was  at 
the  pains  to  count  the  leaves,  which  it  contained  : 
The  whole  number  amounted  to  twenty  one  thou- 
fand  one  hundred  and  ninety  two  :  Admitting  the 
evaporation  to  be  the  fame  from  the  other  leaves  of 
the  tree,  as  it  was  from  thofe  on  which  the  experiment 
was  made,  the  quantity  of  water  thrown  off  from 
this  tree  in  the  lpace  of  twelve  hours,  would  be  three 
hundred  and  thirty  nine  thoufand  and  feventy  two 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  75 

grains. — Upon  examining  the  number  and  dimen- 
5ons  of  the  trees,  which  covered  the  ground  where 
I  made  the  experiment,  I  think  it  would  be  a  mod- 
erate computation,  to  eftimate  them  as  equal  both 
in  magnitude  and  extent,  on  every  fquare  rod,  to ' 
four  fuch  trees  as  that  which  I  had  examined.  This 
will  give  fix  hundred  and  forty  fuch  trees,  for  the 
quantity  of  wood  contained  ©n  one  acre.  This  ef- 
timation  is  lefs  than  the  quantity  of  wood,  which  is 
generally  found  upon  one  acre  of  land,  in  this  part: 
of  America. — The  weight  of  one  pint  of  water,  is 
one  pound  avoirdupoife,  or  feven  thoufand  grains, 
troy  weight  ;  and  eight  fuch  pints  make  one  gallon. 
Making  the  calculation.upon  thefe  principles,  it  will 
be  found  that  from  one  acre  of  land  thus  covered 
with  trees,  three  thoufand  eight  hundred  and  feven- 
ty  five  gallons  of  water  are  thrown  off  and  difperfed 
in  the  atmofphere,  in  the  fpace  of  twelve  hours. 

This  computation,  will  not  appear  extravagant  to 
thofe,  who  have  feen  the  great  quantity  of  juice, 
which  naturally  flows  out  of  fome  of  our  trees,  when 
they  are  tapped  in  the  fpring.  A  man  much  em- 
ployed in  making  maple  fugar,  found  that  for  twen~ 
ty  one  days  together,  one  of  the  maple  trees  which 
he  tended,  difcharged  feven  gallons  and  an  half  each 
day.  A  large  birch  which  was  tapped  in  the  fpring, 
ran  at  the  rate  of  five  gallons  an  hour,  when  firil 
tapped  ;  and  during  the  feafon  of  the  running  of 
the  fap,  it  difcharged  fixty  barrels  in  one  fpring. 
The  confequence  of  this  wafte  of  the  juices,  was  the 
death  of  the  tree,  the  enfuing  fummer.  1  have 
this  account  from  the  Hon.  Paul  Brigham,  Efq; 
Thefe  accounts  ferve  to  fhow,  what  a  quantity  or' 
fluid,  is  naturally  contained  in  fome  of  our  trees  ; 
and  from  a  fource  fo  plentiful,  a  copious  evapora- 
tion might  naturally  be  expected. 

Emission  of  Air.— Another  curious  operation, 
k  hich  pature  carries  on  in  vegetables,of  the  higheft  u  fe, 

but 


76  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

but  wholly  invisible  to  us,  is  the  emiflion  of  a  large 
quantity  of  air.  The  trees,  vegetables,  and  flowers, 
while  they  are  difcharging  a  large  quantity  of  water 
into  the  atmofphere,  and,  at  the  fame  time  emitting 
or  throwing  off  a  much  larger  quantity  of  air.  On 
the  15th  of  June,  1789,  I  put  the  fame  part  of  the 
maple  tree  into  a  bottle,  as  I  had  done  in  the  exper- 
iment of  June  12th.  The  bottle,  with  the  limb  of 
the  maple  thus  enclofed,  was  then  filled  up  with 
water  ;  and  immerfed  in  a  large  drinking  glafs, 
which  had  been  filled  before  :  In  this  fituation  the 
bottle  was  inverted,  and  fixed  fo  as  to  have  its 
mouth  about  three  inches  under  the  furface  of  the 
water,  in  the  drinking  glafs. — In  fifteen  minutes, 
air  bubbles  began  to  appear  around  the  leaves  of  the 
maple  ;  and  foon  after  to  aicend  to  the  upper  part 
of  the  bottle,  and  collect  into  larger  bubbles  ;  which, 
as  they  increafed,  refolved  themfelves  into  one.  At 
the  end  of  fix  hours,  I  found  the  quantity  of  water 
which  had  been  forced  out  of  the  bottle,  by  the  air 
which  was  collected  in  it,  amounted  to  fixty  one 
grains.  The  quantity  of  air  therefore,  eflimated  by 
its  bulk,  which  was  emitted  from  the  limb  of  the 
tree,  was  to  the  quantity  of  water  thrown  off  from 
the  fame  limb,  as  fixty  one  to  fixteen.  Making  the 
calculation  in  the  fame  manner  as  before,  this  will 
give  fourteen  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  feventy 
four  gallons,  as  the  quantity  of  air,  thrown  off  in 
twelve  hours,  from  one  acre  of  land,  thus  covered 
with  trees. — The  purity  and  falubrity  of  this  air  is 
as  remarkable  as  the  quantity  of  it.  It  has  been 
found  that  an  animal  will  live  five  times  as  long  in 
this  kind  of  air,  at.  in  common  air  of  the  beft  quality. 
The  purity  of  the  atmofphere,  is  conftantly  impair- 
ed by  the  refpiration  of  animals,  by  combuflion,  the 
putrefaction  of  bodies,  and  by  various  other  caufes. 
In  fuch  ways,  the  air  over  large  and  populous  cities, 
is  fo  greatly  and  conftantly  corrupted,  that  it.woula 

loon 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  77 

foon  become  unwholefome  and  noxious  to  the  in- 
habitants, if  it  was  not  removed,  or  purified.  Na-" 
ture  has  made  abundant  provifion  for  this  purpofe, 
in  the  immenfe  quantities  of  air,  which  new  coun-- 
tries  fupply.  The  trees  and  vegetables  perpetually 
produce  it,  in  large  quantities,  and  in  the  purell 
ftate  ;  and  the  winds  carry  it  from  one  country  to 
another,  where  it  is  mod  wanted. 

Heat. — The  principle  by  which  thefe  operations 
are  carried  on,  and  which  feems  to  have  the  greateft 
effect  in  vegetation,  is  heat.  Different  vegetables 
require  different  degrees  of  heat,  or  different  cli- 
mates, to  give  them  their  greateft  degree  of  increife, 
and  perfection.  All  of  them  ceafe  to  grow,  when 
their  roots  are  in  a  ftate  of  congelation.  As  loon  as 
the  warmth  of  the  fpring  comes  on,  the  fap  begins  to 
afcend  in  their  trunks,  and  branches  :  A  fermenta- 
tion takes  place  in  all  their  juices,  and  the  vegeta- 
tion becomes  more  or  lefs  rapid,  as  the  heat  of  the 
feafon  advances.  In  Vermont,  about  the  10th  of 
May,  the  maple,  which  is  one  of  the  moft  numerous 
and  forward  trees  of  the  foreft,  begins  to  put  forth 
its  leaves.  In  one  or  two  days  after,  the  whole 
body  of  the  woods,  appear  of  a  beautiful  light  green  ; 
and  are  conftantly  growing  of  a  darker  colour,  for 
ten  or  fifteen  days,  when  the  darkeft  fhades  become 
fixed.  During  this  period,  the  juices  of  the  trees 
appear  to  be  in  a  ftate  of  high  fermentation,  their  in- 
ternal heat  increafes,  and  the  effects  of  their  vegeta- 
tion appear  in  an  infinite  variety  of  buds,  leaves,  and 
flowers.  To  afcertain  the  degrees  of  heat,  in  differ- 
ent trees,  at  different  times  of  the  year,  and  to  mark 
their  effects  on  the  leaves,  and  fruits,  the  following 
experiments  were  made.  With  an  auger,  of  one 
inch  diameter,  I  bored  an  hole  twelve  inches  long, 
into  the  body  of  the  tree  :  In  this  hole,  I  enclofed  a 
thermometer  of  Farenheit's  fcale,  flopping  the  ori- 
fice with  a  cork,  until  the  quickfilver  had  acquired  the 

degree 


7s 


tub  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 


degree  of  heat,  which  prevailed  in  the  internal  part 
of  the  tree.  The  refultof  thefe  experiments,  is  fet 
down  in  the  following  Table. 


Time 
1789. 


Heat 

Heat 

in    a 

in  a 

Viable. 

Birch. 

Heat 
in  a 
Pine. 


Heat 
in  an 
Afli. 


Rcmaiks  on  the  Itatc  oi  tUe 
Trees. 


-}   26 

May  ^27 
J  28 

June  30 
July   30 

Sept.  15 

O6lob.i6 


Nov.  16 


58 

72 
70 

62 

45 


434 


60 

72 
67 

55 
481 


60 

73^ 
69 

46 


60 

7G 
68, 

47 


43t 


43 


S 


434 


I  Leaves  of  the  Maple, 
about  one  fixth  of  their 
natural  growth.  The 
other  trees  juft  in  their 
bud,  without  any  leaves. 

Leaves  on  each  tree, 
fully  grown. 

No  appearance  of  de- 
cay in  the  leaves. 

Leaves  on  the  Maple, 
Birch,  and  Afh,  begin 
to  decay,  and  turn  white. 

Leaves  of  the  Maple 
turned  yellow,  and  be- 
gin to  fall.  Leaves  of 
the  Birch  turned  white, 
and  dead  ;  and  about 
one  half  of  them  fallen. 

I  "Leaves  of  the  Afh,  all 
fallen.  Leaves  of  the 
Pine,  green  through  tho 
year. 

No  leaves  on  the  Ma- 
ple, Birch,  or  Afh.  The 
heat  of  the  trees  become 
exactly  the  fame  with 
that  of  the  earth,  at  the 
depth  of  ten  inches  be* 
low  the  furface. 


, From  thefe  obfervations  it  mould  feem,  that  the 
temperature  or  heat  of  trees,  is  not  the  fame  as  that 
of  the  earth,  or  atmofphere  ;  but  is  a  heat,  peculiar 
to  this  clafs  of  bodies.  It  is  probably  the  fame,  in 
all  trees  of  the  fame  kind,  in  iimilar  circumstances 
and  fituations.  The  degree  and  variations  of  it, 
feem  to  depend  on  the  fermentation  of  the  juices, 
and  the  flate  of  vegetation.     It  is  not  improbable 

the 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  79 

the  heat  of  the  fame  kind  of  trees,  may  be  different, 
in  different  latitudes  :  Whether  this  is  the  cafe  of 
not,  can  be  known  only  by  obfervations,  made  in 
different  countries. -r-This  heat  which  prevails  in 
trees,  feems  to  be  the  great  principle  or  agent,  by 
which  the  two  fluids  of  water  and  air,  are  leparated 
from  one  another,  and  emitted  from  the  trees.  The 
quantity  of  water  evaporated  from  the  trees  on  one 
acre,  in  twelve  hours,  we  have  found  to  be  three 
thoufand  eight  hundred  and  feventy  five  gallons  : 
That  of  air,  fourteen  thoufand  feven  hundred  and 
feventy  four  gallons.  Before  the  evaporation,  both 
thefe  fluids  feem  to  have  exifted  together  in  a  fixed 
ftate  ;  making  a  common  mafs,  every  where  difperf- 
ed  through  the  body,  limbs,  and  leaves  of  the  trees. 
When  the  heat  of  the  internal  parts  of  the  trees, 
became  from  fifty  eight  to  fixty  degrees  of  Faren- 
heit's  thermometer,  the  buds  were  formed,  the  leaves 
put  forth,  and  the  one  fluid,  feems  to  have  been  fep- 
arated,  or  formed  into  the  two  fluids,  of  water  and 
air.  It  feems  probable  from  this,  that  both  thefe 
fluids  had  the  lame  origin,  that  heat  was  the  princi- 
ple, or  caufe  by  which  they  were  feparated  •  and  that 
about  fifty  eight,  is  the  degree  of  heat,  which  is  nec- 
effary  to  begin  the  reparation  of  the  air  from  the 
water. 

Ef  f  ect. — The  effe6l  of  this  perpetual  vegetation, 
growth,  and  decay  of  vegetables,  is  an  extreme  rich- 
nefs  and  fertility  of  foil.  Neither  deflroyed  or  re- 
moved by  the  hand  of  man,  the  vegetable  produc- 
tions of  the  uncultivated  parts  of  America,  return  to 
the  earth  by  decay  and  death,  and  corrupt  on  the 
furface  from  which  they  grew.  It  is  not  only  from 
the  earth,  but  from  the  air  and  water,  that  trees  and 
plants  derive  their  nourifhment,  and  increafe  :  And 
where  no  wafte  has  been  occahoned  by  man  or  oth- 
er animals,  it  is  not  impoflible  that  the  vegetables 
may  return  more  to  the  earth,  than  they  have  taken 

from 


So  171  e  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

from  it ;  and  inftead  of  ferving  to  impovcrifh,  op- 
.erate  to  render  it  more  rich  and  fertile.  Thus  does 
the  foil,  in  the  uncultivated  parts  of  the  country, 
from  age  to  age  derive  increafe,  richnefs,  and  fertil- 
ity, from  the  life,  growth,  death,  and  corruption  of 
her  vegetables. — This  effect  has  been  fo  great  in  A- 
merica,  that  when  our  lands  are  fir  ft  cleared  of  the 
wood,  we  always  find  a  black,  foft,  rich  foil,  of  five 
or.  fix  inches  depth  ;  wholly  formed  of  decayed  or 
rotten  leaves,  plants,  and  trees.  The  extreme  rich- 
nefs of  this  fa6titious  foil,  produces  a  luxuriancy  of 
vegetation,  and  an  abundance  of  increafe  in  the  firfk 
crops,  which  exceeds  any  thing  that  can  afterwards 
be  procured,  by  all  the  improvements  of  agriculture. 
Powers  or  vegetable  Life. — The  power 
with  which  nature  acts  in  the  productions  of  vege- 
table life,  in  this  part  of  America,  may  be  deduced 
from  fuch  circumftances  as  have  been  mentioned  : 
From  the  immenfe  extent  of  our  forefts  ;  from  the 
magnitude,  number,  and  variety  of  our  trees,  and 
plants  5  from  their  rapid  increafe,  and  duration  ; 
and  from  the  total  want  of  fandy  deferts,  and  barren 
places.  Thefe  and  other  circumftances,  denote  an 
energy,  a  power  in  the  vegetable  life,  which  nature 
has  never  exceeded  in  the  fame  climate,  in  any  oth» 
er  part  of  the  globe. 


ClI  A  P. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  8t 


CHAP.         VI. 


Native  Animals. — An  Account  of  the  ghtadrtt* 
feds  ;  with  Obfervations  on  their  Enumeration, 
Origin,  Migration,  Species,  Magnitude,  Difpofition, 
and  multiplying  Power.  The  Birds*  Fijhes„  Rep- 
tiles,  and  Infecls, 


HE  uncultivated  ftate  of  America 
was  Favourable  to  the  productions  of  animal  life. 
A  foil  naturally  rich  and  fertile,  and  powers  of  veg* 
etation  extremely  vigorous,  produced  thofe  immenfe 
Fore  lis,  which  fpread  over  the  continent.  In  thefe, 
a  great  variety  and  number  of  animals  had  their  ref- 
idence.  Fed  by  the  hand  and  productions  of  na- 
ture, unmoleited  but  by  a  few  and  unarmed  men, 
the  productions  of  animal  life  every  where  appeared, 
in  the  various  forms  of  quadrupeds,  birds,  fifties, 
and  infects  ;  and  their  increafe  and  multiplication,, 
became  quick  and  rapid. 

QUADRUPEDS. 

OF  that  fpecies  of  animaU  which  are  known  by 
the  name  of  quadrupeds,  America  contains  nearly 
one  half  :  Of  thefe  about  thirty  fix,  are  found  in 
Vermont.  Our  forefts  afford  fhelter  and  nourifli- 
ment  for  the  moole,  bear,  wolf,  deer,  fox,  wild  cat, 
Facoon,  porcupine,  woodchuck,  {kunk,  martin,  hare, 
L  rabbit, 


$2  THE    NATURAL    AND    CIVIL 

rabbit,  weafel,  ermine,  fquirrcl,  mole,  and  moufe. 
In  our  rivers,  ponds,  and  lakes,  the  beaver,  mu(k- 
rat,  mink,  and  otter,  are  to  be  found  in  large  numbers. 
The  largeft  animal  which  is  known  in  Vermont, 
is  the  Moose.  It  feems  to  be  of  the  fame  fpecies  as 
the  elk  ;  and  in  its  general  form,  it  refembles  the 
horfe.  His  head  is  large,  the  neck  fhort  ;  with  a 
thick,  fhort,  and  upright  mane.  The  eyes  arefmall  * 
the  ears  are  a  foot  long,  very  broad,  and  thick  ;  un- 
der the  throat,  there  is  a  flemy  protuberance  ;  the 
noftrils  are  large  ;  the  upper  lip  fquare,  and  hangs 
over  the  lower.  His  horns  are  palmated,  and  when 
fully  grown  are  abcut  four  or  five  feet  from  the  head 
to  the  extremity  :  There  are  feverai  fhoots  or 
branches  to  each  horn,  which  generally  extend  about 
fix  feet  in  width  from  each  other.  The  horns 
weigh  from  thirty  to  fifty  pounds,  and  are  fhed  ev- 
ery year.  The  hoofs  of  the  moofe  are  cloven  ; 
his  gait,  is  a  long  fhambling  trot  ;  his  courfe,  very 
iwift,  and  flraight.  When  he  runs,  the  ratling  of 
his  hoofs,  is  heard  at  a  confiderable  diflance  ;  in 
miry  places,  his  hoofs  are  fpread  feverai  inches 
fiorn  one  another  ;  and  it  is  wilh  the  greatefl  eafe, 
that  he  leaps  over  the  highefl  of  our  fences.  The 
moofe  is  generally  of  a  grey,  light  brown,  or  moufe 
colour.  The  food  of  this  animal  is  grafs,  fhrubs, 
the  boughs  and  bark  of  trees,  efpecially  the  beech, 
which  they  feem  to  prefer  above  all  others,  and  a 
fpecies  of  maple  which  is  called  moofe  wood.  In 
fummer,  they  keep  pretty  much  in  families.  In 
the  winter,  they  held  together  to  the  number  of 
twenty  or  thirty,  in  a  company  :  They  prefer  the 
colder!  places  ;  and  when  the  fnow  is  deep,  they 
form  a  kind  of  yard,  confifling  of  feverai  acres,  in 
which  they  conflantly  trample  down  the  fnow,  that 
they  may  more  eafily  range  round  their  yard  ;  and 
when  they  cannot  come  at  the  grafs,  they  live  on 
the  twigs  and  baik  of  the  trees.     Their  defence  is 

chit  fly 


HISTORY  or  VERMONT.  Sj 

chiefly  with  their  fore  feet,  with  which  they  flrike 
with  great  force.  The  female  is  lefs  than  the  male, 
and  generally  without  horns.  The  rutting  feafon  is 
in  autumn  :  The  female  generally  brings  forth  two 
at  a  birth,  in  the  month  of  April,  which  follow  the 
dam  a  whole  year.  One  of  thefe  animals  in  Ver- 
mont, was  found  by  meafure,  to  be  feven  feet  high. 
The  largefl,  are  eflimated  by  the  hunters,  to  weigh 
thirteen  or  fourteen  hundred  pounds. 

The  Bear  is  frequently  to  be  met  with  in  this 
part  of  America,  and  is  always  of  a  black  colour. 
It  is  not  an  animal  of  the  mod  fierce,  and  carniv- 
orous difpofition.  There  have  been  in  fiances,  in 
which  children  have  been  devoured  by  the  bear  ; 
but  it  is  only  when  it  is  much  irritated,  or  fuffering 
with  hunger,  that  it  makes  any  attack  upon  the  hu- 
man race.  At  other  times,  it  will  deftroy  fvvine  and 
young  cattle,  but  has  not  been  known  to  make  any 
attack  upon  men  ;  but  always  aims  to  avoid  their 
purfuit.  The  food  of  this  animal  is  corn,  fweet  ap- 
ples, acorns,  and  nuts.  In  the  end  of  autumn,  the 
bear  is  generally  very  fat,  and  choofes  for  the  place 
of  his  retreat  the  hollow  of  a  rotten  tree,  or  fome 
natural  den,  or  cavern  in  the  earth.  In  fuch  a  fitu- 
ation  he  ufes  no  exercife,  appears  to  be  afleep,  lofes 
but  little  by  refpiration,  and  is  always  found  with- 
out any  provision  ;  and  it  is  not  until  the  warmth  of 
the  fpring  returns,  that  he  leaves  his  retreat,  or  goes 
abroad  in  queft  of  food.  This  animal  is  valuable 
for  its  flefh,  greafe,  and  flcin.  The  fern  ile  generally 
bears  two  cubs  a  year,  The  bear  arrives  to  a  great 
magnitude  in  trm  part  of  the  continent.  The  larg- 
eft,  of  which  the  hunters  give  us  anv  certain  infor- 
mation, weighed  four  hundred  and  fifty  fix  pounds. 

One  of  the  mofl  common  and  noxious  of  all  our 
animals,  is  the  Wolf.  In  the  form  of  his  bodv, 
the  wolf  much  refembles  the  dog.  He  his  a  long 
head,  a  pointed  nofe,   fh.irp  and   ere£l  ears,  a    fhorc 

and 


Si  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

and  thick   neck,  with  {harp  and    flrong  teeth.      His 
eyes  generally  appear  fparkling;  and  there  is  a  mild- 
nefs,  and  a  fiercenefs,  in   his  looks.     The  colour  of 
the  wolf  in   Vermont,  is   a  dirty  grey ;   with    fome 
tinges  of  yellow  about  his  ears,  and  legs. — This  an- 
imal is    extremely  fierce,  fanguinary,  and    carnivor- 
ous.     When  a  number  of    them  afibciate,   it  is  not 
for  peace,  but   for  war  and  deftruction.      The    ani- 
mal, at  which  they  moll  of   all    aim,  is    the  fheep. 
When  they  can  find   a  flock  of  thefe,   they  feem   to 
delight  in  (laughter  ;  tearing  their  flefh,  and  fucking 
their  blood,  after  they  are    fully   fatisfled    with    the 
fat  of  their  tender  parts.    They  attack  the  deer,  fox- 
es, rabbits,  and  are  enemies  to  all  other  animals  ;  and 
their   attacks  are  generally    attended   with  the  moll 
horrid    howlings. — They   generally   flee  before    the 
face  of  the  hunter  ;   but  when  they  have  once  tailed 
of  human  fkfh,    they  become  more   fierce,  and  dar- 
ing, and  feem  to  be  inflamed  with  greater  fury.     Iu 
fuch  a    (late,  there  have  been  inftances  in  Vermont, 
in  which  the  wolves  have  ventured  to  make  their  at- 
tacks upon  men  j   but   they    generally    retire    upon 
their  approach.     They  are  not  often  to   be  feen    in 
the  day,  but  in    the    night   venture  into    our  yards., 
and  barns. — Thefe  animals  are  yet  in  great  numbers, 
in  this  ftate  ;    they  deftroy   many  of    our   fheep,  in 
the  night  ;   and  find  a  fafe  retreat  in  our  woods,  and 
mountains  ;  but  are  gradually  decreafing,  as  our  let- 
tlements  increafe,  and  extend. — The  wolf   is  a  very 
proline  animal.       The    female  is    in   feafon  in  the 
winter,  but  the  male  and  the  female  never  pair.     The 
time  of  geltation,  is  about  three  months  and  an  half  ; 
and  the  young  whelps  are  found  from  the  beginning 
of  May,  until  the  month  of  }u!y.  The  hunters  have 
fometimes  found   in  their  dens,  a   male,   a  female, 
and  a  litter  of   nine    young  whelps.        One  of  the 
largeft    wolves    in    Vermont,    weighed   ninety    two 
pounds.    There  is  nothing  valuable  in  thefe  animals 

bat 

% 


HISTORY  oj  VERMONT.  85 

but  their  fkins,  which  afford  a  warm  and  a  durable 

fur. 

The  Deer  is  one  of  our  moft;  common  and  val- 
uable animals.  In  the  fpring  he  fheds  his  hair,  and" 
appears  of  a  light  red  ;  this  colour  gradually  grows 
barker  until  autumn,  when  it  becomes  a  pale,  or  cin- 
ereous brown  ;  and  remains  thus  through  the  winter. 
His  horns  are  flender,  round,  projecting  forwards, 
and  bent  into  a  curve  ;  with  branches  or  moots  on 
the  interiour  fide.  Thefe  branches  do  not  com- 
mence, until  the  deer  is  three  years  old;  from  which 
period,  a  new  one  rifes  every  year  ;  and  by  this  cir- 
cumflance,  the  hunters  compute  their  age.  Thefe; 
horns  are  caft  every  fpring  ;  the  new  ones,  in  the 
courfe  of  a  year,  will  grow  two  feet  in  length,  and 
weigh  from  two  to  four  pounds. — -The  amorous  fea- 
ibn  with  thefe  animals,  is  in  the  month  of  Septem- 
ber. From  September  to  March,  the  bucks  and 
does  herd  together  j  early  in  the  fpring  they  fepa- 
rate,  and  the  does  fecrete  themfelves  in  order  to  bring 
forth  their  young  ;  which  generally  happens  in  the 
month  of  April.  The  female  generally  bears  two, 
and  fometimes  three,  at  a  birth.  The  fawns  are  red, 
moft  beautifully  (potted  with  white.  They  are  eafily 
tamed,  and  become  as  gentle  and  domeflic  as  a 
calf. — The  deer  is  an  animal  of  great  mildnefs,  and 
activity.  They  are  always  in  motion  ;  and  leap 
over  our  higheft  fences,  with  the  gieatefl  eafe.  The 
largefl  of  which  I  have  a  particular  account,  weigh- 
ed three  hundred  and  eight  pounds.  The  deer 
are  numerous  in  Vermont  ;  and  on  account  of  their 
flefh  and  fkin,  are  of  much  value.  The  reindeer  is 
not  to  be  found  in  this  part  of  the  continent. — But 
there  feerns  to  be  another  fpeeies  of  the  American 
deer,  diftinguifhed  chiefly  by  its  horns,  and  often  by  its 
colour.  The  horns  of  this  deer  are  never  extenfive, 
broad,  and  branched,  like  thofe  of  the  common  deer: 
3jt  they  are  round,  thick,  but  little  curved,  and  not 

more 


86  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

more  than  ten  or  twelve  inches  in  length.  This  fpc- 
cies  is  generally  larger  than  the  other  :  Several  of 
them  have  large  white  fpots,  and  fome  have  been 
killed  which  were  wholly  white. 

The  Fox  abounds  much  in  this  part  of  America. 
The  form,  difpofition,  and  habits  of  this  animal,  are 
every  where  known.  We  have  four  kinds  of  foxes 
in  Vermont. 

The  Red  Fox  bears  upon  a  yellowim,  or  rather  a 
frraw  colour.  This  is  efteemed  the  common  fox, 
and  is  the  moil  frequently  to  be  found.  At  its  full 
growth  in  the  fall,  this  animal  weighs  twenty  pounds. 

The  Grey  Fox  refembles  the  other  in  form,  and 
magnitude,  and  appears  to  differ  from  it  only  in  col- 
our, which  is  of  a  beautiful  filver  grey. 

The  Crofs  Fox  refembles  the  other  in  form,  and 
magnitude ;  but  has  a  black  ftreak,  palling  tranfverfe- 
\y  from  fhoulder  to  fhoulder ;  with  another  along 
the  back,  to  the  tail.  The  other  parts  of  this  an- 
imal are  of  a  red,  or  more  generally  of  a  grey  col- 
our. 

The  Black  Fox  is  the  largeft,  and  mofl:  valuable 
of  all.  The  fur  of  this  fox  is  the  mofl  fine,  fofc,  and 
rich,  of  any.  One  of  the  large  ft  of  the  black  foxes, 
was  found  to  weigh  twenty  three  pounds. 

The  fox  is  a  very  voracious  animal  ;  devouring 
all  kinds  of  poultry,  birds,  and  animals,  which  they 
can  overcome.  Flefh,  fruit,  honey,  and  every  part 
of  the  farmer's  dairy  are  devoured  by  him  with  great 
avidity. — This  animal  is  very  prolific.  The  female 
is  infeafon  every  year,  in  the  winter  ;  and  generally 
produces  in  the  month  of  April ;  the  litter  is  gen- 
erally from  three  to  fix. 

The  Cat  a  mo  u  nt,  firms  to  be  the  fame  animal, 
which  the  ancients  called  Lynx,  and  which  is  known 
in  Siberia,  by  the  name  of  Ounce.  In  the  form  of 
its  body,  it  much  refembles  the  common  cat,  but  is 
of  a  much  larger  fize.     It  is  generally  of  a  yellow 

grey 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  87 

grey  colour,  bordering  upon  a  red  or  fandy  ;  and  is 
larger  than  our  largeft  dogs. — This  feems  to  be  the 
moft  fierce  and  ravenous  of  any  animal,  which  we 
have  in  Vermont.  Some  years  ago,  one  of  thefc 
animals  was  killed  at  Bennington.  It  took  a  large 
calf  out  of  a  pen,  where  the  fence  was  four  feet  high, 
and  carried  it  off  upon  its  back.  With  this  load,  it 
afcended  a  ledge  of  rocks,  where  one  of  the  leaps, 
was  fifteen  feet  in  height.— Two  hunters  found  the 
cat  upon  an  high  tree.  Difcharging  his  mufket.one 
of  them  wounded  it  in  the  leg.  It  defcended  with 
the  greateft  agility,  and  fury  ;  did  not  attack  the 
men,  but  feized  their  dog  by  one  of  his  ribs,  broke 
it  off  in  the  middle,  and  inftantly  leaped  up  the  tree 
again  with  aftonifhing  fwiftnefs,  and  dexterity.  The 
other  hunter  fhot  him  through  the  head,  but  his  fury 
did  not  ceafe,  but  with  the  laft  remains  of  life. — 
Thefe  animals  have  been  often  (ttn  in  Vermont ; 
but  they  never  were  very  numerous,  or  eafily  to  be 
taken.  Of  their  fecundity,  I  have  no  particular  in- 
formation. On  account  of  their  fiercenefs,  activity, 
and  carnivorous  difpofition.,  the  hunters  efteem  them 
the  moft  dangerous  of  any  of  our  animals.  The 
weight  of  one  of  them,  was  eftimated  by  the  hunter, 
at  one  hundred  pounds.  The  length  of  his  body 
was  about  fix  feet,  that  of  the  tail,  three  ;  the  cir- 
cumference of  the  body  was  two  feet  and  an  half, 
and  the  legs  were  about  thirteen  inches  long. 

What  is  called  the  Wild  Cat,  is  an  animal,  in 
moft  refpe&s  fimilar  to  our  common  cats  ;  but  dif- 
ferent in  its  difpofition,  and  dimenfions.  It  is  much 
larger,  ftronger,  and  fiercer,  than  any  of  our  do- 
meftic  cats  ;  and  feems  to  I  e  of  the  fame  difpofition, 
and  colour,  as  the  wolf.  One  of  the  largeft  of 
them  was  found  by  the  hunter,  to  weigh  fifty  feven 
pounds. 

The  Black  Cat  does  not  appear  to  be  diftin-* 
guifhed  from  the  former,    in  any  o:hcr  refpctl  than 

its 


S3  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

its  colour.  It  is  altogether  black,  and  feldom  grows 
to  fo  large  a  fize,  as  the  fonder*  It  feems  to  be  of 
a  diftincl:  (pedes  ;  is  as  fierce  and  ravenous  as  the 
other  kind. — Thefe  animals  are  frequently  found  in 
the  woods  ;  very  wild,  extremely  fierce  in  combatj 
of  great  a6tivity  and  flrength  ;  but  never  can  be 
tamed,  or  made  to  afTociate  with  our  common  cats. 
They  are  valuable  only  on  account  of  their  furs. 
The  black  cat  was  called  by  the  Indians,  the  Wool- 
Jarieegi  The  largeft  of  which  I  have  any  account, 
weighed  twenty  three  pounds. 

Another  animal  which  does  not  greatly  differ  in 
appearance  from  a  wild  cat,  has  been  called  the 
IVolverine.  The  body  of  this  animal  is  about  two 
feet  and  an  half  in  length.  It  has  a  fhort  tail,  and  is  of 
the  fame  colour  as  the  wolf. — This  animal  is  of  a 
very  fierce,  and  carnivorous  difpofition.  Conceal- 
ing himfelf  among  the  rocks  and  bu flies,  or  taking  a 
(ration  upon  the  limb  of  a  tree,  he  watches  for  the 
approach  of  prey.  If  the  deer,  or  the  moofe  comes 
within  his  reach,  he  darts  upon  their  backs,  fattens 
upon  their  neck,  and  with  great  dexterity  opens  their 
jugular  vein  with  his  teeth. — This  animal  is  fcarce, 
and  not  to  be  found  but  in  the  northern,  and  mod 
uncultivated  parts  of  the  flate.  I  have  no  account 
of  its  fecundity,  magnitude,  or  other  particulars. 

The  Racoon,  in  its  fhape  or  general  form,  re  fern - 
Mes  the  fox,  but  has  a  larger  body,  with  thicker  and 
fhorter  legs.  The  feet  have  five  long  and  flender 
toes,  armed  with  fliarp  claws.  The  males  have 
generally  a  large  whitifh  ftripe,  and  the  females  a 
fmaller  one,  which  runs  acrofs  the  forehead.  The 
tail  is  long,  and  round,  with  annular  ftripes  in  it. 
This  animal  dwells  in  the  retired  part  of  the  woods, 
runs  up  the  trees  with  great  agility,  and  ventures  to 
the  extremes  of  the  boughs.  Its  fur  is  thick,  long, 
and  foft ;  and  of  a  dark  grey  colour.  The  weight 
•f  on*  of  the  large  ft  in  Vermont,  was  thirty  two 
'j,  pounds. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  89 

pounds.     It  is  often  found  in    hollow  trees,  and  its 
fiefh  is  excellent  food. 

The  Porcupine,  or  Hedgehog,  is  not  uncom- 
mon in  Vermont.  What  is  fingular  and  mofl  dif- 
iinguifhing  in  this  animal,  are  the  quilis  with  which 
he  is  armed.  Thefe  quills  are  about  four  inches  in 
length  ;  and  of  the  fixe  of  the  quills  of  a  pigeon. 
When  the  porcupine  is  attacked  by  an  enemy,  he 
places  his  head  between  his  fore  feet,  and  ertfts  thefe 
quiUs  all  around,  in  the  form  of  an  hemifphere. 
He  has  no  power  to  ejt&  them  from  his  body,  or 
dart  them  againft  his  enemy,  as  has  been  frequently 
faid.  But  they  are  fo  loofely  inferted  in  his  flefh, 
and  of  fuch  a  particular  conittu&ion,  that  thev  are 
eafily  extra£led,  and  like  a  barbed  dart  flick  faft,  and 
work  themfelves  into  the  flefh  of  any  animal  that 
touches  their  extremities ;  nor  can  they  be  eafily 
withdrawn,  without  tearing  the  flefh,  but  byincifion. 
On  this  account  they  p'ove  extremely  dangerous  to 
the  dog,  or  to  any  other  animal  that  makes  an  at- 
tack upon  the  porcupine. — The  colour  of  this  ani- 
mal, is  grey  :  His  motion  is  extremely  (low.  TJ  e 
female  produces  her  young  eery  year  ;  the  time  of 
geftation  is  about  forty  days,  and  fhe  generally  brings 
forth  three  or  four  at  a  birth.  One  of  the  large  ft 
of  thefe  animals,  weighed  fixteen  pounds  :  The  fltfh 
is  laid  to  be  agreeable,  and  wholelome  meat. 

Another  animal,  which  we  frequently  find  in  the 
fields,  is  the  Woodchuck.  This  animal  is  about 
Cixteen  inches  in  length  ;  its  body  is  large,  and  round  ; 
its  legs  are  ihort  •  and  its  fore  feet  are  broad,  and  fit- 
tad  for  the  purpofe  of  burrowing  into  the  earth. — 
The  colour  of  the  woodchuck  is  brown,  his  fat  is 
extreme,  the  flefh  is  wholelome  and  palatable  food, 
his  fur  is  not  very  valuable.  This  animal  refides  in 
a  hole  which  he  digs  in  the  ground,  and  feeds  upon 
grafs,  corn,  beans,  and  other  vegetables.  The  fe- 
male generally  produces  four  or  five  at  a  birth.  One 
M  of 


9o  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

of  the  fatteft  which  I  have  feen,  weighed  elev- 
en pounds  :  I  believe  this  was  one  of  the  largcft 
fize. 

The  Skunk  is  one  of  the  moft  extraordinary  an- 
imals, of  which  we  have    any  account.     It   feeros  to 
be  of  the  fame  fpecies  with  the  polecat,  but  is   of  a 
lefs  fize,  and  differs  from  it  in  leveral    refpedts. — Its 
hair  is  long,  and  mining,  of  a  clouded  or  dirty  white, 
intermixed  with  Ipots  of  black.      Its  tail  is  long,  and 
bufhy,  like  that  of   the  fox.      It  lives  chiefly   in  the 
woods,  and   hedges,  but  often  burrows   under  barn* 
and  out  houles.      When  undifluibed,  this  animal  is 
without  any  ill  fcent,  or  difagreeable  effluvia.   Their 
natural    evacuations   are  not   more   naufeous,    than 
thofe  of    other  animals.      Whole  nefls  of  them  will 
lie  under  the  floor  o(  a  barn,  and  lb  Ion?  as  they  are 
undiilurbed,  no   dilagreeable  odour  will  be  perceiv- 
ed during  the  whole  winter.      Their  flefh,  when  it  is 
properly   dreffed,  is   fweet  and    nourifhing. — When 
purfued  or  attacked,  the  fkunk  difcovers  its  extraor- 
dinary   powers,  by    a    lingular    and    moft    effectual 
method  of  defence.     It  emits  a   fluid  of  the  moft 
naufeous  and  intollerable  fcent,  that  has  ever   been 
known.      So   odious,  fubtle,  and  penetrating,  is  this 
ill  fcented  matter,  that  there  is  no  animal  which  can 
long  endure  it,  or  will  venture  to  approach  the  fkunk, 
when  he  is  throwing  it  out.      It  infecls  the.air  to  the 
diftance  of  half  a  mile  all  around  :  And  no  method 
has  been  found,  to  extract  the  fcent  out  of  any  object, 
on  which  the  odious  fluid  has  been  thrown.     Time 
and  air,  after  a  long  period,  affords  the  only  com- 
plete remedy.     By  accurate   direction   lately  made 
by  Dr.  Mitchell^  it  has  been  found  that  this  ill  fcent- 
ed fluid,  is   entirely   diftinct  from  the   urine.      It  is. 
contained  in  two  bags,  fituated  in  the  pofterior  parts 
of   the  body  ;   and  furrounded  by  the  circular  muf- 
fles in  fuch  a  manner,  that  by   their  conftri&ion,  the 
&uid  is  forced  out  with  great  velocity  and  force.   The 

urir;arv 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  94 

urinary  organs  are  totally  diftincl;  from  thefc  bags.* 
The  female  produces  a  litter  every  year  ;  and  they 
generally  amount  to  five-or  fix  in  number.  One  of 
thefe  animals  weighed  feven  pounds  and  an  half, 
but  whether  it  was  one  of  the  largeft  fize,  I  cannot 
determine. 

The  Martin  is  an  animal,  peculiar  to  cold  cli- 
mates. It  is  found  in  large  numbers  in  Vermont, 
but  chiefly  in  the  moft  retired,  and  thickeft  parts  of 
the  woods.  Its  coiour  is  a  dark  brown,  with  tinges 
of  yellow  ;  fometimes  the  colour  approaches  to  a 
black  :  The  fur  is  fine,  foft,  and  much  efteemed. — 
This  animal  is  from  eighteen  to  twenty  inches  in 
length.  A  large  one  was  found  to  weigh  five  pounds 
and  one  quarter  of  a  pound.  The  female  produces 
from  three  to  fix  young  ones,  at  a  litter.  The  mar- 
tin and  fable  denote  the  fame  animal   in   Vermont. 

The  Hare  is  about  eighteen  inches  in  length  : 
It  is  always  of  a  white  colour,  and  has  a  fine,  and 
beautiful  fur  :  Its  flefh  is  a  very  nourifhing,  and 
delicious  food.  This  animal  is  very  prolific.  The 
time  of  geflation  is  about  thirty  days  :  The  female 
bears  three  or  four  at  a  birth,  and  has  feveral  litters 
in  the  courfe  of  a  year.  A  large  hare  weighs  eight 
pounds.  The  hunters  find  large  numbers  of  thefe 
animals,  in  this  part  of  the  country. 

The  Rabbit  is  fomething  lefs  than  the  hare,  but 
in  greater  numbers.  His  colour,  both  in  fummer 
and  winter,  is  a  light  grey,  or  a  dirty  white.  The 
length  of  the  rabbit,  is  about  fixteen  or  feventeen 
inches  j  one  of  the  largeft  of  them,  weighed  feven 
pounds.  The  rabbit  is  more  prolific  than  the  hare. 
The  female  bears  fooner,  and  fusfrom  four  to  eight, 
at  a  litter.  Thefe  animals  are  readily  found,  in  ev- 
ery part  of  the  fiate. 

The  Weasel  has  the  form  and  appearance,  of  a 
fquirrel  ;  but  is  more  Aim,    and   active.      His   eyes 

have 

*  American  Mufcum,  Vol.  V.  p.  487. 


92  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

have  an  uncommon  fprightlinefs  ;  his  look  is  keen, 
and  piercing  ;  and  his  motions  are  fo  quick,  and  va- 
rious, that  the  eye  can  fcarcely  follow  them.  This 
animal  h  of  a  red  or  brown  colour,  and  has  a  white 
belly.  Its  fur  is  very  fine,  and  foft.  His  food  is 
corn,  nuts,  eggs,  and  all  kinds  of  fmall  animals.  The 
weafrl  i<  often  found  in  hollow  trees,  and  he  fre- 
quently enters  rnto  houfes,  barns,  and  other  build- 
ings, in  fearch  of  grain,  chickens,  mice,  and  young 
aninirfis.  In  Vermont,  the  weafel  is  about  twelve 
inches  m  length  ;  very  narrow  and  Aim,  and  weighs 
about  twelve  ounces.  The  female  bears  three,  four, 
or  five,  at  a  birth  ;  but  they  do  not  appear  to  be 
very  numerous. 

The  Ermine  is  the  mod  beautiful  quadruped, 
which  is  (een  in  our  woods.  In  its  form,  dimen- 
fions,  activity,  and  fecundity,  it  refembles  the  wea- 
fel, but  is  rather  larger  ;  one  of  them  weighed  four- 
teen ounces.  Its  colour  is  a  beautiful  white  :  The 
tail  is  tipped  with  a  beautiful  black.  Some  of  thefe 
animals  have  a  flripe  of  dark  brown,  or  moufe  col- 
our, extending  along  the  back,  from  the  head  to  the 
tail  ;  the  other  parts  being  perfectly  white.  This 
little,  biiflc,  light,  and  beautiful  animal,  has  the  mod 
fine  and  delicate  fur,  that  can  be  imagined  ;  and 
the  animal  itfelf  is  one  of  the  greateft  beauties  of 
nature. 

Of  the  Squirrel  we  have  four  or  five  fpecies  j 
grey,  black,  red,  fliiped,  and  flying. 

The  Grey  Squirrel  is  thelargeft,and  mod  common. 
This  (quirrel  is  about  thirteen  or  fourteen  inches  in 
length,  with  a  large  bufhy  tail,  as  long  as  the  body. 
It  is  of  a  beautiful  filver  grey  colour,  and  has  a  fine 
foft  fur.  Its  nefl  is  in  the  crotch,  or  hollow  of  a 
tree  ;  its  food,  corn,  acorns,  and  nuts.  It  lays  up  a 
liore  of  thefe  provifions  againft  winder,  in  the  hollow 
of  old  trees.  The  female  bears  her  young  in  the 
ipnng,  and  has  generally  three  or  four  at  a   birth. 

The 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  93 

The  lar^eft  of  thefe  grey  fquirrels,  when  they  are 
fully  fatted  in  the  fail,  weigh  three  pounds  and  an 
haif. 

The  Black  Squirrel  refembles  the  former  in  every 
refpecl,  but  its  coiour,  and  fize.  It  is  wholly  black, 
without  any  change  in  its  colour,  at  any  time  of  the 
year.  Its  fize  is  fomething  lefs  than  that  of  the 
grey  fquirrel  :  Ttie  largeft  I  have  known,  weighed 
but  two  pounds  and  an  half. 

The  Red  Squirrel  does  not  appear  to  differ  from 
the  black,  in   niv  other  particular,  but  the  colour. 

The  Striped  Squirrel  is  fmaller  than  either  of  the 
other.  Tne  largeit  of  thefe  does  not  weigh  more 
than  nine  or  ten  ounces.  This  fquirrel  digs  a  hole 
in  the  ground,  for  the  place  of  his  refidence.  He 
provides  a  More  of  nuts,  acorns,  and  corn,  againft 
winter.  Thefe  are  carefully  depofited  in  his  neft-  ; 
and  he  refides  in  the  earth,  during  the  feverity  of  the 
feafon. 

The  Flying  Squirrel  is  the  mod  curious,  and  beau- 
tiful of  all  ;  and  of  the  fame  fize  as  the  ftriped  oner 
This  fquirrel  has  a  kind  of  wings,  by  which   he  will 
pais  from  one   tree   to   another,   at  the    diftance  of 
thirty  or  forty  feet.     None  of  our  animals   have   a 
more    fine  or  delicate  fur,  than   this  little  fquirrel. 
He  feeds  on  the  buds,  and  feeds  of  vegetables  j   and 
generally  has  his  ne(t  in  decayed,    and  rotten  trees. 
The  Mo  lb,  Shrew   Mou°.e,   Ground   Mouse, 
and  Field  Mouse,  are  to  be  found  in   this   part  of 
America  :  They  are  fo  (mall,  and  well  known,    that 
they  do  not  require  a  particular  defcription.      The 
hunters  inform  me,    th^t   there   are   feveral  kinds  of 
mice  to  be  found  in  the  woods,  which  have  not  been 
defcribed  :   But  neither  the  grey  rat,   the  black  rat, 
or  the  water  rat,   is  to  be  found  in  any   part  of  the 
ftate. 

The  quadrupeds  which  have  been  defcribed,  are 
to  be  found  only  upon  the  land.     There  are  others 

of 


94  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

of  an  amphibious  nature,  which  live  upon  the  land, 
or  in  the  water  ;  thefe  are  to  be  found  in  the  rivers, 
ponds,  and  lakes. 

One  of  the  mofl  fagacious  and  ufeful  of  thefe,  is 
the  Beaver.  On  account  of  his  natural  conftitu- 
tion  and  inftin£b,  his  focial  nature,  the  works  he 
performs,  and  the  ules  to  which  he  is  applied,  the 
beaver  is  the  mod  extraordinary  of  all  our  animals, 
and  deferves  a  more  particular  description. 

The  American  beaver  is  between  three  and  four 
feet  in  length,  and  weighs  from  forty  to  fixty  pounds. 
His  head  is  like  that  of  a  rat,  inclined  to  the  earth  ; 
his  back  rifes  in  an  arch  between  his  head  and  tail. 
Hks  teeth  are  long,  broad,  ftrong,  and  fharp.  Four 
of  thefe,  two  in  the  upper,  and  two  in  the  under 
jaw,  are  called  incifns.  Thele  teeth  proj»£f,  one  or 
two  inches  beyond  the  jaw,  and  are  (harp,  and 
curved,  like  a  carpenter's  gouge.  In  his  fore  feet  the 
toes  are  feparate,  as  if  defigned  to  anfwer  the  pur- 
pofes  of  fingers  and  hands  :  His  hind  feet  are  ac- 
commodated with  webs,  fuited  to  the  purpofe  of 
fwimming.  His  tail  is  a  foot  long,  an  inch  thick, 
and  five  or  fix  inches  broad  :  It  is  covered  with 
fcales,  and  with  a  fkin  fimilar  to  that  of  fifh. 

In  no  animal  does  the  focial  in/lintl  and  habit  ap- 
pear more  ftrong,  or  univerfal,  than  in  the  beaver. 
Wherefoever  a  number  of  thefe  animals  are  found, 
they  immediately  affbciate,  and  combine  in  fociety, 
to  purfue  their  common  bufinefs,  and  welfare.  Ev- 
ery thing  is  done,  by  the  united  counfels,  and  la- 
bours, of  the  whole  community.  Their  focieties 
are  generally  collected  together,  in  the  months  of 
June  and  July  ;  and  their  numbers  when  thus  col- 
Jecled,  frequently  amount  to  two  or  three  hundred  ; 
all  of  which,  immediately  engage  in  a  joint  effort,  to 
promote  the  common  bufinefs  and  fafety  of  the  whole 
fociety  ;  apparently  a£Hng  under  a  common  incli- 
nation, and  direction.     When  the  beaver  is  found 

m 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  95 

in  a  folitary  ftate,  he  appears  to  be  a  timid,  inactive, 
and  ftupid  animal,  lnftead  of  attempting  any  im- 
portant enterprise,  he  contents  himfelf  with  digging 
a  hole  in  the  earth  for  fafety  and  concealment.  His 
genius  feems  to  be  deprelTed,  his  fpirits  broken,  and 
every  thing  enterprizing  is  loft  in  an  attention  to 
perfonal  fafety  ;  but  he  never  loofes  his  natural  in- 
ftinct  to  find  or  form  a  pond.*  When  combined  in 
fociety,  his  difpofition,  and  powers  affume  their  nat- 
ural direction,  and  are  exerted  to  the  higher!  advan- 
tage :  Every  thing  is  then  undertaken,  which  the 
beaver  is  capable  of  performing. 

The  fociety  of  beavers  feems  to  be  regulated  and 
governed,  altogether  by  natural  difpofitions,  and 
laws.  Their  fociety,  in  all  its  purfuits  and  opera- 
tions, appears  to  be  a  fociety  of  peace  and  mutual 
affection  ;  guided  by  one  principle,  and  under  the 
fame  direction.  No  contention,  difagreement,  con- 
trary interefts,  or  purfuits,  are  ever  feen  among 
them  ;  but  perfect  harmony  and  agreement,  pre- 
vails through  their  whole  dominions.  The  princi- 
ple of  this  union  and  regulation,  is  not  the  fuperiour 
ftrength,  art,  or  activity  of  any  individual  :  Nothing 
has  the  appearance,  among  them,  of  the  authority, 
or  influence  of  a  chief,  or  leader.  Their  affociation, 
and  management,  has  the  afpect  of  a  pure  and  per- 
fect democracy  ;  founded  on  the  principle  of  perfect 
equality,  and  the  ftrongeft  mutual  attachment.  This 
principle  feems  to  be  fufficient  to  preferve  the  mofi 
perfect  harmony,  and  to  regulate  all  the  proceedings 
of  their  largeft  focieties. 

When  thefe  animals  are  collected  together,  their 
firft  attention  is  to  the  public  bufinejs  and  affairs  of 
the  fociety,  to  which  they  belong.     The  beavers  are 

amphibious 

*  A  young  beaver  was  tamed  in  the  foufhern  part  of  th"3 
ftate.  He  became  quiet,  inoffenfive,  and  without  any  difpo-. 
fition  to  depart.  But  was  molt  of  all  pieafed,  when  he  was  at 
work,  forming  a  dam,  in  a  fraall  Itrcam  near  the  houfe. 


gS  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

amphibious  animals,  and  mud  fpend  one  part  of 
their  time  in  the  water,  and  another  upon  the  land. 
In  conformity  to  this  law  of  their  natures,  their  fit  ft 
employment  is  to  find  a  fituation,  convenient  for 
both  thele  purpofes.  With  this  view  a  Jake,  a  pond, 
or  a  running  dream  of  water,  is  chofen  for  the  fcene 
of  their  habitation,  and  future  operations.  If  it  be 
a  lake,  or  a  pond  that  is  feh£ted,  the  water  is  always 
of  fuch  depth,  that  the  beavers  may  have  lufEcient 
loom  to  fwim  under  the  ice  ;  and  one,  of  which  they 
can  have  an  entire,  and  undiduibed  podtffion.  Jf 
a  dream  of  water  ischofen*  it  is  always  fuch  a  dream, 
as  will  form  a  pond,  that  fh \U  be  every  way  convent- 
en*-  for  their  purpofe.  And  fuch  is  their  forefight 
and  compVehenfion  of  thefe  circumflances,  that  they 
never  form  an  erroneous  judgment,  or  fix  upon  a 
fituation  that  will  not  anfwt-r  their  defigns  and  con- 
venience.—-Their  next  bufinefs,  is  to  condrucl  a 
dam.  This  is  always  chofen,  in  the  mod  conve- 
nient part  of  the  dream  ;  and  the  form  of  it,  is  ei- 
ther direct.,  circular,  or  with  angles,  as  the  fituation 
and  circumftanccs  of  the  water  and  la-nd,  require  : 
And  fo  well  chofen  is  both  the  place,  and  the  form 
of  thefe  dams,  that  no  engineer  cculd  give  them  a 
better  fituation  and  foim,  either  for  convenience, 
ftrength,  or  duration. — The  materials  of  which  the 
dams  are  condructed,  are  wood,  and  eaith.  If  there 
be  a  tree  on  the  fide  of  the  river,  which  would  nat- 
urally fall  acrofs  the  dream,  feveral  of  the  beavers 
fet  themfelves  with  great  diligence,  to  cut  it  down 
with  their  teeth.  Trees  to  the  bignefs  of  twenty 
inches  diameter,  are  thus  thrown  acrofs  a  dream. 
They  next,  gnaw  ofF  the  branches  from  the  trunk, 
that  the  tree  may  adume  a  level  pofition.  Others, 
at  the  fame  time,  are  cutting  down  fmaller  trees, 
and  faplings,  from  one  fo  ten  inches  diameter. 
Thefe  are  cut  into  equal  and  convenient  lengths. 
Some  of  the  beavers  drag   thefe  pieces  of  wood  t« 

the 


.HISTORY  oj .'VERMONT.  9f 

the fide,  of  the  river,  and  .others  fwim  with   them  to 
the  place,  where  the  dam  is  to  be  built.     As  many 
as.fcan  find  room,  are  engaged  in: linking  one  end  of 
thefe  flakes  ;  and  as  many  more   in   raifing,  fixing, 
and  fecuring the   other  end.      While  many  of  the 
beavers  are  thus  labouring  upon   the  wood,   others 
a,re  equally  engaged  in  carrying  on  the  earthen  part 
of  jthe  work.    The  earth  is  brought  in  their  mouthy 
formed  into  a  kind  of  mortar  with   their  feet  and 
tails,   and  fpread  over  the; -vacancies   between    the 
{takes,;;  Saplings,  and  the  frnall  branches   of  trees, 
are  twined  and  WQiked.up  with  the  mud  and  flime, 
until  all.  the.  vacancies  are  filled  up  ;  anri  no  crevice 
is  left  in  any  pan  of  the  work*  for  the  water  to  find 
a  paffage  through,— The  magnitude   and   extent  of 
t^.^ams,  .which  the  beavers  thus  conftrucl^  is  much 
Jarger  than  we  fhquld  imagine  was  poflible  to  be  ef- 
fe$ed,  by  fuch  labourers,  or  inflruments.;   At  the 
.bottom,. the  dam  is  from   fix   to   twelve  feet   thick"; 
atnthe  top>  it  is  generally  two  or  three  feet  in  width„ 
In  that. part- of  the  dam,    which  is   oppofed    to  the 
current,  the  flakes  are  placed  obliquely  j  but  on  that 
fide  where  the  water  is  to  fall,   the   flakes  are  placed 
in  a  perpendicular  direction  ;  and  the  dam  affumes 
the  fam,e.,f©im,   and,  poCtion,   as   the    flakes.      The 
extent  of  thefe  works,  is  from   fifty  to   an   hundred 
feet  in, length  ;   and  always. of  fuch  an  height,  as   to 
effect  the  purpofes  they  have  in  view.     The  ponds 
which  are  formed  by  thefe  dams,  are  of  all  dirnen- 
fion$  j  from  four   or   five,   to   five .  or   fix   hundred 
acres.      They    are    generally   fpread  over  lands  a- 
bounding  with  trees,  and  bufhes,  of  the  foftefl  wood: 
Maplf,  birch,  alder,  poplar,  :  willow,  &c. — The  bet- 
ter to  preferve  their  dams,  the    beavers  always  leave 
flfniceSj  or  paf&geg  near  the    middle,  for   the  redun- 
dant, waters  to  pafs  off.      Thefe  flukes  are  general Iv 
about  eighteen  inches  in  width,  and  depth  ;  and  as 

many 
N 


98  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

many  in  n'umbrcr,ds  the  waters  of  the  frrcdrn  gener- 
ally require. 

When  •  the  /public  works'  are  Completed^  their 
domejlic  concern  ^'■and  affairs  nex.t  engage  their  ake"ii- 
tion.  The  dam  is  no  focmer  completed,  than  the 
beavers  feparate  into  fmali  bodies,  to  build  cabins, 
or  houfes  for  themfelves.  Thefe  houfes  are  built 
.upon  piles,  along  the  borders  of  the  pond.  They 
are  of  an  oval  form,  refemblmg  the  con  ft  ruction"  of 
an  haycock  ;  and  they  vary  in  their  dimenfidns,  from 
four  to  ten  feet  in  diameter,  according  to  the  num- 
ber o"f  families  they  are  defigned  to  accomodate. 
They  are  always  of  two  Holies,  generally  of  three, 
and  fornetimes  they  contain  four.  Their  walls  arc 
from  two  to  three  feet  in  thicknefs,  at  the  bottom  ; 
and  are  formed  of  the  fame  materials  as  their  dams. 
They  rile  perpendicularly  a  few  feet,  th^h  alTumb  a 
curved  form,  and  terminate  in  a  dome*  or  vault, 
%vhich  anfwers  the  pufpofe  of  a  roof.  Thefe  edi- 
fices are  built  with  much  lolidity,  and  nea-tnels :  On 
the  inward  fide,  they  are  fmooth,  bat  rough  on  the 
outfide  ;  always  impenetrable  to  the  rain,  and  of 
fufficient  ftrength  to  refill  the  mod  impetuous  winds. 
The  lower  ftory  is  about  two  feet  high  :  The  fecond 
ftory  has  a  floor  of  flicks,  covered  with  mud  :  The 
third  ftory  is  divided  from  the  fecOnd,  in  the  fame 
manner,  and  terminated  by  the  roof  raifed  in  the 
form  of  an  arch.  Through  each  floor,  there  is  a 
communication  ;  and  the  upper  floor  is  always  above 
the  level  of  the  water,  when  it  is  raifed  to  its  greatefl 
height.  Each  of  thefe  huts  have  two  doors  ;  one,  on 
the  land  fide,  to  enable  them  to  go  out  and  procure 
provifions  by  land  ;  another  under  the  water,  and 
below  where  it  freeies,  to  preferve  ihfeir  communica- 
tion with  the  pond.  If  this,  at  arty  time  begins  to 
be  covered  with  ice,  the  ice  is  immediately  broken, 
that  the  communication  may  not  be  cut  off  with  the 
air. 

la 


IJJSTORY  or  VERMONT.  9$ 

In  thefe  huts  the  families  of  the. beavers  have  their 
rcfidence.  The  fmaileft  of  their  cabins,  contain 
one  family, -confiding  generally  of  five  or  fix  beav- 
ers ;  and  the  large  ft  of  the  buildings,  will  contain 
from  twenty  to  thirty.  No  fociety  of  animals,  can 
ever  appear  better  regulated,  or  more  happy,  than 
the  family  of  beavers.  The  male  and  the  female, 
always  pair.  Their  fele&ion  is  not  a  matter  of 
chance,  or  accident  ;  but  appears  to  be  derived  from 
tafte,^  and  mutual  affetlion.  In  September,  the  hap- 
py couple  lay  up  their  ftore  of  provisions,  for  win- 
ter. This  confifts  of  bark,  the  tender  twigs  of  trees, 
arjd  various  kinds  of  fpft  wood.  When  their  pro- 
visions are  prepared,  the  feafon  of  love  and  repofe 
commences:  And  during  the  winter  they  remain  in 
their  cabins,  enjoying  the  fruits  of  their  labours,  and 
partaking  in  the  fweets  of  domeftic  happinefs.  To- 
wards the  end  of  winter,  the  females  bring  forth  their 
young,  to  the  number  of  three  or  four.  Soon  after, 
the  male  retires  to  gather  fifh,  and  vegetables,  as  the 
fp,ring  opens  ;  but  tfee  mother  remains  at  home,  to 
nurfe,  and  rear  up  the  offspring,  until  they  are  able 
to  follow  their  dams.  The  male  occafionally  re- 
turns, but  not  to  tarry,  until  the  fall  of  the  year. 
But  if  any  injury  is  done  to  their  public  works,  the 
whole  fociety  are  foon  collected,  and  join  all  their 
forces  to  repair  the  injury,  which  afreets  their  com- 
monwealth. 

Nothing  can  exceed  the  peace  and 'regularity ,  which 
prevails  in  the  families,  and  through  the  whole  com- 
monwealth of  thefe  animals.  No  difcord  or  conten- 
tion ever  appears  in  any  of  their  families.  Every 
beaver  knows  his  own  apartment,  and  ftore  houfe  ; 
and  there  is  no  pilfering  or  robbing  from  one  anoth- 
er. The  male  and  the  female  are  mutually  attach- 
ed to,  never  prove  unfriendly,  or  defert  one  anoth- 
er. Their  provifions  are  collected,  and  expended, 
jyithout  any  diGkntio-i.     F,ich  knows  its  own  fam- 


ioo  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

ily,  bufinefs,  and  property;  and  they  are  never  feen 
to  injure,  oppofe,  or  interfere  with  one  another.— 
The  fame  order  and  tranquillity  prevail,  through 
the  commonwealth.  Different  focieties  of  beavers:, 
never  make  war  upon  one  another,  or  upon  any  oth- 
er animals.  When  they  arc  attacked. by  their  en- 
emies, they  inftantfy  plunge  into  the  water,  to  ef- 
cape  their  purfuit  :  And  when  they  cannot  efcapes 
they  fall  an  eafy  facrifice. 

In  the  arts  neceffary  for  their  fafety,  the  beavers 
rife  to  great  eminence.  The  fituation,  direction, 
form,  folidity,  beauty,  and  durability  of  their  darns, 
are  equal  to  any  thing  of  the  kind,  which  has  ever 
been  performed  by  man.  They  always  form  a  right 
judgment,  which  way  the  tree  will  fall  :  And  when 
it  is  nearly  cut  down,  they  appoint  one  of  their 
number,  to  give  notice  by  a  ftroke  of  his  tail,  when 
it  begins  to  fail.  With  their  tails,  they  meafure  the 
lengths  of  their  dams,  of  the  (lakes  they  are  to  ufe, 
of  a  breach  that  is  made  in  their  works,  and  of  the 
length  of  the  timber :  that  is  neceffary  to  repair  it. 
When  an  enemy  approaches  their  dominions,  the 
beaver  which  makes  the  difcovery,  by  ftriking  on 
the  water  with  his  tail,  gives  notice  to  the  whole  vil- 
lage of  the  approaching  danger  ;  and  all  of  them  in- 
ftantly plunge  into  the  water.  And  when  the  hunt- 
ers are  pauing  through  their  country,  fome  of  their 
number  appear  to  be  centinels^  to  give  notice  of  their 
approach. 

The  colour  of  the  beaver  is  different,  according  to 
the  different  climates,  which  they  inhabit.  In  the 
moll  northern  parts,  they  are  generally  black;  in  Ver- 
mont they  are  brown  .  and  their  colour  becomes 
lighter  as  we  approach  towards  the  fouth. — Their 
fur  is  of  two  forts,  all  over  their  bodies.  That  which 
is  longeft,  is  generally  about  an  inch  long,  but  on 
the  back,  it  fometimes  extends  to  two  inches,  grad- 
ually fhortening  towards  the  head,  and  tail.       This 

part 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  sqi 

part  is  coarfe,  and  of  little  ufe.  The  other  part  of 
the  fur,  confifts  of  a  very  fine,  and  thick  down;  of 
about  three  quarters  of  an  inch  long,  fo  foft  that  it 
feels  like  filk,  and  ts  that,  which  is  ufed  in  manufac- 
tories.— Caftor,  of  fo  much  ufe  in  medicine,  is  pro- 
duced from  the  body  of  the  beaver.  It  is  contained 
in  four  bags,  in  the  lower  belly. 

The  largeft  of  thefe  animals,  of  which  I  have  any 
certain  information,  weighed  lixty  three  pounds  and 
an  half:  But  it  is  only  in  a  fituation  remote  from, 
and  undifturbed  by  the  frequent  appearances  of 
men,  that  they  attain  their  greateft  magnitude,  or 
their  higheft  perfection  of  fociety.  The  beaver  has 
deferted  all  the  fouthern  parts  of  Vermont,  and  is 
now  to  be  found  only  in  the  mod  northern,  and  un- 
cultivated parts  of  the  (late. 

The  Musk  rat  feems  to  be  a  fmaller  kind  cf  beav- 
er, refembling  it  in  every  thing  but  its  tail.  This  is 
alfo  an  amphibious  animal,  and  forms  a  cabin  of 
flicks  and  mud,  in  foriVc;  ftagnant  water  ;  but  is  lefs 
feaffu'l  of  the  approaches  of  men,  and  affords  a  very 
ftrong  mufk.  Thefe  animals  are  to  be  found,  in 
very  confiderable  numbers,  in  our  creeks,  and  lakes  ; 
but  are  much  lefs  numerous,  than  they  were  form- 
erly. The  mufkrat,  in  this  part  of  America,  is  a- 
bout  fifteen  inches  in  length  ;  the  greateft  magni- 
tude I  have  known  is  five  pounds  and  three  quarters 
of  a  pound.  A  litter  of  thefe  mufkrats,  will  frequent- 
ly amount  to  four,  five,  and  fometimes  fix. 

Another  of  our  amphibious  animals,  is  the  Mink. 
It  always  refides  in  the  neighbourhood  of  rivers, 
ponds,  or  lakes  ;  and  provides  a  place  of  refidence, 
by  burrowing  into  the  ear  h. — The  mink  is  about 
twenty  inches  in  length  ;  his  legs  are  fhort,  his 
colour  brown,  and  his  fur  is  more  valuable  than  that 
of  the  mufkrat.  One  of  the  largeft  which  I  have 
known,  weighed  four  pounds  and  one  quarter  of  a 
pound,  The  female  produces  two  or  three,  at  a  birth. 

The 


102         ths  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

The  Otter,  k?  a  voracious  animal,  or  great  a6liv- 
ity  and  fiercenef;.  When  it  is  fully  irrown,  it  is 
five  or  fix  feet  long  ;  with  fli^rp  and  ftrong  teeth  ; 
fhort  legs,  and  membranes  in  all  h;s  feet ;  and  fitted 
cither  for  running',  or  fwimming. — The  otter  ex- 
plores the  rivers  and  ponds  in  fearch  of  llih,  frogs, 
water  rats,  and  other  fmall  animals ;  And  when  thefe 
are  not  to  be  had,  he  lives  on  the  boughs  and  bark 
of  young,  or  aquative  trees.  He  has  generally  been 
ranked  among  the  amphibious  animals,  which  c,\n 
live  either  in  the  air,  or  water ;  but  he  is  not  proper- 
ly an  amphibious  animal,  for  he  cannot  live  without 
refpiration,  any  more  than  the  land  animals.  The 
female  is  in  heat  in  the  winter,  and  bears  her  young 
in  the  month  of  March  ;  the  litter  generally  confifts 
of  three  or  four.  The  fiercenefs  and  flrength  of  the 
old  otters,  is  fuch,  that  the  dog  can  feldom  over- 
come them  :  And  when  they  cannot  efcape,  they 
will  attack  the  hunter  with  great  rage. — The  colour 
of  this  animal  is  black,  and  i,^  fur  is  much  efteemed. 
The  otter  formerly  abounded  very  much  in  our 
creeks,  and  rivers  ;  and  efpecially  in  thofe,  which 
emptied  themfelves  into  Lake  Champlain  :  On  this 
account,  one  of  them  dill  bears  the  name  of  Otter* 
€  reek  ;  but  the  animal  is  now  become  fcirce.  The 
large  ft  otter,  of  which  I  have  a  particular  account, 
weighed  twenty  nine  pounds  and  an  half. 

To  this  account  of  the  quadrupeds  of  Vermont,  I 
fhall  fubjoin  fome  reflections  on  the  general  ftate  of 
thefe  animals,  in  America. 

The  enumeration  very  impe.rfeEf. — Our  accounts  of 
the  quadrupeds  in  this,  and  in  every  part  of  Ameri- 
ca, mud  be  viewed  as  greatly  imperfect.  The  de- 
fcendants  of  Europe  have  fettled  along  the  fea  coafts, 
and  they  have  penetrated  to  the  lakes,  and  molt  ot 
the  navigable  rivers.  But  the  internal  parts  of  South-? 
america,  are  but  little  known  :  And  all  that  immenfe 
tract  of  country,  which  lies  to  the  north,  and  to  the 

weft 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  103 

Weft  of  the  lakes,  is  wholly  unexplored.  It  is  not  to 
be  doubted,  but  thefe  extenfive  regions,  abound  with 
qdadrupeds  :  Of  what  fpeci'es,  and  how  numeiouSj 
we  cannot  fo  much  as  conjecture.  .  When  the  coun- 
try mall  be  fully  explored,  and  when  all  naturalitts 
fhat)  have  v.ifitect  and  examined  the  internal  parts, 
the  hiftory  of  the  animals  of  America,  may  be  brought 
t&  fome  perfection  ;  but  it  is  far  from  it,  at  prefent. 
,Alf  the  'animals  which  have  been  enumerated,  are 
only  thofe  which  are  frequently  found,  in  a  fmali 
pan  'of  the  continent. — That  an  animal  of  great, and 
uncommon  magnitude,  has  exited  in  Northamerica, 
artd  in  Siberia,  is  certain  fiom  the  bones  of  the  ani- 
mal which  yet  remain.  On  the  banks  of  the  Ohio, 
and  in  many  places  further  noith,  tuflcs,  grinders, 
and  fkeletons,  of  an  enormous  flze,  are  to  be  found 
in  great  niiriibeis.  Some  of  them  lie  upon  the  fur- 
face  of  the  giound,  and  others  are  five  or  fix  fett  be- 
low it.  Some  of  the  tuiks  are  near  {'even  feet  long, 
t>ne  foot  ana  nipe  inches  at  the  bafe,  and  one  foot 
near  the  point ;  the  cavity  at  the  bafe,  nineteen  inches 
deep.  From  the  fize  and  thicknefs  of  thefe  bones, 
it  is  certain  that  they  could  not  belong  to  the  ele- 
phant ;  but  denote  an  animal  five  or  fix  times  as 
large,  dri'd  of  the  carnivorous  kind. — We  have  the 
tcflimon'y  of  the  Indians  that  fuch  an  animal  full 
exifts  in  the  weflern  parts  of  America  :  And  it  would 
be  contrary  to  the  whole  economy  of  nature,  to  fup- 
jibfe  that  any  fpecies  of  her  animals,  is  become  ex- 
tinct. This  animal  muft  formerly  have  been  nu- 
merous, at  thofe  places,  where  their  bones  arc  found 
in  fuch  numbers.  The  probability  is,  as  the  means 
of  fubfiftence  were  deftroyed,  they  removed  further 
to  the  weftward.  But  until  thofe  parts  or  America 
fhill  be  explored,  little  information  is  to  be  expect- 
ed concerning  this  animal  of  the  molt  enormous 
bulk  :  And  We  may  as  well  call  it  the  Matiitncth,  as 
by  any  other  name  ;   or   the   FJcudo  Elephant,  as  if 

has 


104        thr  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

has  been, named  by  Dr.  Hunter. — From  this,  ant! 
from  many  other  confederations,  it  appears  that  the 
enumeration  of  the  American  quadrupeds,  is  ex- 
tremely im  per  Feci;. 

Ok  ig in. -—The  animals  which  are  lpread  over  the 
face  of  the  earth,  are  fitted  by  nature,  for  the  climate 
and  country,  where  they  refide.  No  animal,  or 
vegetable,  has  a  conltitution  adapted  to  every  coun- 
try :  And  there  are  none,  but  what  are  fuited,  to 
fome  particular  part  of  the  earth,  where  they  will 
arrive  to  their  greater!  perfection.  A  camel  is  pecu- 
liarly fitted,  for  the  burning  iands  of  Arabia  :  And 
the  reindeer  will  flourifh  the  beft  in  Lapland,  Hvjcf- 
fon's  Bay,  and  thofe  northern  countries,  where  the 
cold  is  the  mo.ft  intenfe.  The  origin  therefore  of 
different  quadrupeds,  is  to  be  fought  in  thofe  cli- 
mates, that  appear  to  tbe  the  bed  adapted  to  their 
growth  and  multiplication. — There  are  anjmals  in 
the  torrid  zone  in  America,  which  are  never  found 
in  any  other  part  of  the  earth.  This  is  the  cafe  witn 
the  Tapyr  of  Brafil,  the  Puma  and  Jug#r,  the  Lama, 
and  Paco.  Thefe  animals  have  never  wandered  in- 
to any  other  part  of  the  globe  :  They,  are  therefore 
to  be  efieemed  indigenous,  or  natural  to  the  hot  cli- 
mates of  America.  ■  The  fame  is  the  cafe  with  the 
animals  of  the  torrid  zone  in  Afia,  and  Africa.  The 
elephant,  and  rhinoceros,  are  productions  of  Afia, 
The  deferts  of  Laaza  and  Biledulgerid  in  Africa, 
may  be  termed  the  native  country  of  lions,  tygers, 
and  panthers.  No  part  of  the  climate  of  America 
is  fo  intenfely  hot,  or  fandy,  as  to  render  it  the  prop- 
er country  for  the  production  orincreafeof  animals, 
fo  fierce  and  noxious.  Thefe  quadrupeds  of  hot 
climates,  have  never  wandered  from  the  one  country, 
to  tbe  other  :  Not  becaufe  they  could  not  find  a  paf-» 
fage,  but  becaufe  they  mu  ft  have  pa  fled  through  a 
climate,  the  cold  of  which,  being  fuch  as  they  coula 
not  endure,  was  an  effectual  bar  to   their  palTage. — < 

There 


HISTORY  op  VERMONT.  105 

There  are  other  quadrupeds  which  are  common  to 
America,  to  the  north  of  Alia,  arid  10  Europe.  Of 
this  kind  are  tlje  buffalo,  white  bear,  carabou,  black 
bear,  elk,  moofe,  red  deer,  fallow  deer,  wolf,  roe, 
glutton,  lynx,  wild  cat,  beaver;  badger,  red  fox,  grey 
fox,  black  fox,  otter,  monax,  vifon,  porcupine,  mar- 
tin, water  rat,  weafel,  <ermine,  flying  fquinel,  mole, 
and  moufe.  If  we  add  the  unknown  animal,  which 
we  have  called  the  mammoth,  the  number  of  thofe 
quadrupeds  which  are  common  to  both  hemifpheres, 
will  amount  to  thirty.  All  of  thern,  are  the  quad- 
rupeds of  cold  countries  ;  fitted  by  nature  to  that 
climate,  through  v  Iiich  the  paffage  mufl  have  been, 
from  the  one  country  to  the  other.  The  original 
fituation  therefore  of  thefe  quadrupeds,  rmift  have 
been  a  cold  country.  But  whether  they  pafled  from 
the  northeaftern  parts  of  Alia,  into  America;  or 
whether  they  iffued  from  the  northweft  parts  of  Ane- 
rica,  into  Afia ;  we  have  no  way  to  determine.  The 
probability  is  et}ual,  upon  either  fuppofition.  All 
that  we  can  determine  is,  that  they  were  originally 
the  quadrupeds  of  a  cold  climate. 

Migration. — k Animals  of  every  kind  when  op- 
preffed  by  hunger,  harafled  by  their  enemies,  or  when 
they  can  find  a  more  comfortable  fituation,  will  mi- 
grate from  one  country  to  another.  Their  migra- 
tion when  chofen  and  voluntary,  is  always  with  a 
\rew  to  better  accommodations;  to  a  fituation  more 
favourable  for  food,  growth,  and  multiplication. 
Directed  by  the  hand  of  nature,  their  natural  prog- 
refs  is  hot  to  a  worfe,  but  to- a  better  fituation.  They 
do  not  leave  their  own  country,  to  fettle  in  one  lefs 
fuited  to  their  fubfiftence,  and  increafe  ;  but  to  ac- 
quire greater  advantages  ;  an  increafe  of  food,  num- 
bers, and  vigour. — Whether  the  migration  of  quad- 
rupeds then  was  from  Afia,  or  from  America,  there 
can  be  no  doubt,  but  that  they  found  in  the  country 
to  which  they  repaired,  a  climate,  foil,  and  means  of 
O  fubfiftence. 


so6         the  NATURAL  an*  CIVIL 

fubfifU-nce,  equally  favourable  to  them,  as  thpfe 
which  they  left.  Had  there  been  any  very  great  dif- 
ference in  the  provifions,anc]:accommpdationsof  riftp 
lure, in  either  country,  the  quadrupeds  that,couI4 
tafily  migrate,  would  not  have  remained4  foif  any  con- 
fiderable  time,  common  to  .  them,  both. —Not  lung 
therefore  can  be  lefs  probable,  or  more  contrary  to 
the  laws,  tendencies,  and  operations  of  na'turei:than. 
the  European  idea  firft  introduced  by  M.  Buffon, 
that  the  quadrupeds  of  kumpe  migrated  into  a 
country  in  America,  where  every  thing. was  adapted 
by  nature,  to  their  diminution,  degradation,  and 
decreale.  Had  not  the  northern  parts  of  Afia,  and 
America,  been  well  fuited  to  the  fubfiftence^  vigour, 
and  increale,  of  thete  quadrupeds*  there  would  not 
have  been  any  voluntary  migration,  from  the  one  to 
the  other,  nor  would  thefe  animals  have  remained, 
for  fo  long  a  time,  common  to  them  both. 

Species.— How  far  nature.haS  proceeded  in  the 
production  of  quadrupeds,  we,  have  not  as  yet,  fuf- 
ficient  information  to  determine.  There  may  be 
many  fpecies,  yet  unknown,  in  thole  parts  of  the 
earth  whichhave  not  been  explored  :  Nor  is  the^e- 
numeration  complete,  in  thole  countries  w7hich  a*e 
known.  The  molfc  that  has  been  done  in  this  branch 
of  natural  hiftory^is.  to  be  found  in  the  celebrated 
work  of  M.  Buffon.  As  the  refult  of  his  inquires 
and  information  this  able  philofopher  concludes 
that  the  whole  number  of  quadrupeds,  which  are 
fpread  over  the  face  of*  the  earth,- will  form- about 
two  hundred  different  fpecies  or  kinds.*  Of  tbe(e, 
one  hundred  are  found  in  America,  and  about  fev- 
enty  five  are  peculiar  to  it. — If  the  power,  the  force, 
or  the  vigour  of  animated  nature,  is  to  be  eftimated 
by  the  fpecies  of  quadrupeds,  which  different  coun- 
tries contain,  the  concluuon  wiil  be,  that  nature  has 
acted  with  the  greateft  vigour  and  energy  in  Amerj*  . 

ica, 
•  Vol.  IX.  41, 


HISTORY  qi- VERMONT,.  107 

ica.  In  the  different  oiitmates  in  America,  nature 
has  produced  feveaty'lfive:  fpecies  of  quadrupeds  : 
The  number  of  thple  which  are  peculiar  to  the  oth- 
er parts  of  the  globe  are  one  hundred.  Thedimen- 
fions  of  America,  compared  with  the  dimenfions  of 
A fia,  Africa,  and  Europe,  by  the  computation  of 
the  modern  geographers,  are  ^s  one  hundred  and 
farty  one  to  two  hundred  and  forty  nine.*  The 
ratio  of  one  hundred  and  forty  one  to  two  hundred 
And  forty  .nine  is  the  fame  as  feventy  five  to  one  hun- 
dred and  thirty  two.  And  fo  many  fpecies  fhould 
be  found,  in  the  other  parts  of  the  globe,  to  preferve 
ah  equality  :  But  this  is  thirty  two  more,  than  na- 
jture  has  produced.  In  refpect  then  to  the  different 
fpecies  of  quadrupeds,  if  we  are  to  judge  by  any 
enumeration  .which  has  yet  been  made,  the  greateft 
force  and  vigour  of  nature  is  found  in  America. t 

Magnitude. — The  magnitude  which  any  ani- 
mal will  attain,' feems-  to  depend  much  upon  its  orig- 
inal conftitution,  the  climate,  and  proper  nourifb- 
ment. — In  the loriginal  conftitution  of  each  animal, 
the  Creator  feems  to  have  eftabliihed  certain  laws, 
refpecting  its  form,  generation,  expanfion,  and  fup- 
porfe.  <  The  proper  magnitude  of  the  animal-,  is  there- 
fore' aligned  by  nature,  to  each  fpecies  :  I  n  this  way, 
the  original  limits  ate  fixed  ;  above',  or  below  which, 
no  individual  of  that  fpecies  (hall  Vife,  or  fall.  With- 
in thefe  limits,  tbofe  variations  may  take  place, 
which  we  mean  to  exprefs,  when  we  call  the'  animal 
great,  or  fmall.  But  no  circuqpftance  will  reverfe 
the  la,ws  of  nature,  enable  the  jdifferent  fpecies  of 
animals  to  exchajng?  $?pir  propei*  form,  and  fnagni- 
;  •,  tude  ; 

*  Guthrie' 3  Geography; p.  2 5. 

f  The  enumeration  of  quadrupeds  fi^ems  to'be  top  injiprrfeffc 
to  afford  any  accurate  calculations  of  this  ,kind,  Ac-cording 
to  M.  Buffon's  latcft  conclufion  ,  in  his  Efioquei  a:  la-Nature, 
there  are  three  hundred  fpeciei  of  quaprupeds.'  /ffrfeflca  ac- 
cording to  the  Abbe'  Cljavfgcro,  contdiqs  about  one  half  ©fthefs. 


loS 


the  NATURAL  axd  CIVIL 


tude  ;  to  debate  the  ox  into  a  mole,  or  to  exalt  the 
mole  to  the  tize  of  the  ox. — Nature  has  alfo  fitted 
each  quadruped  for  the  climate,  in  which  it  was 
originally  placed  ;  and  in  that  climate  only,  will  it 
att  .in  irs  proper  perfection.     The  lion  would  lofe 
its  fi^rcenefs,  and  penfh,  if  it  was  removed  to   Lap- 
land ;  and  the  reindeer  would  diminifh,  and  die,  if 
it  was  carried  to  the   fandy  deferts   of  Africa.     In 
thofe  climates  only,  to  which  nature  has  adapted  each 
animal,  will  it  attain  its  greatefl  magnitude,  and  moft 
pei  left  form. — The  animal,  to  which  nature  has  thus 
affigned  its  proper  conftitution,  and  climate,  muft  be 
preferved  and  iupported  by  proper  food,  or  nourifh- 
ment.      A  deficiency  here,  will  bring  on  leannefs, 
impotency,  a  diminution  of  fize,  and  a  gradual  wafte 
and  confumption  of  the  whole   fpeeies.     But   when 
the  climate,  and  the  food,  are  both  fuited  to  the  nat- 
ural conftitution  ot  the  animal,  their  joint  influence 
will  produce  the  greatefl  fize   or  magnitude,    that 
fpeeies  will  admit. 

By  comparing  the  magnitudes  of  fuch  quadrupeds 
in  Europe,  and  in  America,  as  are  common  to  both, 
and  derive  their  fupport  from  the  hand  of  nature, 
we  (hall  of  confequence  have  another  comparative 
view  of  the  vigour  and  force,  to  which  animated  na- 
ture arrives,  in  each  country.  Several  of  thofe 
quadrupeds,  whofe  weight  has  been  afcertained  in 
Vermont,  M.  Buffbn  has  given  us  the  weight  of  in 
Europe.     They  are  thefe, 

Weight  in  Europe.  I  Weight  in  Vermont. 


The  Bear 
Wolf 
Deer 
Fox,  red 
Porcupine 
Martin 
Polecat 


Ife.    or. 

698 
288  8 

*3  5 

2  2 

*  9 

3  3 


lb.  01- 
456 

92 

308 

20 

16 

54 

/8 
Hare 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT. 


109 


Weight  in  Europe. 

We 

ight 

in  Vermont. 

lb  oz. 

ft.  oz. 

Hare 

76 

8 

Rabbit 

34 

7 

Weafel 

2    2 

12 

Ermine 

8  2 

*4 

Flying  Squirrel 

2  2 

10 

Beaver 

185 

63   8 

Otter 

89 

29   8 

From  this  companion  it  appears,  that  every  one 
of  thefe  animals,  is  larger  in  America,  than  it  is  in 
Europe.  The  inference  is  clear,  and  decifive  :  It 
is  in  America,  and  not  in  Europe,  that  thefe  quad- 
rupeds of  a  cold  climate,  attain  their  greateft  magni- 
tude, and  higheft  perfection. 

If  the  companion  mould  be  made,  between  the 
quadrupeds  of  the  torrid  zone,  the  reverfe  will  be 
found  to  be  the  cafe.  The  elephant,  the  rhinoceros 
of  Afia,  are  much  krger  than  the  quadrupeds  of 
Peru  and  Brafil.  The  truth  is,  America  is  the  moft 
favourable  to  the  productions,  and  growth,  of  the 
quadrupeds  of  cold  climates  :  Afia  is  the  moft  fa- 
vourable to  the  productions,  and  growth  of  the 
quadrupeds  of  a  hot  climate.  But  the  greateft  of 
all  animals,  the  Mammoth,  was  not  an  animal  of  the 
torrid,  but  of  the  temperate  zone  ;  and  was  the  pro- 
duction of  both  countries,  of  Afia,  and  of   America. 

Temper  and  Disposition, — Moft  animals  have 
a  particular  difpofition  and  chara&er  afBgned  to 
them  by  nature,  indelibly  fixed,  and  which  diftin- 
guifhes  the  whole  fpecies.  Thus  fome  are  natural- 
ly fierce,  fanguinary,  and  carnivorous  ;  while  others 
are  mild,  temperate,  and  gentle  :  And  all  of  them, 
are  not  a  little  influenced,  by  the  climate  they  in- 
habit.-—In  the  hotteft  climate,  and  in  the  burning 
fands  of  Africa,  the  moft  ravenous,  and  the  fiercer! 
animals  abound  :  The  lion,  the  tyger,  and  the  pan- 
ther are  there  ;  in  their  greateft  fize,   their  largeft 

numbers, 


j$9  rF?  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

numbers,  and  mod  extreme  fiercenefs.  In  fuch 
places,  (he  vegetables  alio  contain  their  ftrongeft 
qualities  ;  the  drugs,  perfumes,  arid  poifons,  are  -fhe 
moft  a&ive,  fubtle,  and  powerful^ — In  America  ev- 
ery thing  in  her  vegetables,  fruits,  and  animals,  is 
more  mild,  and  temperate.  The  quadrupeds  that 
mod  abound,  are  the  lama,  paco,  buffalo,  elk,  deer, 
fox,  beaver,  hares,  rabbits,  and  fquirrels  ;  animals, 
marked  with  a  mildnefs,  and  gentlenefs  of  character. 
Thole  that  are  the  moil  fierce;  the  bear,  the  wolf, 
the  wildcat,  (he  otter,  the  conga,r,  or  tapyr,  are  lei- 
jdcm  known  to  make  their  attacks  upon  men,  unlefs 
tbey  are  impelled  to  it  by  extreme  hunger,  pt evoca- 
tion, or  felf  defence.— -It  was  not  therefore  with  the 
moil  fierce  and  ravenous  animals,  that  America  a- 
bounded  :  Her  quadrupeds  were  of  a  more  rru'd, 
and  teniperate  difpoGtion.  To  thefe,  her  climate 
gives  the  greateft  uze,  the  higheft  perfection,  an<jl 
the  largeft  increafe. 

Increase  and  .multiplying  .Power.— r The 
increafe  and  multiplying  power  ofanimals,  is  deriy» 
ed  partly  from  nature,  and  partly  from  fituation, 
and  other  circumftances.  Nature  has  made  thofe 
animals  which  are  the  mod  large,  fierce,  and  nox- 
ious, the  lead  apt  to  multiply.  The  (mailer  an$ 
more  ufeful  any  quadruped  is,  the  more  rapid  is  it£ 
increafe.  AH  of  them  bring  forth  their  yorung,  %t 
that  feafon  of  the  year,  when  nature  has  made  the 
moil  fuitabie  and  ample  provision, for  their  food  and 
fupport.  And  then  they  do  multiply  v/ith  the  great- 
ell  rapidity,  when  they  are  the  leaft  molefted  by 
man. — But  whatever  be  their  multiplying  power,  it 
would  require  a  long  period  of  time,  before  they 
would  arrive  at  that  increafe  of  numbers,  in  which 
their  progrefs  would  be  checked,  by  the  want  of 
food.  They  would  naturally  fpread  over  the  w!?ol« 
continent,  before  they  arrived  to  fuch  a  ftate.  c  -T.-h-is 
they  had  dpne   in  every  part   o£  ArneriC3,  wh- 

was 


.HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  m 

was  firft  discovered  by  the  Europeans  :  Every  £art 
of  the  continent,  fitted  fpr  their  nourifhment  and 
growth,  frboumded  with  them.— He w  far  nature  may 
proceed  this  way,  or  what  is  the  greatefl  number  of 
quadrupeds,  that  the  uncultivated  Hate  of  any  coun- 
try will  fupport,  we  have  no  obiervatioris  to  deter- 
mine. But  it  feems  probable,  that  the  maximum  had 
already  taken  place  ;  that  America  contained  her 
full  number  of  quadrupeds.  No .  obfervations  or 
phenomena,  denote  that  there  has  been  any  iricreafifc 
of  thefe  animals,  in ,  (he  .uncultivated',  paits  of  the 
continent,  fince  its  firft  djicovery  ;  oe  that  they  evet 
were  more  thick  and  numerous,in  any  other  part  of  the 
globe. —  How  long,  a  period  nature  required  to  ad- 
vance to  this  ft  ate  in  America,  we  have  no  data  to 
determine.  But  if  we  may  judge  of  the  energy  with 
which  fhe  a£ls,  from  the  effects  of  her  multiplying* 
nower,  ;the  conclusion  will  be,  that  in  no  country  has! 
fhe  d  ifpl  ay  ed  greater  powers  df  fecundity  than  in  A- 
merica.  Thefe  circumftances  denote  an  high  antiq- 
uity, in  the  origin  of  the  American  quadrupeds  j  and 
a  great  fertility  in  that  climate  and  country,  in  which 
they  have  attained  their  greatefl;  numbers,  theil* 
greatefl  magnitude,  and  their  greatefl;  fecundity. 

B       I       R    ■   D       S, 

•THE  birds  which  abound  in  every  part  of  Amer- 
ica, make  a  curious  and  beautiful  pait  of  her  natural; 
hi  (lory.      Catejby  has  given  an  elegant  description  ofT 
the  Birds  of  Carolina.      Belknap  has  fu mimed  a  good- 
catalogue  of:thofe  of  Newhampihire.      Mod.  of  the 
birds  which  have  beeri  mentioned  by   thefe   authors 
arc*  to  be  found  in  all    the   noithern   flau-s.    ,As    we. 
approach  further  towards  the  north,  a  great  number! 
and   variety  of  wateV  fowl  are  to   be   found,    in    the 
law,  rivers,   and  Harbours,  which  have  neVer  iieepf 


In 


H2         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

In  Vermont  we  have  moft  of  the  birds,  which  are 
known  in  the  inland  parts,  and  lakes  of  the  northern 
climates.      Some  of  them  feem  to   be  fitted  by  na- 
ture, to  endure  all  the  leverity  of  our   climate,   and 
are  to  be  feen  in  the  coldeft  weather  of  our  winters. 
Of  this  kind,  are 
The  Crow.     Corvus  comix. 
Hawk,  forked  tail.  Falco  furcatus. 
Owl.     Strix  afio. 
Blue  Jay.     Corvus  crijlatus. 
Snowbird.     Emberiza  byemalis. 
Partridge.      Perdix  fylveftris. 
Woodpecker,  red  headed.   Picus  capitt  tots  nibro. 

There  are  ievcral  other  birds,  the  robbin,  black- 
bird, lark,  fnipe,  bluebird,  Sec.  which  are  feen  as  foon 
as  the  fnow  goes  off,  in  the  lpring.  They  are  not 
feen  in  the  winter,  but  they  are  round  late  in  the 
fall.  From  their  late  and  early  appearance,  it  is  not 
improbable  that  lome  of  them  may  tarry  here  through 
the  winter. 

Thofe  which  are  efteemed  birds  of  pajage,  with 
the  ufual  times,  of  their  appearance^  and  departure, 
are 

Tirre  of  Ap-  Departure, 
pearance. 

The  Snowbird.  Emberiza  byemalis.     Nov.»o-     April  i. 
Wild  Goofe.  Anas  canadenfis.  March  15.     No*.  »o. 

'Wild  Pigeon.  Columba  migratoria.    March  20.      oa.  10. 
Houfe  Swallow.  Hirundo  cauda  acculeata.~\ 
Barn  Swallow.  Hirundo  ruftica.  1 

Ground  Swallow.  Hirundo  riparia.  f    F*    '  Y  -' 

Black  Martin.  Hirundo  perpurea.  J 

The  Snowbird  is  a  beautiful,  active,  fprightly, 
little  animal.  They  are  generally  of  a  grey  colour, 
and  lefs  than  a  fparrow.  Flocks  of  them  appear,  as 
loon  as  the  fnow  begins  to  fall  in  any  confiderable 
quantity  j  and  generally  a  day  or  two  before.  They 
perch  on  the  fpires  of  vegetables  above  the  fnow,  on 

the 


HISTORY  op  VERMONT.  113 

the  bullies,  and  trees  5  and  collect  on  the  fpots  of 
bare  ground.  In  the  mod  fevere  ftorms  of  fnow, 
thefe  birds  appear  to  be  the  moft  adtive  and  lively. 
They  feed  on  the  feeds  of  vegetables,  and  are  ex- 
tremely fat,  and  delicious  ;  but  they  are  too  fmall  to 
be  molefted  on  this  account.  They  feem  to  be  of 
different  colours,  black,  white,  and  grey  ;  but  they 
all  difappear  as  foon  as  the  fnow  goes  off. 

The  Wild  Goose,  from  the  beginning  of  April, 
to  the  middle  of  November,  refides  chiefly  in  the 
more  northern,  and  northeafterly  parts  of  America. 
In  thofe  parts  they  produce  their  young,  and  are 
to  be  found  in  the  rivers  and  harbours,  in  immenfe 
numbers.  In  November  they  come  in  large  flocks 
from  the  north,  and  northeaft,  and  pafs  off  to  the 
fouthweft.  In  March  and  April,  they  return  from 
the  fouthweft  in  a  contrary  direction,  and  go  back 
to  their  fummer  habitation.  Thefe  flocks  frequent- 
ly confift  of  fifty  or  lixty  :  They  fly  at  a  great  height*, 
and  appear  to  obferve  great  regularity  in  their  paf- 
fage.  They  fometimes  follow  one  another  in  a 
ftraight  line,  but  are  more  generally  drawn  up  in  the 
form  of  a  wedge  ;  and  appear  to  be  led  by  one  of 
the  ftrongeft,  and  moft  a&ive.  While  they  keep 
together,  they  feem  to  underftand  their  courfe  per- 
fectly well  ;  but  if  by  any  means  their  order  is 
broken,  and  the  flock  difperfed,  feveral  of  them 
wander  out  of  their  courfe,  appear  to  be  perplexed, 
defcend  to  the  earth,  and  are  often  killed  or  taken. 
When  tamed,  they  will  join  with  a  flock  of  domeftic 
geefe  ;  but  at  the  ufual  times  of  migration,  are  very 
apt  to  join  any  flock,  which  approaches  near  to  them, 
in  their  paflage. 

In  the  Wild  Pigeon,  the  multiplying  power  of 
nature  a6ls  with  great  force  and  vigour.  The  male 
and  female  always  pair  :  They  fit  alternately  upon 
the  eggs,  and  generally  hatch  but  two  at  a  time  ; 
but  this  is  repeated  feveral  times  in  a  feafon. — The 
P  accounts 


H4        the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

accounts  which  are  given  of  the  number  of  pigeons 
in  the  uncultivated  parts  of  the  country,  will  appear 
almoft  incredible  to  thofe  who  have  never  feen  their 
nefts.  The  furveyor,  Richard  Hazen,  who  ran  the 
line  which  divides  Maflachufetts  from  Vermont,  in 
1741,  gave  this  account  of  the  appearances,  which  he 
met  with  to  the  weftward  of  Connecticut  river.  "  For 
three  miles  together  the  pigeons'  nefts  were  fo  thick, 
that  five  hundred  might  have  been  told  on  the  beech 
trees  at  one  time  ;  and  could  they  have  been  count- 
ed on  the  hemlocks,  as  well,  I  doubt  not  but  five 
thoufand  at  one  turn  round."*  The  remarks  of 
the  fir  ft  fettlers  of  Vermont,  fully  confirm  this  ac- 
count. The  following  relation  was  given  me,  by 
one  of  the  earlieft  fettlers  at  Clarendon  :  "  The 
number  of  pigeons  was  immenfe.  Twenty  five  nefts 
were  frequently  to  be  found  on  one  beech  tree. 
The  earth  was  covered  with  thefe  trees,  and  with 
hemlocks,  thus  loaded  with  the  nefts  of  pigeons. 
For  an  hundred  acres  together,  the  ground  was  cov- 
ered w'\th  their  dung,  to  the  depth  of  two  inches. 
Their  noife  in  the  evening  was  extremely  trouble- 
fome,  and  fo  great  that  the  traveller  could  not  get 
any  fleep,  where  their  nefts  were  thick.  About  an 
hour  after  funrife,  they  rofe  in  fuch  numbers  as  to 
darken  the  air.  When  the  young  pigeons  were 
grown  to  a  confiderable  bignefs,  before  they  could 
readily  fly,  it  was  common  for  the  fettlers  to  cut 
down  the  trees,  and  gather  a  horfe  load  in  a  few 
minutes."  The  fettlement  of  the  country  has 
fince  fet  bounds  to  this  luxuriancy  of  animal  life  ; 
diminifhed  the  number  of  thefe  birds,  and  drove 
them  further  to  the  northward. 

We  have  four  fpecies  of  Swallows  in  this  part  of 
America.  1.  The  houfe  fwallow.  This  may  be 
readily  diftinguifhed  from  the  reft,  by  the  greater 

forkednefs 

*  Belknap's  Hiftory  of  Newhampfhire,  Vol.  III.  p.  171* 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  115 

forkednefs  of  its  tail.  It  has  alfo  a  red  fpot  upon 
its  forehead  ;  and  under  its  chin.  This  fpecies 
build  their  nefts  in  chimneys.  Their  nefls  are  made 
of  fmall  (licks,  cemented  together,  with  a  kind  of 
gum,  and  mud  j  they  are  covered  or  arched  over  the 
tops,  and  the  aperture  is  on  one  fide.  Thefe  fwal- 
lows appear  the  earlieft  of  any,  in  the  fpring  :  And 
a  few  days  before  their  departure  in  the  fall,  they  af- 
fociate  on  the  tops  of  buildings,  dry  trees,  and 
bufhes,  as  if  about  to  depart  in  companies.  2.  The 
barn  fwallow.  The  fize  of  this,  is  rather  lefs  than 
that  of  the  other  ;  and  the  tail  is  not  forked  fo  much. 
This  fwallow  builds  his  neft  in  barns  and  out  houfes  ; 
and  they  are  formed  of  grafs,  draw,  and  feathers. 
Their  eggs  are  fpeckled,  of  a  dark  brown  and  white. 
It  is  called  the  barn  fwallow  from  the  place  in  which 
it  generally  builds  its  neft.  3.  The  ground  fwallow. 
This  is  the  fmalleft  of  the  whole  fpecies.  Thefe 
fwallows  form  a  hole  in  fandy  banks,  and  on  the 
fides  of  rivers,  of  eighteen  or  twenty  four  inches  in 
length.  Their  nefts  are  made  at  the  extremity  of 
thefe  holes,  of  ftraw  and  feathers,  laid  together  in  a 
loofe  and  carelefs  manner.  Their  eggs  are  perfeclly 
white.  The  holes  in  which  they  are  laid,  are  de- 
signed only  for  their  nefts  :  None  of  the  fwallows 
ever  remain  in  them,  during  the  winter.  4.  The 
black  martin.  This  is  the  largeft  of  all  our  fwal- 
lows. They  build  their  nefts  under  the  eaves  of 
houfes,  in  the  fecret  or  retired  places  of  out  houfes, 
and  old  buildings.  Their  nefts  are  made  of  ftraw 
and  feathers.  £hey  arrive  the  lateft,  and  difappear 
the  fooneft  of  any  of  the  fwallows,  which  vifit  us. 

The  ufual  times  of  the  appearance  and  difappear- 
ance  of  thefe  birds,  ferve  to  mark  the  temperature 
of  the  climate,  with  as  much  precifiion,  as  any  of  the 
phenomena  of  nature.  But  they  do  not  feem  to  be 
properly  birds  of  pafTage.  At  Danby  in  this  Mate, 
the  inhabitants  report,  that  foms  of  them  were  taken 

out 


n6        the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

out  of  a  pond  in  that  town,  fome  years  ago.     A  man 
was  employed  in  the  winter,  to  procure  the  roots  of 
the  pond  lily,  for  medicinal  purpofes.     Among  the 
mud  and  roots  which  he  threw  out,  feveral  f wallows 
were  found  inclofed  in  the  mud ;  alive,  but  in  a  tor- 
pid flate.     The  account   is   not  doubted  among  the 
inhabitants  ;   but  I  have  not   the   teftimony  of  any 
perfons  who  faw  thefe  fwallows. — It  has  been  doubt- 
ed by  iome  able  naturalifts,  whether  it  is  poffible  for 
the  fwallow  to  live  in  fuch  a    fituation.     I  faw  an 
inftance,  which  puts  the  poflibility  of  the  fact  beyond 
all  room  for  doubt.      About  the  year  1760,  two  men 
were  digging  in  the  faltmarfh  at  Cambridge,  in  Maf- 
fachufetts  :  On  the  bank  of  Charle's  river,  about  two 
feet  below  the  furface  of  the  ground,  they  dug  up  a 
iwallow,  wholly  furrounded  and  covered  with  mud. 
The  Iwallow  was  in  a   torpid  ftate,   but  being   held 
in  their  hands,  it   revived    in   about  half  an  hour. 
The  place  where  this  fwallow  was  dug  up,  wis  every 
day  covered  with  the  fait  water;  which  at  every  high 
tide,  was  four  or  five  feet  deep.      The  time  when  this 
fwallow  was  tound,  was  the  latter  part  of  the  month 
of  February  ;   but  the   men  allured  me,  they  had 
never  found  any  other  fwallows  in  fuch  a    fituation. 
The   fpecies    called    the  houfe  or  chimney  fwallow, 
has  been  found   during  the  winter,  in  hollow  trees. 
At  Middlekury  in  this  ftate,  there  was  a  large  hollow 
elm,  called  by  the  people  in  the  vicinity  the  fwallow 
tree.    From  a  man  who,  for  feveral  years,  lived  with- 
in twenty  rods  of   it,  I    procured    this  information  ; 
lie  always  thought  the  fwallows  tarried  in    the  tre« 
through  the  winter,  and  avoided  cutting  it  down,  on 
that  account.     About  the  firfl  of  May,  the  fwallows 
crime  out  of  it,  in  large  numbers,  about   the  middle 
of   the  day  ;    and  foon  returned.     As    the  weather 
grew  warmer,  they  came  out  in  the  morning  with  a 
loud  noife,  or  roar,  and  were  foon  difperfed  :  About 
half  an  hour  before  fun  down,  they  returned  in  mill- 
ions. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  117 

ions,  circulating  two  or  three  times  round  the  tree, 
and  then  delcending  like  a  dream,  into  a  hole  about 
fixty  feet  from  the  ground."-  It  was  cuftomary  fo» 
perfons  in  the  vicinity,  to  vifit  this  tree,  to  obferve 
the  motions  of  thefe  birds :  And  when  any  perlons 
difturbed  their  operations,  by  ftriking  violently  a- 
gainft  the  tree,  with  their  axes,  the  fwallows  would 
rufti  out  in  millions,  and  with  a  great  noife.  In  No- 
vember, 1791,  the  top  of  this  tree,  was  blown  down, 
twenty  feet  below  where  the  fwallows  entered.  There 
has  been  no  appearance  of  the  fwallows  Gnce.  Up- 
on cutting  down  the  remainder,  an  immenfe  quanti- 
ty of  excrements,  quills,  and  feathers  were  found  ; 
but  no  appearance  or  relicks  of  any  nefts. 

Another  of  thefe  fwallow  trees,  was  at  Bridport. 
The  man  who  lived  the  neareft  to  it,  gave  this  ac- 
count :  The  fwallows  were  firft  obferved  to  come 
out  of  the  tree,  in  the  fpring  ;  about  the  time,  that 
the  leaves  firft  began  to  appear  on  the  trees.  From 
that  fealbn,  they  came  out  in  the  morning,  about 
half  an  hour  after  funrife  :  They  ruflied  out  like  a 
ftream,  as  big  as  the  hole  in  the  tree  would  admit, 
and  afcended  in  a  perpendicular  line,  until  they 
were  above  the  height  of  the  adjacent  trees  ;  then 
afTumed  a  circular  motion,  performing  their  revolu- 
tions two  or  three  times,  but  always  in  a  larger  cir- 
cle, and  then  difperfed  in  every  direction.  A  little 
before  fundown,  they  returned  in  immenfe  numbers, 
forming  feveral  circular  motions,  and  then  defend- 
ed like  a  ftream  into  the  hole,  from  whence  they 
came  out  in  the  morning.  About  the  middle  of 
September,  they  were  feen  entering  the  tree,  for  the 
laft  time.  Thefe  birds  were  all  of  the  fpecies  call- 
ed the  houfe  or  chimney  fwallow. — The  tree  was  a 
large  hollow  elm,  the  hole  at  which  they  entered 
was  about  forty  feet  above  the  ground,  and  about 
nine  inches  diameter.  The  fwallows  made  their 
firft  appearance  in  the  fpring,  and  their  laft  appear- 
ance 


n8        the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

ance  in  the  fall,  in  the  vicinity  of  this  tree;  and  the 
neighbouring  inhabitants  had  no  doubt,  but  that  the 
Swallows  continued  in  it  during  the  winter.  A  few 
years  ago,  a  hole  was  cut  at  the  bottom  of  the  tree  : 
From  that  time,  the  fwallows  have  been  gradually 
forfaking  the  tree,  and  have  now  almoft  deferted  it.— 
Neither  of  thefe  accounts/are  attended  with  the 
hiaheft  degree  of  evidence,  which  the  fubjecl;  may 
admit  of :  But  I  am  led  to  believe  from  them,  that 
the  houfe  fwallow,  in  this  part  of  America,  generally 
refides  during  the  winter,  in  the  hollow  of  trees;  and 
that  the  ground  fwallows,  find  fecurity  in  the  mud, 
at  the  bottom  of  lakes,  rivers,  and  ponds. 

Of  the  Singing  Birds,  the  following  are  the   moft 
diftinguiihed,  either  by  the  variety  of  their  notes,  or 
by  the  melody  of  their  found  : 
The  Robin.     Turdus  migratorius. 
Skylark.     Alauda  alpeftris. 
Thrum.     'Turdus  rufrus. 
Thrafher,  or  Mock  Bird.     Turdus  polyglottos. 
Boblincoln.     Emberiza  oryzivera, 
Yellowbird.     Fringilla  aurea. 
Bluebird.     Motacilla  coerulia. 
Wren.     Motacilla  regulus. 
Red  winged  Blackbird.      Turdus  niger  alis  fuperne 

rubentibus. 
Catbird.     Mufcicapa  vertice  nigra. 
Golden  Robin,  or  Goldfinch.     Oriolus  aureus, 
Springbird.     Fringilla. 
Hangbird.     Oriolus  ifferus* 

The  only  natural  mufic,  is  that  of  birds.  In  the 
uncultivated  ftate,  and  parts  of  the  country,  this  de- 
lightful found  is  not  to  be  heard.  Either  difgufted 
with  fo  gloomy  a  fcene,  or  diiliking  the  food  in  the 
uncultivated  lands,  the  mufical  birds  do  not  deign  to 
dwell  in  fuch  places  ;  or  to  put  forth  their  melody  to 
the  rocks,  and  to  the  trees.  But  no  fooner  has  man 
diicharged  his  duty,  cut  down  the  trees,  and  opened 

the 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  119 

the  fields  to  the  enlivening  influence  of  the  air  and 
the  fun,  than  the  birds  of  harmony  repair  to  the 
fpot,  and  give  it  new  charms  by  the  animating  ac- 
cents of  their  mufic.  From  break  of  day  until  about 
nine  o'clock,  the  lovely  harmony  is  heard  from  ev- 
ery quarter.  About  that  t'me  of  day,  the  mufic 
ceafes.  The  muficians  retire  to  other  employments  ; 
and  there  is  no  further  concert,  until  next  morning. 
This  is  one  of  the  moft  delightful  fcenes,  which  na* 
ture  affords  :  But  like  moft  of  our  delicate  pleafures, 
it  is  not  to  be  enioj""1,  but  in  the  cultivated  Mate. 

A  great  vari'  y    o.    birds   generally  refort  to    the 
ponds,  rivers,  and  lakes  ;  which,  on  that  account,  are 
commonly  diftinguifhed  by  the  name  of  Water  Fowl. 
Among  thefe  aquatic  birds,  the  moft  common  are 
The  Goofe,  three  fpecies.     Anfer  canadenfis. 
Duck,  eight  or  ten.     Anas. 
Teal,  two.     Anas. 
Heron,  two.     Ardea. 
Gull,  two.     Larus. 
Shelldrake,  three.     Mergus. 
Crane.     Ardea  canadenjis. 
Stork.     Ardea  ciconia. 
Loon.     Colymbus  immer. 
Waterhen.     Aiea  artica. . 

There  are  many  other  birds,  which  do  not  fall 
under  either  of  the  above  descriptions.  Of  this 
kind,  the  following  are  the  moft  common  and  nu- 
merous. 

The  Eagle,  two  fpecies.     Falco. 
Hawk,  four.     Falco. 
Owl,  three.     Strix. 
Woodpecker,  feven  or  eight.     Thus. 
Kingbird.     Lanius  tyrannus. 
Crow  Blackbird.      Gracula  quifcula. 
Cuckow.     Cucului  americanus. 
Kingfifher.      Alcedo  alcyon. 
Woodcock.     Scolo$ax  rujiica, 

Woodfnipe, 


i2o  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

Woodfnipe.     Scohpax  fedoa. 
Ouail.     Perdix  minor. 
Curlew,  two.     Scohpax 


Plover,  four.      Charadrius. 
Wild  Turkey.      Maleagris  gallopatiO. 
Tuiile  Dove.     Columba  carolinenfts. 
Whip  poor  Will.     Caprimulgus  europ<eus,  B. 
Nighthawk.     Caprimulgus  americanus. 
Hedgebird.     Mufcicapa  canadenfis. 
Croisbill.      Loxia  curviroflra. 
Hummingbird.     Trochilus  coluhris. 

In  addition  to  thefe,  there  is  a  mamillary  biped, 
the  Bat  (vefpertilio  murinus  :)  And  a  great  variety 
and  number  of  fmall  birds,  which  have  never  been 
enumerated,  defcribed,  or  clafTed.  We  meet  with 
them  every  day  in  the  fields,  but  they  are  not  diftin- 
guifhed  by  any  proper  names. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  in  the  birds  of  Amer- 
ica, nature  pioceeds  from  her  mod  minute  and  cu- 
rious, to  the  mod  fublime  and  magnificent  produc- 
tions. The  Hummingbird  is  the  leafl  of  all  birds. 
The  Condor%  a  bird  of  Southamerica,  in  bulk, 
flrength,  and  courage,  is  the  greatefl.  Both  of  thefe 
are  peculiar  to  America.  The  gradation  from  the 
leaft  to  the  greateft,  through  all  the  intermediate 
fleps  and  degrees,  is  nicely  and  beautifully  filled  up, 
with  an  infinite  variety  of  others. 

FISHES. 

OF  the  great  variety  of  fiih,  which  nature  has  pro- 
duced in  the  waters  of  America,  but  a  fmall  part  are 
found  in  the  internal  parts  of  the  continent.  The 
largeft  collection  of  waters  which  we  have  in  Ver- 
mont, are  the  lakes  Champlain,  Memphremagog, 
Connecticut  river,  with  the  ponds  and  ft  reams  con- 
nected with  them.  In  thefe  waters  we  have 
The  Sturgeon.     Acipenfer fturia. 

Salmon, 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT,  m.  i 

Salmon.     Salmo. 

Salmon  Trout.,     Salmo /alar. 

Bafs.     Perca  ocelata. 

Pickerel,  or  Pike.     Efax  Indus. 

Shad.      Clupea  ah/a. 

Ale  wife.     Clupea. 

h\t\.     Murana  anguilfo. 

Tiout      Tracla. 

Red  p(jrch.      Perca  fwviat alii. 

White  Pejch.     Perca  luciaperca* 

Pout.      Silurusfelis. 

Sftiner.     Perca  nobills. 

Chub.     Perca  pbiladelpbica.. 

Bream.      Perca  cbryfopterac. 

Bret..     Clupea  minima. 

Menow. 

Sucker. 

Dace. 

Migration   is    not  peculiar  to    the  birds  :   Several 

kinds  of  fillies,  have  as   regular  periods  of  approach, 

and  departure,  as  the  birds  of   paiTage,      This  is  the 

cafe  with  the  falmon.      In  the  fpring,  about  the  25th 

of' April,  thele  fiih  begin  to  pafs  up  Connecticut 
river,  and  proceed  to  the  higheft  branches.  About 
the  Ixtne  time,  or.  a  little  later,  they  are  found  in  Lake 
Ghatnpbrfn,  and  the  large  dreams  which  fall  into  it. 
So  ftrong  is  this  in  flinch  of  migration  in  the  the  fal- 
mon, that  in  palling  up  the  rivers,  they  force  their 
paffagc  over  catara&s  of  leveral  feet  in  height,  and 
in  oppofition  to  the  mod  rapid  currents.  They  are 
fometimes  feen  to  make  fix  or  {even  attempts,  be- 
fore they  can  fucceed  to  afcend  the  falls.  When 
they  are  thus  going  up  in  the  fpring,  they  are  round 
and  fat,  of  an  excellent  tafte,  and  flavour.  From 
the  flrft  week  in  May,  to  the  fecond  week  in  June, 
they  are  taken  in  great  numbers.  When  they  ar- 
rive at  the  upper  parts  of  the  river*,  they  depofit 
their  fpawn,  a  nd  remain  there  during  the  fumrner 
Q  feafon  j 


122  THE    NATURAL    AND    CIVIL 

feafon  ;  but  become  very  lean,  and  flaccid.  Towards 
the  latter  end  of  September,  they  return  to  the  ocean  ; 
but  To  much  emaciated,  that  they  are  not  taken,  or 
ufed  for  food.  Some  of  thefe  falmon  in  the  fpring, 
will  weigh  thirty  five  or  forty  pounds.  They  mi- 
grate only  to  cold  waters.  None  of  them  are  ever 
found  to  the  fouth,  or  weft,  of  Connecticut  river. 
Thole  that  go  further  to  the  northward,  and  pafs 
up  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  are  generally  more 
large  and  rich,  than  thofe  which  come  from  the 
ibuthward. 

The  Salmon  Treut,  in  its  form,  dimenfions,  and 
appearance,  very  much  refembles  the  falmon  ;  but 
the  meat  is  of  a  finer  grain,  and  of  a  more  delicate 
tafte,  and  flavour.  This  trout  is  found  in  Lake 
Champlain,  and  in  the  rivers  and  ponds,  which  are 
connected  with  it.  Thefe  fifh  are  taken  with  the 
hook  and  line,  like  the  cod  and  haddock.  Trouts 
from  feven  to  ten  pounds,  are  common.  In  a  pond 
at  Leicelterin  this  ltate,  fome  have  been  taken  which 
weighed  twenty  five  pounds  :  Others  much  larger 
have  been  feen  leaping  out  of  the  water,  which  the 
fifherman  fuppofed  would  weigh  from  thirty  five  to 
forty  pounds. 

The  Pike  or  P/V&sr*/ abounds  much  in  Lake  Cham- 
plain.  It  is  there  called  by  the  name  of  Mufchilon- 
goe,  and  grows  to  a  great  fize.  They  are  eafily  tak- 
en with  a  (pear,  and  fome  of  them  have  weighed  for- 
ty pounds,  and  were  fix  feet  in  length. 

Of  the  (mall  fifh,  which  relide  in  the  brooks  and 
fmall  ftreams,  the  molt  numerous  and  uleful,  are  the 
trout,  perch,  and  fucker.  The  trout,  in  its  colour, 
form,  and  tafte,  refembles  the  .falmon  trout,  but  is  of 
much  (mailer  dimenfions.  The  largelt  ol  them,  will 
not  weigh  more  than  two  pounds  and  an  half,  or 
i J  rt-f  pounds.  This  filh  is  found  in  all  the  dreams, 
Vi  hich  have  their  origin  in  the  mountains;  and  gen- 
erally very   near  their  fources,  in  the    high   lands. 

The 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  123 

The  perch  and  the  fucker  are  alfo  very  numerous, 
and  ufefuJ,  and  of  nearly  the  fame  dimenfions.  The 
mod  uncommon  inftance,  which  I  have  ever  feen, 
of  the  multiplying  power  of  nature,  was  in  the  in- 
creafe  of  thefe  fifth.  At  Tinmouth,  is  a  brook  about 
twenty  or  thirty  feet  wide,  and  two  or  three  deep ;  in 
which  the  trout  and  fucker  were  to  be  found  of  the 
common  fize,  and  number.  A  dam  was  built  acrofs 
this  ftream,  for  the  purpofe  of  fupplying  water  for  a 
fawmill.  This  dam  formed  a  pond,  which  covered 
by  eflimation,  about  a  t&pufand  acres,  where  the 
trees  were  thick,  and  the  foil  had  never  been  culti- 
vated. Jn  two  or  three  years,  the  fifh  were  multi* 
plied  to  an  incredible  number.  They  were  become 
fo  numerous,  that  at  the  upper  end  of  the  pond, 
where  the  brook  fell  into  it,  in  the  fpring  the  fifh 
are  feen  running  one  over  another  ;  embaraffed  with 
their  own  numbers ;  and  unable  to  efcape  from  any 
attempt  that  is  made  to  take  them.  They  are  taken 
by  the  hands,  at  pleafure  ;  and  the  fwine  catch, 
them  without  difficulty.  With  a  net,  the  fifher- 
men  often  take  a  bufhel  at  a  draught,  and  repeat 
their  labour  with  the  fame  fuccefs.  Carts  are  load- 
ed with  them,  in  as  fliort  a  time,  as  the  people  could 
gather  them  up,  when  thrown  upon  the  banks  ;  and 
it  is  cuftomary  to  fell  them  in  the  fifhing  feafon,  for 
a  (hilling  by  the  bufhel.  While  they  have  thus  in- 
creased in  numbers,  they  are  become  more  than 
double  to  their  former  fize. — This  extreme  increafe 
does  not  feem  to  be  derived  from  any  other  caufe, 
than  that  of  collecting  the  waters  in  fuch  a  quantity, 
as  to  form  the  pond  ;  and  thus  increafe  the  means 
of  fuhfiflence,  by  carrying  the  water  over  a  large 
tracl:  of  rich,  and  uncultivated  land.  Events  of  a 
fimilar  nature  generally  take  place,  when  an  arti- 
ficial pond  is  made  in  any  part  of  the  country,    nos 

before 


124         the   NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

before  cultivated  ;    and   probably    from   the    fame 
cauie.* 

In  the  production  of  fifh,  nature  feems  to  have 
been  extremely  prolific,  in  every  part  of  America. 
Their  Ipecies,  their  multiplying  power,  and  the  age 
at  which  they  become  prolific,  are  beyond  our 
knowledge,  and  computation.  The  brOoks,  rivers, 
ponds,  and  lakes,  are  everywhere,  ftored  with  them. 
The  fea  coifts  are  one  continued  range  of  fifhin* 
banks,  covered  with  cod,  haddock,  and  other  ani- 
mals of  the  ocean.  The  whale  is  generally  efteem- 
ed  the  greateft  animal,  which  nature  has  produced 
in  the  water  :  In  the  feas  of  America,  this  is  to  be 
found  in  its  greateft  perfection  of  magnitude  and 
numbers. 

Fofiil  fhells  are  frequently  found  at  fome  difbnce 
from  the  banks  of  our  lakes,  rivers,  brooks,  and 
meadows.  Some  have  been  found  on  the  fides,  •  or 
rather  in  the  gullies  of  the  mountains.  Such  pro- 
ductions require  a  collection  of  water  for  their  for- 
mation. Naturalifts  have  propofed  many  theories 
and  fpeculations,  to  account  for  the  collection  of  wa- 
ter in  fuch  places,  where  there  are  now  no  appear- 
ances of  the  kind. 

In  their  defcent  from  the  mountains,  the  brooks 
and  rivers  rnufi  every  where  have  formed  themfelves 
into  lakes,  pond*.,  and  fmall   collections  of  water  ; 

And 

*  The  number  of  fifh  in  the  rivers  of  Southamerica,  is  fully 
equal  to  any  thing  that  takes  place,  in  the  northern  parts  of  the- 
continent.  ««  In  the  Maragnon,"  fays  P.  Acugna,  *  fifh  are  ft) 
plentifil,  that,  without  any  art,  they  may  take  them  with  their 
hands.." 

"  In  the  Orinoco,"  fays  P.  Gumilla,  'c  befides  an  infinite  va^ 
riety  of  other  fifh,  tortoifes  or  turtle  abound  in  fuch  numbers, 
that  I  cannot  find  words  to  exprefs  it.  J  doubt  not  but  that  fuch 
as  read  my  account  will  accule  me  of  exaggeration  :  But  I  can 
affirm,  that  it  is  as  difficult  to  count  them,  as  to  count  the  fands 
on  the  bank  of  that  river."  Hift.  del.  Orenoque,  ii.  C.  33.  p.  50. 
M.  de  la  Condaraine  confirms  their  accounts. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT*.  125 

And  it  was  not  until  after  long  periods  of  tim£,  that 
they  could  form  for  themfelves  channels  of  fuch 
depth,  as  to  difcharge  the  Waters  which  had  been  thus 
collected.  Some  of  thefe  ponds  were  formed  on  the 
fides  of  the  mountains,  and  others  overflowed  What 
are  now  called  the  meadows  ;  and  many  of'their  an- 
cient phenomena  yet  remain.  The  waters  have 
long  fince  formed  the  channels,  by  which  they  are 
now  difcharged  into  the  ocean. — In  fuch  place's,  fof- 
fil  fliells  are  yet  found  :  They  are  the  productions 
of  former  times,  when  thole  places  were  covered  by 
the  waters  defcertding  from  the  mountains  ;  then 
collected  into  quantities  for  want  of  natural  chan- 
nels, now  drawn  off  by  the  depth  of  the  channels 
which  the  waters  have  formed,  and  conftantly  ren- 
dered more  and  more  deep. 

R'E  PTl  LE  S  and   INSECTS. 

■ 

THAT  clafs  of  animals,  which  are  diflinguifhed 
by  the  names  of  reptiles,  and  infecls,  are  numerous 
in  every  part  of  America.  They  abound  the  moft, 
and  are  of  the  larger!  fize,  in  the  hotted  parts  of 
the  continent.  In  a  climate  fo  cold  as  that  of  Ver- 
mont, they  are  comparatively  of  but  a  few  fpecies., 
and  fmali  in  their  fize  ;  but  they  exift  in  great  num- 
bers.    The  following  are  our 

AMPHIBIOUS     REPTILES, 

The  Turtle,  two  fpecies.   Tejluda, 
Toad.     Rana. 
Frog,  five.      Rana. 
Lizard.     Lacerta  punftuta. 
Swift.     Lacerta  fufciata. 

There  are  feveral  accounts  in  natural  hiftory,  of 
toads  being  found  in  the  hearts  of  trees,  and  in 
folid  rocks  •  wholly  inclofed,   and  fhut  up  from  the 

air4 


126  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

air,  and  all  appearance  of  foc^l ;  and  being  taken 
alive,  out  of  iurn  fituations.  In  the  Memoirs  of 
the  Academy  of  Sciences,  there  is  an  account  that  in 
the  year  1731,  a  load  was  found  in  the  heart  of  an 
old  oak  near  N.antz,  without  any  vifible  entrance  to 
its  habitation;.  From  the  fize  of  the  tree,  it  was 
concluded,  that  tjhe  toad  muft  have  been  confined  in 
that  lituation,  at  leaft  eighty  or  an  -hundred  years.* 
We  have  (everal  infl  inces  in  Vermont,  equally  ex- 
traordinary. At  Windfor,  a  town  joining  to  Con- 
necticut river,  in  September,  1790,  a  living  frog  was 
dug  up  at  the  depth  of  nine  feet,  from  the  furface  of 
the  earth.  Stephen  Jacobs,  Efq;  from  whom  I  have 
.this  account,  informs  me,  that  the  place  where  this 
frog  was  found,  was  about  half  a  mile  from  the  riv- 
er, on  the  intervale  lands,  which  are  annually  over- 
flowed by  its  waters.  At  Caftleton,  in  the  year 
1779,  the  inhabitants  were  engaged  in  building  a 
fort,  near  the  centre  of  the  town.  Digging  into  the 
earth  five  or  fix  feet  below  the  furface,  they  found 
many  frogs,  apparently  inactive,  and  fuppofed  to  be 
dead.  Being  expofed  to  the  air,  animation  foon  ap- 
peared, and  they  were  found  to  be  alive,  and 
healthy.  I  have  this  account  from  General  Clarke, 
and  a  Mr.  Muulloti,  who  were  prefent  when  thefe 
frogs  were  dug  up.  Upon  viewing  the  fpot,  it  did 
not  appear  to  me,  that  it  had  ever  been  overflowed 
with  water,  but  it  abounded  with  fprings.  A  more 
remarkable  inttance  was  at  Burlington,  upon  Onion 
river.  In  the  year  1788,  Samuel  Lane,  Efq;  was 
digging  a  well  near  his  houfe.  At  the  depth  of 
twenty  five  or  thirty  feet,  from  the  furface  of  the 
earth,  the  labourers  threw  out  with  their  (hovels, 
fomething  which  they  fufpeffced  to  be  groundnuts, 
or  ftones  covered  with  earth.  Upon  examining 
thefe  appearances,   they  were  found  to  be  frogs  ;  to 

which, 
*  Smellie's  Philofophy  of  Natural  Hiftory,  p.  122, 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  127 

which,  the  earth  every  where  adhered.  The  exam- 
ination was  then  made  of  the  eaith,  in  the  well, 
where  they  were  digging.  A  large  number  of  frogs 
were  found  covered  with  the  earth,  and  fo  numerous, 
that  feveral  of  them  were  cut  in  pieces  by  the  fpades 
of  the  workmen.  Being  expofed  to  the  air,  they 
ibon  became  a£live  ;  but  unable  to  endure  the  direcY 
rays  of  the  fun,  the  mofl  of  them  perifhed.  This 
account  is  from  Mr.  Lane,  and  Mr  Lawrence  one of 
the  workmen,  Who  were  both  preferit  when  the 
frogs  were  dug  up.  From  the  depth  of  earth,  with 
which  thefe  frogs  were  covered,  it  cannot  be  doubted 
but  that  they  rauft  have  been  covered  over  in  the 
earth,  for  many  ages,  or  rather  centuries.  1  he  ap- 
pearances denote  that  the  place  from  whence  thefe 
frogs  were  taken,  was  once  the  bottom  of  a  channel 
or  lake,  formed  by  the  waters  of  Onion  river,  in 
digging  the.  fame  'well,  at  the  depth  of  forty  one 
feet  and  an  half  from  the  furface,  the  v.  oik  men  found 
the  body  of  a  tree  eighteen  or  twenty  inches  in  di- 
ameter ;  partly  rotten,  but  the  bi^geft  part  found. 
The  probability  is,  that  both  the  tree,  and  the  frogs 
were  once  at  the  bottom  of  the  channel  of  a  river, 
or  lake  j  that  the  waters  of  Onion  river,  confrantly 
bringing  down  large  quantities  of  earth,  gradually 
raifed  the  bottom1:  That  by  the  conftant  increale  of 
earth  and  water,  the  water  was  forced  over  its 
bounds,  and  formed  for  itfelf  a  new  channel  or  paf- 
fage,  in  its  delcent  into  Lake  Champlain. — How 
vigorous  and  permanent  muft  the  principle  of  life 
be,  in  this  animal  !  Frogs  placed  in  a  fituation,  in 
which  they  were  perpetually  fupplied  with  moiflure, 
and  all  wafte  and  perfpiration  from  the  body  pre- 
vented, preferve  the  powers  of  life  from  age  to  age  ! 
Centuries  muft  have  paffed  fince  they  beg^ii  to  live, 
in  fuch  a,  fituation  ;  and  had  that  fituation  con  tin- 
ued,  nothibg  appears,  but  that  they  would  have  liv- 
ed for  manv  centuries  yet  to  come  ! 

SERPENTS, 


i*S         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL. 

SERPENT     S. 

The  Rattle  Snake.     Crqtalus  horridus* 

Black  Snake.      Coluber  conflrittor. 

Green  Snake.      Coluber  Jaur  it  a.  , 

Sniped  Snake.     Anguis  cryx. 

Water  Adder.     Coluber  fafcialtts. 

Thefe  are  all  the.  fpccies  of  this  kind  of  animaK 
of  which  I  have  any  account  ;  and  thefe  are  butfel-  . 
dom  to  be  met  with  in  Vermont. 

There  is  a  curious  phenomenon   refpefting  two 
of  thefe  fpecies,  which  feems  to  deferve  further  in- 
quiries.    The  farmers,  and  other  perfons  who  fre- 
quently meet  with   the   rattle  fnake,    and  with,    the 
black  fnake,  feem  univerfally  to  believe  that  each  of 
thefe  animals,  have  a  power   of  fafcination  ;  or  as  it 
is  commonly  expreffed,  of  charming  birds,  and  ot-her 
fmall   animals.       The  account   which    is   generally 
given,  is  this   :    The    fnake    lies  ftretched  out  his 
full    length,  in   fome   open   place  ;   his  heacj  raifed 
eight  or  ten   inches  from  the  grpund  ;  his  colours 
glow  with   their  greateft  brightnefs  ;  his   eyes  play 
with  an  uncommon   brilliancy,   and   fire  ;  and   are 
fteadily   fixed   on  the  enchanted    animal. — During 
this  fcene,  the  bird  appears  to  be  in  the  greateft  dif- 
trefs  j  is  conflantly  putting  forth  the  mod  mournful 
accents  ;  at  the  fame  time,  is  performing  a  number 
of  irregular   circular  motions  ;  and    at  the  end   of 
each,  approaches  nearer   to  the  fnake  :    This   fcene 
continues,  and  is  inceffantly  repeated,  until  the  bird, 
without  any  power  to  efcape,  comes  within  the  reach 
of  the  voracious  jaws  of  the  fcrpent,   when  it  is  in- 
ftantly  feized  :   Bat  if  the   fnake   is   attacked,    or    fo 
difturbed  during  the  operation,  that  his  attention   is 
turned  another  way,    the  charm  is  broken  ;   and  the 
bird  recovering  his  liberty,  immediately  flits  otF. — ■ 
I  have  never  myfelf  feen  any  thing  like  this  fafcinat- 

in* 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  129 

Jfig  fcene  ;  but  I  have  had  accounts  exa&Iy  fimilarft 
from  more  than  a  dozen  perfons,  whofe  integrity  I 
cannot  in  the  fmalleft  degree,  call  in  queftion. 
There  is  room,  however,  for  miftakes  in  fuch  kind 
of  obfervations  j  and  in  moft  of  them,  the  fnake  was 
difturbed,  before  the  fcene  was  finifhed.  That  there 
is  fomething  curious  in  thefe  appearances,  cannot  be 
doubted.  But  whether  thefe  fnakes  have  fuch  pow- 
ers, or  by  what  caufes  fuch  events  are  produced, 
feems  to  require  more  accurate  obfervations,  and  a 
more  philofophical  inveiligation. 

I     N     S     E     C    t     So 

*thc  in  feels  are  too  minute,  and*  numerous,  to  be 
particularly  defcribed.  The  moft  common  are  the 
beetle,  grafshopper,  cricket,  butterfly,  firefly,  black- 
fly,  moth,  flea,  artt,  mufqueto,  fpider,  hornet,  wafp> 
bumble  bee,  honey  bee,  various  kinds  of  bugs,  and 
feveral  fpecies  of  worms.  Of  thefe  the  mufqueto  is 
the  moft  troublefome.  The  weavil,  the  Heffian  fly, 
and  the  locuft,  are  not  known  in  this  part  of  the 
continent. 

Of  the  bee,  there  h  a  fpecies  which  is  generally 
called  with  us,  the  bumble  bee.  This  is  indigenous 
to  the  country,  and  much  larger  than  the  common 
bee.  It  forms  a  neft  upon  the  ground  ;  and  pro- 
duces a  fpecies  of  honey,  in  tranfparency,  beauty, 
and  fweetnefs,  fully  equal  to  that  of  the  honey  bee  3 
"but  much  Iefii  in  quantity.  Whether  the  honey 
bee  is  a  native  of  the  country,  feems  to  be  viewed 
by  fome  as  uncertain.  I  do  not  find  much  reafon 
to  doubt^  but  that  it  was  in  America,  before  the  Eu- 
ropeans made  their  firft  fettlements  in  the  country. 
From  the  pictures  and  tribute  rolls  of  the  Mexicans, 
it  appears  that  the  honey  bee  was  known,  and  that 
honey  was  one  part  of  the  annual  tribute  which  was 
paid  to  their  emperors  before  the  arrival  of  the  Span- 
R  iaixK 


t^o        the  NATURAL  awd  CIVIL 

iards.     Clavigero  in  his  hiflory  of  Mexico,  confirm* 
tbefe  accounts  ;    and  mentions   fix   kinds   of  bees 
which  make  honey  ;  two  of  which  have  ftings,  and 
one  in  all  refpefts  agrees  with  the  honey  bee  of  Eu- 
rope.    A  fpecies  of  the  honey    bee,    but   without 
flings,   was  found  in   Chiapa,   and   Yucatan.     The 
fame  according  to  Margrave,   was  found   in  BrafiL 
In   3540,  among   the  provifions  of  the   natives   of 
Florida,  "  a  pot  full  of  honie  of  bees/'  was  found 
by  Soto. — Fsom  thefe  accounts,  it  is  not  to  be  doubt- 
ed, but  that  the  honey  bee  was  indigenous,  and  had 
fpread  over  the  empire  of  Mexico.     To  the  eaft,  it 
had  advanced  as  far  as  Florida  :  And   to   the  foutb, 
to  Yucatan,  and  the  country  of  Brafil.      To  an  im- 
menfe  country  then,  the  honey  bee  was  indigenous, 
and  common. — There  was  no  eaufe  in  the  nature  of 
the  animal,  or  of  the  climate,  to  prevent  their  Ipread- 
ing  to   the  northward.     They    Jive  in   the   hollow 
trees  in  the  woods  of  Vermont,  from   yea*  to  year  ; 
and  are  always  found,  of  their  full  dimenfions,  vig- 
orous,   and    plentifully  fupplied  with  honey  ;  and 
they  bear  the  cold  of  our  winters-,  much  better  in 
the  hollow  of  a  large  tree,  than  in  any   of  our  arti- 
ficial bee  hives.     They  live  and   abound  in  Ruflia, 
where  the  climate  is  much  more  fevere,  than  it  is  in, 
this  part  of  America  :  They  would  therefore  naturally 
extend,,  and  fpread  along  the  country,    where    they 
could  find  the  means  of   fubfiftence,  and  a  climate 
not  unfuited  to  their  fupport.       It  has  always  been 
found  far   beyond   the  Englifh   fettlements.      From 
our  earliefl  acquaintance  with    Lake   Champlain,   it 
was  to  be    found    in    the    open   lands,  along  thofe 
fliores  ;  at  the  di fiance  of  an   hundred    miles  from 
the  Englifh  or  French  fettlements  ;  and  long  before 
thofe  fettlements  had  begun  to  attend   to  the   culti- 
vation of  this  animal  :  And  from  the  firft  fettlement 
of  Newengland,  hunting  for  their  nelts    has  been  a 
favouiite   and  profitable   amufement. — But  as  the 

chief 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  131 

chief  food  of  the  bee  is  from  the  blofifoms  and  flow- 
ers of  plants,  it  does  not  multiply  fo  faft  in  the  un- 
cultivated parts  of  the  country,  as  where  the  im- 
provements of  agriculture  and  gardening,  are  con* 
ilantly  producing  a  greater  variety,  and  number  of 
vegetables. 

To  the  tribes  of  reptiles  and  infers,  we  have  af- 
fixed the  idea  of  fomething,  unpleal'ant,  diminutive, 
or  odious.  The  defigns,  the  wifdom,  and  the  power 
of  the  Creator,  are  not  to  be  eftimated  by  fuch  feel- 
ings, fears,  and  prejudices.  The  reptile,  the  infe6t4 
the  fifh,  the  bird,  and  the  quadruped,  one  as  much 
as  the  other,  denote  wifdom,  power,  and  defign,  in 
the  author  of  nature  :  And  they  arealike  evidences, 
and  inftances,  of  the  power  of  animated  nature,  in  the 
different  parts  of  the  earth.  We  may  therefore  as  juft- 
iyand  clearly  deduce  the  energy  and  force  of  animated 
nature  in  any  country,  from  the  number  and  mag- 
nitude of  the  infe£ts,  as  from  the  fpecies  and  dimen- 
fions  of  any  other  animals.  The  European  phi- 
lofophers  have  dwelt  with  wonder  and  aftonifhrnent, 
on  the  numbers  and  fize  of  thefe  animals  in  Amer- 
ica. The  fafts  are  juftly  ftated,  in  feveral  of  their 
accounts  ;  and  they  ought  to  have  concluded  from 
them,  that  the  foil  was  uncommonly  rich,  fertile, 
and  luxuriant.  Anxious  to  find  marks  of  degrada- 
tion in  America,  they  have  almofl  univerfally  ad- 
vanced a  contrary  conclusion  :  That  this  prolific 
power  of  nature,  denoted  an  uncommon  corruption, 
and  degradation  of  climate.  No  conclufion  was 
ever  further  from  the  truth,  or  more  remote  from 
probability.  It  is  only  a  rich  foil,  and  a  temperate 
climate,  which  can  produce  what  they  call  a  rank 
vegetation,  or  numerous  reptiles  and  infecls,  of  the 
largeft  fize. 

From  this  imperfect  view  of  our  quadrupeds, 
birds,  fifties,  and  infetts,  inftead  of  finding  nature 
but  weak  and  feeble  in  America,  as  M.  de  Buffon 


13ft  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

has  fuppofed  jf  her  animals  appear  to  be  marked 
with  an  energy,  and  a  magnitude,  fuperiour  to  what 
is  found  in  Europe  ;  and  equalled  only,  by  the  mag- 
nificent and  vigorous  productions  of  Afu. 

*  "  La  nature  vivante  eft  beaucoup  moins  agiffaote  bcauco^p 
p^oir.s  forte,'^    Hift.  Nat,  xviii.  \%%,  edit.  Paris,  1764. 


CHAP. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  133 


CHAP.        VII. 


Original  Inhabitants  . — The  Employments,  Civ* 
il  Government,  Syftem  of  War,  Education^  Manners, 
and  Cujtoms  of  the  Indi&ns ;  the  Advantages,  and 
Hi/advantages  of  the  Savage  State. 


IN  the  formation  of  the  mountains, 
risers,  vegetables,  and  animals,  the  powers  of  nature 
appear  to  rife  in  a  fteady  and  beautiful  progrefs. 
This  progrefs  feems  to  be  completed  in  the  produc- 
tion of  a  rational,  moral,  and  accountable  animal. 
This  animal  is  Man  :  And  he  evidently  appears  in 
every  part  of  the  globe,  to  be  at  the  head  of  all  the 
productions  of  nature  :  But  the  men  of  different 
countries  and  nations,  appear  to  be  very  different 
from  one  another. 

The  original  inhabitants  of  this  country  were  the 
Indians  :  Thefe  were  the  only  fpecies  or  kind  of 
men,  that  had  fpread  over  America.  It  will  be  more 
difficult  to  give  a  juft  account  of  the  Man  of  Ameri- 
ca, than  to  defcribe  its  vegetables,  and  animals.  The 
latter  are  fubjeft  to  dated,  and  invariable  laws  •  they 
pafs  through  but  few  changes  and  variations,  and 
are  always  to  be  found  in  that  ftate,  in  which  nature 
placed  them.  Man  is  fubje£r,  to  a  great  variety  of 
alteration,  and  improvement.  In  his  rudeft  and 
moft  fimple  ftate,  he  appears  but  little  fuperiour  to 
the  brute  ;  in  his  higheft  improvement  and  polifh  of 
manners,  he  appears  at  an  infinite  remove  from  the 

tare 


134         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

bare  animal  ;  and  in  all  the  ftages  of  his  progrefs 
from  the  one  date  to  the  other,  he  pafles  through  an 
endlefs  variety  of  fituations  and  circumstances,  which 
are  conftantly  giving  a  new  appearance  to  his  capac- 
ity, powers,  palfions,  manners,  and  purfuits.  The 
natural  hiftory  of  man  is  therefore  the  moft:  difficult, 
but  it  is  alfo  the  moft  ufeful  and  important  fubjecl; 
we  can  contemplate.  In  examining  the  hiftory  of 
the  Indian  of  America,  we  fhall  find  man  in  the  moft 
iimple  mode,  and  unimproved  (late,  in  which  he  has 
ever  been  placed,  or  viewed.* 

Appearance  and  Countenance. — The  ap- 
pearance of  the  Indians  was  different  from  any,  un- 
der which  man  had  ever  been  viewed  before.  The 
colour  of  their  fkin  is  of  a  reddifh  brown,  nearly  re- 
fembiing  the  colour  of  copper,  but  rather  darker. 
Their  faces  are  broad,  the  nofe  appears  flattifh,  their 
eyes  black,  fmall,  and  very  a6tive.  The  hair  of  their 
heads  is  always  black,  coarfe,  long,  and  perfectly 
flraight ;  and  they  generally  appear  without  any 
beard.  The  men  are  taller  than  the  Europeans,  but 
rarely  corpulent;  and  their  bodies  appear  to  be  firm, 
ftrong,  and  well  proportioned.  Their  features  are 
regular  and  well  adjufted,  but  their  countenance 
difcovers  fomething  wild,  fierce,  and  fullen.  None 
of  them  are  feen  crooked,  mutilated,  or  deformed  ; 
defective  in  any  of  their  fenfes,  or  deficient  in  any 
of  their  bodily  organs ;  but  ftraight,  well  built,  and 
robuft.  In  the  appearance,  afpect,  and  countenance 
of  the  Indians,  there  is  an  uncommon  uniformity, 
and  refernblance.  It  is  the  fame  in  all  climates, 
and  in  all  the  tribes  of  America.     It  does   not  vary 

with 

*  The  following  account  relates  chiefly  to  the  Indians  in  the 
northern  parts  of  America.  I  have  received  much  afliltance 
from  the  writingi  of  Dr.  Robertfon,  and  other  authors.  But  the 
authorities  on  which  the  accounts  are  founded}  are  chiefly  the 
relation;  of.  thofe  perfons  who  have  lived  among  the  Indian?, 
xj.l  bcp  intimately  accjuaioted  with  them. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT,  13.5 

with  heat,  cold,  iituation,  employment,  or  other  cir- 
cumftances ;  but  the  Indian  countenance  has  the 
fame  combination  of  features,  and  peculiarity  of  af- 
pecl:,  in  every  part  of  America. 

Employment,  and  Method  or  procuring 
Subsistence. — The  food  proper  for  man,  is  to  be 
found  in  every  part  of  the  earth.  But  the  means 
and  the  method  of  procuring  it,  are  different  among 
different  nations,  and  in  different  ftages  of  fociety. — 
The  favages  of  Northamerica  had  difcovered  the 
properties  and  effects  of  thofe  feeds,  berries,  and 
roots,  which  the  earth  fpontaneoufly  produces  ;  and 
one  part  of  their  food  was  derived  from  this  fource. 
Filhing  was  another  method  which  they  ufed  to  pro- 
cure fubfiftence.  The  great  plenty  and  variety  of 
fifh,  with  which  the  rivers  of  America  abounded, 
rendered  this  kind  of  provifion  eafy  to  be  procured, 
and  of  great  ufe.  The  Indian  had  acquired  much 
fkill  and  addrefs,  in  his  method  of  catching  the 
fjfh;  and  he  was  accuftomed  to  dry,  and  fmoke  them, 
if}  order  to  preferve  them.  The'  falls  of  rivers  wer& 
the  places,  to  which  they  molt,  reforted  for  this  pur- 
pofe  :  And  moil  of  thefe  falls  were  the  places,  where 
fome  of  their  tribes  or  fmall  companies  reiided  :  Arid 
they  were  generally  diftinguifhed  by  fome  particular 
Indian  name. — A  more  general  and  effectual  meth- 
od of  fupport,  was  hunting.  The  fruits  which  the 
earth  fpontaneoufly  produced,  were  but  few,  and 
of  fliort  continuance.  A  few  tribes  only  could  be 
accommodated,  by  the  vicinity  and  convenience  of  a 
river  :  But  game  was  every  where  to  be  found. 
The  bear,  the  deer,  the  beaver,  the  fox,  and  other 
animals,  were  in  great  numbers,  and  in  every  part  o£ 
the  northern  continent.  From  thefe,  the  Indian 
derived  his  mod  fure,  and  plentiful  fupport.  Bu6 
this  method  of  procuring  food,  required  great  efforts 
of  invention,  and  activity.  The  ftrength,  the  ficrce- 
nek,  and  the  fwiftnefs  of  the  wild  animals,  the  fee* 

blenefs 


r 


a36  the  NATURAL  a*d  CIVIL 

blenefs  of  the  weapons,  the  bow,  arrow,  and  club,- 
with  which  the  favage  attacked  them,  joined  to  make 
the  bufinefs  of  the  hunter  laborious  and  difficult  • 
and  called  forth  all  the  active  powers  of  the  favage. 
And  here,  he  appeared  Jo  the  greateft  advantage  ; 
fertile  in  invention,  fagacious  in  diftinguiihing  and 
obferving,  nice  and  accurate  in  tracing  the  animal  ; 
indefatigable,  and  perfevering  in  the  purfuit.  An 
employment  tvhich  thus  gave  exertion  to  all  the  in- 
vention, courage,  force,  and  vigor  of  the  man,  nat- 
urally became  the  mod  honourable  employment : 
And  the  moft  dexterous  hunter  became  the  moll 
diflinguifhed  favage  of  the  tribe. — To  thefe  methods 
of  procuring  food,  were  added  fome  feeble  attempts 
in  agriculture.  Indian  corn,  beans,  pompions,  and 
fquafhes,  were  the  only  plants  they  cultivated.  The 
culture  of  thefe  was  wholly  in  the  hands  of  the  wom- 
en. Without  the  ufe  and  knowledge  of  any  of 
the  domeftie  animals,  altogether  deftitute  of  the  prop- 
er inftruments  of  hufbandry,  their  efforts  were  weak 
and  languid  ;  and  the  fupplies  they  derived  this  way, 
were  but  fmall. 

Thefe  were  all  the  method's  of  procuring  food, 
with  which  the  Indians  were  acquainted.  They  af- 
forded them  but  a  fcanty  and  precarious  fupport.' 
When  the  game  was  plenty,  and  the  hunter  fuccefs- 
ful,  they  had  an  abundance  of  food.  When  the 
feafon  of  the  year  was  unfavourable,  and  their  fuc- 
cefs  but  (mall,  they  were  reduced  to  fcarcity  and 
want.  Their  fufferings  this  way,  were  fometimes 
extremely  fevere.  And  there  was  no  year,  in  which 
they  were  not  fubject  to  thefe  extremes,  of  great 
plenty,  and  fevere  famine. 

The  appetite  of  the  Indian  conformed  to  this  ftate 
of  things.  In  the  feafons  of  plentv,  the  favage  in- 
dulged himfelf  to  great  excefs  :  In  the  time  of  fam- 
ine, the  Indian  bore  his  hunger  with  aflonifhing  pa- 
tience, and  firmnrfs.     So  accuflomed  was  he  to  thi? 

irregular 


HISTORY  os  VERMONT.  137 

irregular  method  of  living,  that  excefs  and  famine 
were  equally  familiar  to  him;  and  his  con  dilution 
and  health  remained  firm  and  vigorous,  under  the 
extremes  of  both. 

From  this  fituation  and  employment  of  the  Indian, 
all  the  regulations,  cujioms,  advantages,  and  difadvan- 
tages,  of  the  favage  ftate,  were  derived. 

Society.—*  When  any  confiderable  number  of 
the  human  race  fubfift  near  each  other,  they  will  al- 
ways combine  in  fome  form  of  fociety;  Mutual 
wants,  dangers,  dependencies,  intereftaj  and  benefits, 
operating  with  the  appetite  man  has  for  fociety,  will 
not  fail  to  produce  this  effecl;.;  The  fituation  and 
employment  of  the  Indiaes,  determined  what  the 
nature  and  extent  of  this  fociety  mud  be,  among 
them.  The  chief  fource  of  fubfiftence  among  them,  was 
hunting.  On  this  account,a  large  territory  became  nee- 
effary  for  the  support  of  a  fmall  number  of  people. 
Like  the  game  on  which  they  fubfift;  they  muft  be  dif- 
perfed  overalarge  tract  of  country,  or  they  cannot  pro* 
cure  food.  In  this  flage  of  fociety, the  extent  of  it  is  de- 
rived from  its  fituation.  Its  territory  muft  be  large,  the 
number  of  people  will  be  fmall,  and  all  hoftile  tribes 
muft  be  kept  at  fuch  a  diftance,asnot  to  encroach  upon 
the  territory  or  the  game.  This  was  the  ftate,  in  which 
the  favages  were  found.  Divided  into  a  number  of 
tribes,  fmall  in  the  number  of  people,  large  in  the 
extent  of  territory,  and  generally  unfriendly  and  hof- 
tile to  each  other. 

Nature  of  their  Civil  Government. — 
From  this  ftate  of  fociety,  arofe  a  fpecies  and  form 
of  government  peculiar  to  the  Indians.— The  dtfign 
and  objett  of  government  among  the  favages,  was  not 
the  property,  fecurity,  or  con  duel:  of  the  individual  ; 
but  the  property,  and  fafcty  of  the  tribe.  The  idci 
of  property  is  fuggefted  by  nature  ;  and  was  clear, 
diftincr,  and  juft,  in  the  mind  of  the  rudeft  Indian. 
The  fiih  in  the  river,  and  the  game  in  the  fbreft, 
S  were 


^3        Titi  NATURAL  and  CIVIL. 

v/ere  not  the  product  of  his  care  or  labour ;  and  he- 
had  no  idea  that  they  belonged  to  him,  more  than  to 
r.ny  other  individual.    But  when  they  were  acquired 
by  his  perfonal  exertion,  no  other  favage  doubted  but 
that  they  were   become  his  particular   and  exclufive 
property,     The  river,  or  the  foreft,  from  which  they 
were  taken,  were  not  perfonal    but   public  proper- 
ty. :  They    belonged  to   the  tribe.     No  individual 
claimed  a  Tight  to  them,  in  preference  to,  or  exclu- 
five of  others.  Thefe  were  the  propertyrof  the  tribe,  be- 
longing equally  to  al),  and  to  which  all  had  a  right  to 
repair  in  queft  of  fubfiftence,  the  equal  and  common 
privilege.      When  the  Indian   builded  his  houfe,  or 
planted  his  corn,  no  one  had  a  right  to  moled  him  ; 
the  houle  and  the  corn  became  his.      When  he    re- 
linquiihed   his  poffefnon,  any  other  of  the  tribe  had 
a  right  to  take  poffeflion,  and  purfue   the  fame   em- 
ployment that  he  had  done.    The  fruits  of  their  own 
labour  and  industry,  was  always  the  property  of  the 
individual :  The  river,  the  foreft,  the  hunting  ground., 
the  land   or  the   territory,  was   the  property  of  the 
tribe.     The  former  war.   of   fo  fimple    a  nature,   fo 
well  underflood,  and  fo  univerfally   agreed   to,   that- 
few   controversies  could   ever  a  rife  about   it ;    com- 
mon cuftom  and -confent  was  fuflicient  to  adjust  and 
tfl -gulate  every  thing  of  this  nature.     The  latter  con- 
tained   all    the   property,   the  means  of  fubfiftence, 
and  that  on  which  the  whole  tribe  depended  for  their 
existence.      This  was   the   great  object   and  aim   of 
their  government  ;   to  protect  and  defend   that,  on 
which  the  whole  tribe  lubfifted. —  in  fuch  a  flate  of 
fociety,  the  injuries  that  would  be  done  to  individu- 
als would  not  be  many  in  their  number,  or   often  of 
fuch  a  kind,  as  to  endanger  the  exiftence  or    fovcr- 
eignty  of  the  tribe.      The  right   of  redreiTing  them, 
was  therefore  left  in    private    hands.       This  has  al- 
ways been  the  cafe,  in  the  infancy  of  fociety  and  gov- 
ernment.     Ji  injuries  were  done,.if  blood  was  fried, 

it: 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  139 

it  belonged  to  the  friends  and  family  of  the  Injured 
perfon  to  feek  redrefs.  If  the  chiefs  interpofed,  it 
was  only  by  way  of  counfel  and  advice.  The  friends 
of  the  injured  perfon  might  accept  of  their  advice9 
or  of  the  reparation  offered  by  the  aggreffor,  or  they 
might  reject  it  ■:  If  it  was  accepted,  all  was  fettled 
in  a  quiet  and  friendly  manner  :  If  rejected,  noth- 
ing remained  but  to  purfue  the  aggreffor  with  a  re- 
venge and  rage,  that  aimed  at  nothing  lefs  than  dew 
ftruclion  and  death. 

The  form  and  manner  of  the  Indian  government* 
was  the  moft  fimple  that  can  be  contrived,  or  imag- 
ined. There  was  no  king,  nobility,  lords,  or  houfe 
of  reprefentatives,  among  them.  The  whole  tribe 
affembled  together  in  their  public  councils.  Defti- 
tfute  of  writings,  records,  and  hiftory,  to  preferve  the 
memory  of  their  public  tranfaciions ;  their  moft  aged 
men  became  the  depofitories,  of  what  may  be  gath~ 
ered  from  experience,  observation,  and  a  knowledge 
of  their  former  tranfaciions.  It  is  by  them  that  the 
debates  and  confultations  are  chiefly  carried  on. 
Their  councils  are  flow,  folemn,  and  deliberate.  Ev- 
ery circumftance  that  they  can  forefee,  is  taken  into 
confideration.  The  probable  advantages  and'dif* 
advantages  of  every  meafure,  are  examined  and 
weighed.  All  the  profpe&s  of  fuccefs  and  difap- 
pointment,  are  revolved  in  their  debates ;  and  noth« 
ing  is  omitted,  which  occurs  to  their  views  or  ex- 
pectations. The  whole  bufinefs  is  a  fcene  of  con- 
fultation,  and  advice.  And  the  advice  has  no  other 
force  or  authority,  than  what  is  derived  from  its  fup- 
pofed  wifdom,  fitnefs,  and  propriety. 

Thejlrengtb  ox  power  of  the  government,  is  plac- 
ed wholly  in  the  public  fentiment.  The  chief  has 
110  authority  to  enforce  his  counfels,  or  compel  to 
his  meafures.  He  is  fed  and  clothed  like  the  raft  of 
the  tribe.  His  houfe  and  furniture  are  the  fame  as 
Ihofe  of  others.    There  is  no  appearance,  or  mark 

:©f 


140         the  NATURAL  and  C1VTL 

of  diftin&ion  :  No  ceremony,  or  form  of  indufclion 
into  office  :  No  enfigns  or  tokens  of  fuperiority,  or 
power.  In  every  external  circumftance,  the  chiefs 
ere  upon  a  level  with  the  reft  of  the  tribe  :  And  that 
only  which  gives  weight  and  authority  to  their  ad- 
vice, is  the  public  opinion  of  their  fuperiour  wifdom 
and  experience. — Their  laws  ftand  on  the  fame 
foundation.  There  was  no  written  law,  record,  or 
rule  of  conduct.  No  public  precedent,  eftablifhed 
courts,  forms  or  modes  of  proceeding.  The  caufes 
and  occafions  of  contention  were  fo  few,  that  they 
did  not  much  a  (Feci;  the  tribe.  And  when  the  chiefs 
interpofed  in  the  concerns  of  individuals,  it  was  not 
to  compel,  but  only  to  counfel  and  advife  them. 
The  public  opinion  pointed  out  what  was  right,  fit, 
and  proper  to  be  efteemed  laws  and  rules  of  con- 
duel.  TheYe  rules  or  laws  derived  from  nature, 
were  feldom  wrong,  obfeure,  or  inconfiftent  ;  but 
generally  plain,  clear,  and  ufeful.-p-Their  penalties 
and  punifhments  were  derived  from  the  fame  fource. 
Lofs  of  character,  and  reputation,  difgrace,  exclufion 
from  the  tribe,  and  death,  were  the  punifTiments  to 
which  offenders  were  expofed,  according  to  the  na- 
ture and  aggravation  of  their  crimes.  Thefe  pun- 
ifhments were  not  defcribed,  and  afligned  to  a  par- 
ticular crime  by  a  written  law  ;  but  they  refted  upon 
the  public  opinion  of  the  tribe,  and  derived  great 
force  and  power  from  it.  An  offender  who  had 
been  greatly  and  deeply  guilty,  fled  from  the  tribe, 
as  the  only  way  to  fafety,  peace,  and  reft. 

There  was  a  fitnejs  and  propriety  in  this  govern- 
ment, or  rather,  it  was  fully  adequate  to  its  end  and 
defign,  and  to  the  fituation  and  date  of  the  favage. 
A  modern  ftatefman  would  fmile  at  this  idea  of  In- 
dian government  :  And  becaufe  he  could  find  no 
written  conftitution,  or  bill  of  rights,  no  mutual 
checks,*  and  ballances,  accountability  and  refponfi- 
fcility,  pronounce  it  weak,  foolifh,  and  contemptible, 

But 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.       -    141 

But  it  was  evidently  derived  from  the  dictates  of 
nature,  and  well  adapted  to  the  ftate  and  fituation 
of  the  lavage.  The  idea  of  property  was  fo  plain 
and  clear,  and  the  objects  to  which  it  related  were 
fo  few  and  iimple,  that  there  was  no  need  of  a  code 
of  laws  to  dtfcribe  and  define  it.  The  rights  of  the 
individual,  his  freedom  and  liberty,  were  fo  ftrongly 
felt,  and  lb  univerfally  acknowledged,  that  no  peifort 
dared  to  invade  them.  The  crimes  of  the  vicious 
received  a  juft  and  a  full  punifhment,  in  the  dif- 
grace,  contempt  and  danger,  they  brought  upon  the 
guilty.  The  individual  had  all  the  lecurity,  in  the 
public  fentiment,  cuitom,  and  habit,  that  govern- 
ment can  any  where  afford  him.  All  that  was  to  be 
defended  was  the  territory  ,  the  intereft.,  the  inde- 
pendence, and  fovereignty  of  the  tribe  ;  and  every 
part  of  the  government  was  adapted  and  defigned  to 
form,  to  animate,  and  to  inflame,  a  national  fpirit  of 
vigour  and  independence. 

Agreeably  to  its  nature  and  defign,  the  tendency 
and  effeSl  of  the  favage  government,  was  equality, 
freedom,  and  independence,  among  all  the  members 
of  the  tribe.  In  refpecl:  to  rights  and  privileges, 
the  favage  knew  of  no  fuperiour.  Of  abafement, 
humiliation,  dependence,  or  fervitude,  he  had  no 
idea.  Depending  on  his  own  exertions  for  food  and 
raiment,  he  had  never  looked  to  another  for  aflift- 
ance,  promotion,  or  wealth.  When  the  intereft  of 
the  tribe  was  in  queftion,  or  in  danger,  the  wis- 
dom and  experience  of  years  was  confulted,  to  ad- 
vife  and  determine  :  And  their  counfels  became 
matters  of  great  refpecl.  But  conflraint,  compul- 
iion,  and  force,  was  the  obje&  of  the  higheft  detef- 
tation  and  horror.  Every  meafure  of  the  govern- 
ment tended  to  confirm  and  increafe  the  fpirit  of 
freedom,  equality,  and  independence,  and  to  render 
it  ftrong,  fierce,  and  permanent,  through  the*  whole 

System 


i4«  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

System  of  War  among  the  Indians. — The 
civil  regulations  of  the  favages  were  all  defigned  to 
qualify  and  prepare  them  for  war.  Among  the 
caufes  that  lead  to  this,  an  oppoGtion  of  interefts, 
was  the  moft  common  and  powerful.  No  people 
ever  had  more  clear,  or  more  juft  ideas  of  their  own 
wghts  and  property,  than  the  Indians.  They  not 
only  underftood  their  own  perfonal  rights,  but  they 
were  perfectly  well  acquainted  with  the  rights  and 
property,  that  were  veiled  in  the  tribe.  Each  tribe 
claimed  the  foil  in  their  own  domains.  This  right 
was  viewed  as  complete,  perfect,  and  exclufive  : 
Such  as  entitled  them  to  the  full  and  entire  pofTef- 
lion  ;  and  to  oppofe  by  force  and  violence,  all  en- 
croachments upon  the  foil,  or  game,  in  any  part  of 
their  territories.  The  bounds  of  thefe  territories 
were  extenfive,  and  ill  defined.  Real  or  fuppofed 
encroachments  and  injuries,  were  conftantly  taking 
place.  Hence  arofe  innumerable  fubjects  of  dif- 
pute  and  controverfy,  which  eafily  inflamed  the 
fiercenefs  of  the  favage  temper,  and  brought  on  mu- 
tual injuries,  reproaches,  hoftilities,  and  war.  In 
this  ftate,  moft  of  the  Indian  tribes  were  found.  In- 
terest had  become  a  fource  of  difcord,  among  the 
neighbouring  tribes.  From  this  caufe,  arofe  moft 
of  their  inveterate  and  perpetual  wars. 

The  manner  in  which  the  Indians  carry  on  their 
wars,  is  very  different  from  that  of  civilized  nations. 
To  defend  themfelves  againft  an  enemy,  they  have 
no  other  fortification  but  an  irregular  kind  of  for- 
trefs,  which  they  call  a  caftle  or  fat.  It  confided  of 
a  fquare  without  baftions,  furrounded  with  pallafa- 
<does.  This  was  erected  where  the  moft  confidera« 
ble  number  of  the  tribe  relided,  and  was  defigned 
as  an  afylum  for  their  old  men,  their  women,  and 
children,  while  the  reft  of  the  tribe  were  gone  out  to 
war. — The  weapons  of  the  Indian  were  a  club  made 
e.f  hard  woodj  a  bow  and  arrow.     Thus  armed,  the 

Indian 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  143 

Jndlan  takes  wikh  him  a  fmall  bag  of  corn,  and  is 
completely  equipped  for  a  campaign.    When  he  takes 
the  field,  it  is  with  fuch  a  number  of  warriors  as  the 
tribe  can   fupply.      During  their  march,   they   are 
difperfed  in  itraggling  companies,  that  they  may  bet- 
ter fupply  themfelves  by  hunting.— When  they  ap*. 
proach  near  to-  the  enemies'  frontiers,   their  troops 
are  more  colle&ed  :  All  is  then  caution,  ftratagem> 
fecrecy,    and    ambufcade.       Their  employment  as 
hunters  has  taught  them  great  addrefs  and  vigilance,, 
in  following  and  furprifing  the  game.     Their  mode 
of  war  is  the  fame,  as  that  of  hunting.     With  great 
ingenuity,  they  will  find  and  follow  the  track  of  their 
enemies  ;;  With  a  furprifing  patience  and  perfever- 
ance,  they  will  wait  for  the  moment,  when  they  find 
him  the  lead  able  to   defend   himfelf.     And  when 
they  can  find  an  enemy  unprepared,  they  make  their 
attack  with  great  fury,   and  with  pretty  fure  fuccefs. 
In    their  battles   they  always  endeavour   to  fecure 
themfelves   behind   the  trees  or   rocks,   and    never 
meet  their  enemy  in  the  open  field,  or   upon  equal 
terms,  if  they  can  avoid  it.     The  method  of  the  Eu- 
ropeans, of  deciding  a  battle  in  the  open  field,  they 
regard  as  extreme  folly  and  want  of  prudence.   Theif 
ellabliihed  maxims  are  to  obtain  a  fuperiority  in  fit- 
tntion,, numbers-,  concealment,  or  fome  other  circum- 
(lance    before  the  battle  :   En  this  way,  to  preferve 
the  lives  of  their  own  party,  and  deftroy  their  ene- 
mies, with  as  little  lofs  as  poflible  to  themfelves.     A 
vi£iory  obtained  with  the  lofs  of  many  of  their  own 
party,  is  a  matter  of  grief  and  difgrace,  rather  than 
of  exultation  :  And  it  is  no   honour  to  fall  in  the 
field  of  battle,  but  viewed  rather  as  an   evidence  of 
want  of  wifdom,  difcernment,  and  circumfpe&ion.— • 
When  the  attack  is  to  be  made,  nothing  can  exceed 
the  courage   and  impetuofity   of  the   favage.     The 
onfet  begins  with  a  general  outcry,  terminating  in  a 
univerfal  yell,     Of  all  the  founds  that  difcord  has 

produced, 


144        the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

produced,  the  Indian  warwhoop  is  the  moil  awful 
and  horrid.  It  is  defigned  and  adapted  to  increafe 
the  ardor  of  thofe  who  make  the  attack,  and  to  carry 
terror  and  honor  into  the  feelings  of  thofe,  on  whom 
the  attack  is  made.  The  Indians  immediately  comev 
forward,  and  begin  the  fcene  of  outrage  and  death. 
m&\\  is  then  a  fcene  of  fury,  impetuofity,  and  ven* 
geance.  So  great  is  the  rage  of  the  favage,  that  he 
has  no  regard  to  difcipline,  fubordinalion,  and  order. 
Revenge,  takes  an  entire  pofTeflion  of  his  foul  :  For- 
getful of  all  order,  regardlefs  of  difcipline  and  dan- 
ger, he  aims  only  to  butcher  and  deftroy. — If  the 
Indians  remain  mailers  of  the  field,  they  always  ftrip 
and  fcalp  the  dead.  Leaving  the  bodies  of  their  en- 
emies, naked,  unburied,  and  often  mangled,  they  car- 
ry off  the  plunder  and  fcalps  ;  and  make  a  very 
fwift  and  fudden  retreat.  Upon  their  approach  to 
their  own  tribe,  a  herald  is  fent  forward  to  announce 
the  event  :  The  tribe  is  collected,  and  the  conquer- 
ors make  their  entry  with  their  enfigns  of  triumph  : 
The  fcalps  ftretched  upon  a  bow,  and  elevated  upon 
a  pole,  are  carried  before  them,  as  the  tokens  of  their 
valour  and  fuccefs,  and  monuments  of  the  vengeance 
they  have  inflicted  upon  the  enemies  of  their  country. 
The  prifoners  which  they  have  taken,  make  an 
important  part  of  their  triumph.  The  favages  are 
anxious  to  take  as  many  of  thefe  as  poffible.  Dur- 
ing their  march,  they  are  generally  treated  with  a 
degree  of  humanity  and  kindnefs ;  but  the  greateft 
care  is  taken  to  prevent  their  efcape.  When  they 
arrive  at  the  place  of  their  deftination,  the  old  men, 
women,  and  children  of  the  Indian  tribe,  form  them- 
felves  into  two  lines,  through  which  the  prifoners 
mult  run  the  gantlet  to  the  village.  If  the  prifoher 
is  young,  active,  and  a  good  runner,  he  makes  his 
way  through  the  lines  without  receiving  much  in- 
jury. If  he  is  weak,  old,  and  infirm,  he  receives 
much  damage  by  the  blows,  ftripes,  and  bruifes,  he 

receives. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  145 

receives.  When  this  fcene  is  finifhed  the  prifoners 
are  conducted  to  the  village,  treated  with  apparent 
good  humour,  and  fed  as  well  as  the  Indians'  fare 
admits. 

To  the  village  thus  affembled,  the  head  warrior 
of  the  party  relates  every  particular  of  the  expedi- 
tion. When  he  mentions  their  loiTes,  a  bitter  grief 
and  forrow  appears  in  the  whole  affembly.  When 
he  pronounces  the  names  of  the  dead,  their  wives* 
relations,  and  friends,  put  forth  the  moll  bitter 
fhrieks,  and  cries.  But  no  one  afks  any  queftionj 
or  interrupts  the  fpeakcr  with  any  inquiry.  The 
laft  ceremony  is  to  proclaim  the  victory.  Every  in- 
dividual forgets  his  own  lofs  and  misfortune,  and 
joins  in  the  triumph  of  his  nation;  Their  tears 
ceafe,  and  with  one  of  the  moft  unaccountable  tran- 
fitions  in  human  nature,  they  pafs  at  once  from  the 
bitternefs  of  forrow  to  all  the  extravagance  of  joy.  The 
Whole  concludes  with  a  favage  feaft,  fongs,  and  dance; 

The  fate  of  the  prifoners  is  next  to  be  decided. 
The  elders  and  chiefs  affemble  and  deliberate  con- 
cerning their  defliny;  The  women  and  children 
are  difpofed  of,  according  to  the  plealure  of  their 
captors  ;  but  they  are  feldom  or  never  put  to  tor- 
ture,  or  death.  Of  the  men,  fome  are  appointed  to 
fupply  the  places  of  fuch  Indians  as  have  fallen  in. 
battle.  Thefe  are  delivered  to  their  friends  and  re- 
lations, and  if  they  are  received  by  them,  they  have 
no  fufferings  to  fear  :  They  are  adopted  into  the 
family,  and  fucceed  to  all  the  privileges  of  the  de- 
ceafed  ;  and  are  cfteemed  as  friends,  brothers,  and 
near  relations.  But  if  thty  are  not  received  and 
admitted  into  the  family,  or  if  they  are  deftined  to 
be  put  to  death,  a  moft  diftrefiing  and  horrid  lcene 
enfucs. 

A  Hake  is  fixed  firmly  in  the  ground.     At  the  dis- 
tance of  eight  or  ten  leer,  dry  wood,  leaves,  and  fag- 
gots, are  placed  in   a  circle  round  the  (like  :   And 
T  the 


146        th-e  NATURAL  and  CIvIL 

the  whole  village  is  colle6led,  to  bear  their  part  in 
the  tragedy,  which  is  to  enfue.  The  prifoner  is  led 
to  the  {take,  and  tied  to  it  by  his  hands,  in  fuch 
a  manner  that  he  may  move  freely  round  it.  Fire 
is  fet  to  the  wood,  that  as- it  runs  round  the  circle, 
the  unhappy  vi&im  may  be  forced  to  run  the  fame 
way.  As  the  fufferings  of  the  prifoner  begin  to  be- 
come fevere,  the  acclamations  of  the  fpectators  be- 
gin. The  men,  women,  and  children,  ftrive  to  ex- 
ceed each  other,  in  finding  out  new  and  keener 
methods  of  torment.  Some  apply  red  hot  iions, 
others  ftab  and  cut  with  their  knives,  others  mangle 
and  tear  ofF  the  flefh,.  others  again  bite  off  the  naih 
and  joints,  or  twift  and  tear  the  finews.  Every  fpe- 
cies  and  degree  of  cruelty,  that  favage  rancour  and 
revenge  can  in  vent  and  apply,is  tried  upon  the  wretch- 
ed fufferer.  But  great  care  is  taken  that  the  vital- 
parts  may  not  be  fo  injured,  as  to  bring  the  torments 
of  the  vi&im  to  a  fpeedy  end. — In  this  horrid  fitu- 
ation,  the  fufTerer  is  undaunted  and  intrepid.  He 
reviles  and  infults  his  tormentors..  He  accufes  them 
of  cowardice,  rneannefs,  and  want  of  fpirit  ;  as  ig- 
norant, unfkilful,  and  deilitute  of  ingenuity  and  in- 
vention in  the  art  of  tormenting.  Not  a  groan^n 
figh,  a  tear,  or  a  forrowful  look,  is  fuffered  to  ef- 
cape  him.  To  infult  his  tormentors,  to  difplay  un- 
daunted and  unalterable  fortitude  in  this  dreadful 
lituation  is  the  moft  noble  of  all  the  triumphs  of  the 
warrior.  With  an  unaltered  countenance,  and  with 
the  decifive  tone  of  dignity  and  fuperiour  importance, 
the  hero  proceeds  with  great  calmnefs  to  ling  the 
fong  of  his  death — "  Intrepid  and  brave,  I  feel  no 
pain,  and  F  fear  no  torture.  I  have  flain,  I  have 
conquered,  I  have  burnt  mine  enemies  ;  and  my 
countrymen  will  avenge  my  blood.  Ye  are  a  na- 
tion of  dogs,  of  cowards,  and  women.  Ye  know  not 
how  to  conquer,  to  fufFer,  or  to  torture.  Prolong 
and ■  increafe  my   torments.,  that  ye  may  learn   from 

RMf 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  147 

my  example  how  to  fuffer  and  behave  like  men  I" 
With  fuch  unconquerable  magnanimity  and  fortitude, 
the  fufferer  perfeveres  under  every  method  of  tor- 
ment and  torture.  Wearied  with  cruelty,  and  tired 
with  tormenting  a  man  whofe  fortitude  they  cannot 
move,  one  of  the  chiefs  in  a  rage  concludes  the  fcene, 
•by  knocking  the  prifoner  on  the  head,  or  dabbing 
him  to  the  heart. 

Thefe  fcenes  however  were  not  common.  They 
Zfeem  to  have  been  kind  of  honours,  referved  for  the 
warriors;  and  were  the  trials  of  their  courage  and 
•fortitude.  And  nothing  was  efteemed  more  bafe 
and  ignominious,  than  to  fhrink  from  them,  or  to 
fhew  any  fenfe  of  fear  or  pain  under  them. 

When  the  prifoners  were  adopted  into  the  tribe  of 
the  conquerors,  nothing  could  exceed  the  kindnefs 
and  affection,  with  which  they  were  treated.  All 
-diftin&ion  of  tribes  was  forgot  ;  they  held  the  fame 
rank  as  the  deceafed  perfon,  whofe  place  they  filled  ; 
and  were  treated  with  all  the  tendernefs  due  to  the 
Jiufhand,  the  brother,  the  child,  or  friend.  And  it 
was  generally  the  cafe,  that  the  favages  avoided  a- 
bufe  and  cruelty  to  the  women  and  children,  that 
fell  into  their  hands. 

The  Indian  method  of  carrying  on  a  war,  was  fo 
contrary  to  the  maxims  and  cuftoms  of  all  civilized 
.nations,  that  fome  of  the  European  writers,  judging 
from  their  own  cuftoms,  have  concluded  it  was  found- 
ed on  cowardice,  and  arofe  from  an  ignoble  and  tim- 
id fpirit,  afraid  to  meet  its  oppofers  on  equal  ground, 
and  depending  wholly  on  craft,  and  not  at  all  on 
.courage  and  firmefs  of  mind.  No  conclufion  was 
ever  further  from  the  truth.  When  placed  in  a  crit- 
ical and  dangerous  fituation,  no  peopie  ever  discov- 
ered more  valour,  firmnefs,  and  intrepidity.  When 
fubdued,  an  Indian  was  never  known  to  aik  for  his 
life.  When  compelled  to  fuffer,  the  Indian  bore  it 
with  a  fteadinefi,  a  fortitude,  and  a  magnanimity,, 

unknown 


J48        thr  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

unknown  to  all  other  nations ;  and  of  which,  there 
are  no  examples  in  the  hiftory  of  war. — His  meth- 
od of  war  did  not  arife  from  a  fenfe  and  fear  of  dan- 
ger ;  he  was  well  acquainted,  and  always  in  the  midft 
of  this  ;  but  it  arofe  from  his  fituation  and  employ- 
ment, and  was  perfectly  well  adapted  to  it.  From 
his  fituation  and  employment  as  an  hunter,  he  ac- 
quired the  art  of  ambufcade  and  (urprize  ;  and  the 
method  with  which  he  could  beft  fucceed  in  taking 
his  game,  he  found  to  be  the  mod  fuccefsful  to  en- 
fnare  and  overcome  his  enemy.  The  fituation  and 
Hate  of  the  country,  overfpread  with  thick  fore  ft  s, 
lead  to  the  fame  method.  The  fituation  of  the  tribe, 
fcattered  and  difperfed  in  the  woods,  fuggefted  the 
fame  idea.  The  method  of  fighting  could  not  be 
in  the  open  fields,  but  among  the  trees.  And  he 
wifely  placed  the  point  of  honour,  in  the  public 
good;  where  the  profpeel:  and  the  probability  of  his 
fuccefs  lay.  Had  the  honour  of  the  Indian  warr- 
ior been  placed,  in  courting  fame  and  victory  in  the 
open  field,  the  whole  tribe  would  have  been  deflroy- 
ed  by  the  effufion  of  blood  that  rnuft.  have  fucceed- 
ed.  His  maxims  therefore  were  better  chofen,  and 
they  were  fuch  as  every  circumftance  in  his  fitua- 
tion and  employment,  naturally  led  him  to  :  Not 
in  an  ufelefsoftentation  of  daring  courage  and  bold- 
nefs,  but  in  the  public  utility  and  advantage.  So 
far  as  an  enterprize  depended  on  fecrecy,  fubtlety, 
furprize,  and  impetuofity,  the  Indian  method  of  war 
ieems  to  have  been  fully  equal  to  the  European. 
The  Spaniards,  the  French,  the  Englifh,  and  the 
States  of  America,  have  had  many  and  painful  proofs 
of  their  addrefs  and  prowefs  in  this  method.  But 
when  a  fort  was  erecled,  or  a  fmall  fortification  to  be 
carried,  the  Indian  method  of  war  wholly  failed. 
Neither  their  arms,  their  arts,  or  their  cuftoms,  were 
of  any  avail  here.  Wholly  unacquainted  with  the 
art  of  fortification,  they  could  neither  ereft,  or  take 

a 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  149 

a  fort  of  any  ftrength.  When  the  Europeans  had 
once  got  poifeflion  of  any  part  of  their  country,  and 
erected  a  fmall  fortification  in  their  territories,  they 
held  it  by  a  Cure  poifeflion.  The  favages  were  whol- 
ly unable  to  difpoilefs  them  by  their  method  of  war, 
and  nothing  was  left  for  them  but  to  retreat  further 
into  the  forefts.  In  this  way  the  Engliih  and  French 
were  making  conftant  advances  into  their  country  ; 
and  their  art  of  war  afforded  them  no  fufficient  means, 
either  co  prevent  or  to  redrefs  it.  But  when  the 
Europeans  followed  them  into  the  woods,  where 
their  ilrength  and  art  might  be  employed  to  advan- 
tage, the  Indians  generally  furprifed  and  defeated 
thifir  armies,  with  great  havoc  and  flaughter. 

Education-. — The  fubfiftence  and  fafety  of  the 
tribe  depended  fo  much  upon  the  hunter,  and  warr- 
ior, that  thefe  became  of  courfe  the  mod  neceffary, 
ufeful,  and  honourable  profeflions.  When  in  pur- 
fuit  of  food,  the  young  men  put  themfelves  under  the 
direction  of  the  moft  noted  and  fuccefsful  hunter. 
Going  forth  to  war,  they  followed  the  moft  renown- 
ed and  fuccefsful  warrior.  Eminence  in  thefe  pro- 
feflions was  the  fureft  way  to  fubfiftence,  to  diftinc- 
tion,  to  honour,  and  renown.  This  was  the  bails, 
and  formed  the  whole  bufinefs  of  education,  among 
the  favages.  To  train  up  the  youth  to  addrefs  and 
dexterity  in  hunting ;  to  make  him  patient,  firm,  per- 
fevering,  in  hardfhip  and  fuffering;  inveterate,  fierce, 
and  intrepid,  in  deftroying  his  enemies;  was  the 
chief  aim  and  defign  of  the  parent.  Every  thing 
that  had  no  connexion  with  this,  was  neglected  and 
defpifed.  The  arts  of  acquiring  knowledge,  govern^ 
ing  the  paflions,  refining  the  manners,  and  cultivat- 
ing improvements,  were  unknown  and  undefined  by 
the  favage.  He  never  corrected  or  reftrained  his 
child,  taught  him  to  moderate  his  appetites  and  paC- 
fions,  to  fubmit  to  parental,  or  any  other  authority  : 
pn  the  contrary  he  was  trained  up  to  take  care  of 

himfelf, 


ir0o  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

himfelf,  to  gratify  every  inclination  and  appetite,  and 
to  look  for  food  and  honour  in  his  own  exertions, 
independence,  and  fuperiority.  The  parent  wifhed 
and  aimed  to  form  his  fon  to  hardfhip  and  danger, 
to  bear  fatigue,  famine,  and  torture,  to  enfnare  and 
take  the  game,  and  to  carry  deftruction  and  ven- 
geance upon  his  enemies.  To  this  plan  of  educa- 
tion, the  whole  aim  and  conduct,  the  inftruction,  the 
manners,  and  the  example  of  the  parent,  was  direct- 
ed :  The  only  aim  and  defign,  was  to  make  the 
youth  an  able  and  accomplifhed  hunter,  and  warr- 
ior. Neither  the  views  of  the  parent,  or  the  wifh- 
€s  and  aims  of  the  child,  ever  rofe  any  higher,  or  ex- 
tended any  further  than  this. 

Next  to  the  civil  and  military  regulations,  the 
eujloms  and  manners  of  the  Indians  claim  our  atten- 
tion. The  cufloms  and  manners  of  a  nation,  al- 
ways conftitute  a  diftinguifhing  part  of  the  national 
character  •  and  as  they  vary  with  the  progrefs  of 
fociety,  they  ferve  to  a  (certain,  and  mark  the  differ- 
ent ftages  of  it.  In  feveral  refpe&s,  the  manners 
and  cuftoms  of  the  Indians  were  different  from  thofe 
of  other  people,  and  are  marked  with  a  Angularity 
peculiar  to  the  lavage  ftate. 

Gravity  of  Appearance. — A  gravity  of  ap- 
pearance and  countenance  always  engages  our  atten- 
tion, when  we  are  in  the  company  of  the  Indians. 
placed  in  a  Htuation  of  conftant  difficulty  and  dan- 
ger, depending  altogether  upon  himfelf,  and  having 
ever  before  him  purfuits,  which  to  him  are  of  the 
higheft  importance,  the  favage  becomes  extremely 
grave  and  ferious.  Every  thing  in  his  appearance 
and  behaviour,  is  marked  with  this  gravity  of  afpe&. 
His  behaviour  to  thofe  around  him,  is  decent  and 
modefl;.  His  words  are  few  and  fignificant,  and 
generally  upon  fome  matter  of  bulinefs;  fcarcely 
ever  far  merriment  or  diverfion.  So  great  is  their 
liable  of  gravity,  ferioufnefs,  and  filence,    that  it 

rather 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  151 

rather  bears  the  appearance  of  melancholy  and  fad- 
nefs. 

Treatment  of  Women, — A   promifcuous  in*, 
tercourfe  between  the  fexes,  fcarcely  ever  took  place 
among  the  human  race.     The  relation  of   huiband 
and  wife,  has  been  every  where  underftood,   adapt- 
ed, and  acknowledged  ;  and  this  was  univerfally  the 
cafe  among  all  the  tribes  of  the   American    Indians, 
Where  the  difficulty  of  procuring  fubfiftence  was 
not  eafily  to  be  removed,  the  man  had  generally  but 
one  wife.     Where  the  means  of  fubfiftence  were  in 
great  plenty,  and  eafily  to  be  attained,  the  favage  had 
often  a  plurality  of  wives.     But  in  general,  the   In- 
dian family  confided  of  one  man  and  woman,    and 
their  children.     This  union  generally  fubfifted  dur- 
ing the  lives  of  the  parties ;  but  if  it  became  a  matter  of 
choice  to  feparate,  the  marriage  union  was  diffolved, 
and  no  caufe  or  ceremony  was  neceffary,  but  choice 
and  confent. — It  h  not  until  the  refinements  of   fo- 
ciety  have  taken  place,  that  women  acquire  the  rank, 
eonfequence,  and  impoitance,  to  which  they  are   f© 
juftly  entitled.     To  defpife,  to  degrade,  and  to   a- 
bufe  them,  has   been   the  practice  of  every   nation 
while  it  remained  in  the  favage  flate.     Without  ten- 
dernefs,  without  delicacy,  without   refinement,   the 
heart  of  the  favage  does  not  look  for  pleafure  in  the 
beauty,  chaftity,  and  modefty  j  in  the  tendernefs,  del- 
icacy, and  affection  ;   or  in  the  attachment,  conver- 
fation,  and  refined  manners  of  the  female  ;  but   its 
the  labours  and  menial   fervices  fhe  is  able   to   per- 
form.     In  this    ftage   of   focifty,   marriage  is  not    a 
tender  attachment,  or  a  union  of  refined  and  delicate 
affections  between  the  fexes  ;  but  altogether  an  ani- 
mal inclination,,  the  bare  inftinct  of  nature.       Plac- 
ing all  excellency  in  flrength  and  courage,  the  male 
views  the  female  as  every  way  inferiour  to  himfelf  ; 
not  fitted  for  honourable  employments,  but  deftined 
to  inferiour  purpofes  and  fervices.     Of  confequencer 


i62  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

the  condition  of  women  in  the  favage  flate  become^ 
degraded,  mortifying,  and  fubjecl:  to  fervitude.  The 
favage  affigns  to  his  wife  the  care  of  the  children,  the 
bufincfs  of  labouring  in  the  field,  and  all  the  fer  vices 
of  domeftic  care  and  difficulty.  Among  the  Indians, 
this  degradation  of  the  female  was  carried  to  its  great- 
eft  extreme.  Every  thing  moft  valuable  in  food, 
drefs,  and  ornament,  was  referved  for  the  man  :  The 
moft  laborious,  fatiguing,  and  difagreeable  fervices, 
were  affigned  to  the  women.  Doomed  to  inceffant 
toil  and  flavery,  the  women  perform  their  perpetual 
talks  without  pity,  without  compaffion,  without  praife, 
and  without  the  gratitude  of  their  hufbands.  To 
this  degraded  unhappy  Mate,  were  the  women  reduc* 
ed  among  all  the  Indian  tribes. 

Dress.— The  fame  purfuit  that  fupplied  the  In- 
dian with  food,  provided  alfo  his  clothing.  This 
was  made  of  the  fkins  and  furs  of  the  animals  they 
took  in  hunting:  Thefe  ferved  the  purpofes  of  cov- 
ering, and  modefty,  none  of  the  northern  Indians 
ever  appearing  naked. — In.  thofe  nations  where  op- 
ulence and  luxury  prevail,  dref>  becomes  a  compli- 
cated, a  profitable,  and  a  curious  art  :  And  beauty 
acquires  new  force  and  power,  from  ornament  and 
famion.  Hence  it  becomes  a  moft  lucrative  bufinefs 
in  polifhed  focieties,  to  invent  and  fupply  the  modes* 
fafhions,  materials,  and  ornaments  for  drefs. — The 
favage  was  not  without  his  tafte  for  ornament,  and 
fafhion.  His  hair  was  dreffed  in  many,  and  in  very 
lingular  forms.  His  nofe  and  ears  had  pieces  of 
gold,  (hells,  or  ftiining  ftones,  affixed  to  them.  His 
face  and  fkin  were  painted,  with  different  colours 
and  figures.  And  much  time  was  fpent  to  give  his 
countenance  the  afpetl:,  he  aimed  at.  The  defign 
of  his  drcfs  and  ornament  was  not  gallantry,  to  re* 
commend  himfelf  to  the  female,  but  rather  war  ;  to 
appear  the  object,  of  dignity,  majefty,  and  fear.  And 
what  was  extremely  fingular,  all  the  finery  and  dec- 
oration 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  153 

oration  of  drefs,  was  referved  for  the  man.  The 
{hare  that  fell  to  the  woman,  was  only  that  which 
remained,  when  her  hufband  was  completely  decked. 
When  he  was  about  to  join  the  council  of  his  na- 
tion, or  was  going  forth  to  war,  he  was  moft  of  all 
folicitous  to  appear  in  his  richeft  ornaments,  and 
finefl  decorations.— A  cuftom  prevailed  among  the 
Indians,  of  rubbing  and  anointing  their  bodies  with 
greafe,  oil,  and  different  kinds  of  gums.  Thefe 
were  often  mixed  with  different  colours,  and  formed 
a  very  durable  paint,  or  kind  of  varnifh.  This  may 
properly  be  eftimated  as  a  part  of  the  Indian  drefs. 
And  it  was  well  adapted  to  defend  the  body,  againft; 
the  extreme  moifture  and  cold  of  theforeft  and  lake, 
to  protect  them  againft  the  numerous  tribes  of  in- 
fers to  which  they  were  expofed,  and  to  check  the 
profufe  perfpiration  to  which  they  weie  fubject,  at 
different  times  and  places. 

Idleness. — When  engaged  in  hunting  and  war, 
the  favage  appears  active,  enterprifing,  and  indefati- 
gable. But  when  thcfe  favourite  occupations  are 
ended,  an  univerfal  inactivity,  and  indolence,  take 
place.  The  time  of  the  Indian  is  {pent  in  eating, 
deeping,  and  fitting  ftill.  When  he  applies  to  any 
kind  of  labour,  it  is  with  little  activity,  and  with  a 
great  avcrfion.  They  will  fpend  whole  years  irt 
making  a  pipr,  forming  a  canoe,  or  building  a  hut.. 
The  labours  of  agriculture,  are  wholly  afligned  to 
the  women  :  Inactive  and  flothful,  the  man  cannot 
be  roufed  up  to  any  kind  of  labour  and  fatigue.  His 
time  is  of  no  value  to  him  :  Every  thing  but  hunt- 
ing and  war,  is  eileemed  below  his  dignity  and  at- 
tention. And  of  all  employments,  the  loweft  and 
molt  balej,  in  his  view,  is  digging,  toiling,  and  la- 
bouring in  the  earth. — The  molt  indolent,  flothful, 
and  contemptible,  in  civilized  nations,  have  the  fame 
idea.of  honour  and  indultry  ;  that  labour,  efpecial- 
ly  agriculture,  J s  beneath  their  dignity  and  honour. 
U  Dirtiness. 


i54         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

Dirtiness.—  Cleanlinefs  feems  to  be  infepara-biy 
connected  with  induflry,  and  fome  degree  of  refine- 
ment.  Deftitute  of  both,  the  favages  of  Noitharner- 
ica  were  funk  into  the  lowed  eftate  of  filth  and  dirt- 
inefs.  Nothing  can  exceed  the  naflinefs  that  ap- 
pears in  their  food,  in  their  cabins,  and  in  their 
garments.  The  veffels  in  which  they  cook  and  eat 
their  victuals,  are  never  warned.  The  dirt  and 
greafe  in  their  huts,  are  never  removed  or  fwepfc 
away.  Their  garments  are  never  changed  or  wafli- 
ed,  until  they  wear  to  rags,  and  wafte  away.  No 
idea  of  cleanlinefs  feems  to  have  entered  into  their 
minds.  This  feems  to  be  one  of  the  cuftoms,  com- 
mon to  all  favages  :  Inactive  and  lazy>  they  are  all 
extremely  filthy  and  dirty. 

Gaming. — Gaming  is  ah  amufement,  to  which 
indolence  and  want  of  employment  naturally  lead. 
Above  the  occupations  of  labour,  and  without  a  tafte 
for  ufeful  employments,  many  in  civilized  life  leek 
a  relief  in  gaming,  for  the  pains  of  indolence  ;  and 
for  a  method,  to  move  and  agitate  a  languid  band. 
Moved  by  the  fame  caufe  and  motive,  the  favage  al- 
io falls  to  gaming,  as  the  molt  favourite  amufement : 
Indolent  and  lifelefs  in  all  the  exertions  of  labour, 
he  becomes  deeply  engaged,  impetuous,  and  noify 
in  play.  Every  thing  he  polleHes,  is  flaked  at  thefe 
diver fions  ;  and  he  loofes  his  peace,  his  fen'fes»  and 
all  that  he  is  worth.  But  thefe  amufements  do  not 
ilTue  in  contention  and  quarrels:  Though  carried 
on  with  a  frantic  eagernefs,  they  are  generally  man- 
aged, and  terminate  in  good  humour  and  peace. 

Songs. — Averfc  to  all  abftrufe  meditations,  the 
Indians  are  much  delighted  with  fong.s.  To  an  Eu- 
ropean ear,  their  fprigs-  do  not  aflbrd'  much  enter- 
tainment ;  nor  cari.fuch  difcern  harmony,  melody, 
or  any  variety  in  their  tunes.  However  this  may 
be,  the  favages  are  always  delighted  with  mufie. 
Their  fopgs  arc  of  a  grave  and  fciious  turn.     They 

never 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  155 

fiever  relate  to  the  concerns  of  gallantry  and  love, 
but  to  their  moft  ferious  employments.  They  have 
fongs  for  war,  fongs  for  vi&ory,  and  fongs  for  death. 
Each  of  them  is  defigned  to  excite  and  call  forth  the 
fentiments,  feelings,  and  paflions,  thatfuch  occafious 
require  ;  and  they  have  a  great  influence  on  their 
feelings,  and  actions.  Amidft  the  fevereft  fuffetings 
of  death,  this  is  the  refort  of  the  lavage  ;  and  when 
burning  at  the  flake,  the  lafl  confoiation,  is  to  fing 
the  fong  of  triumph  and  death. 

Dancing. — Dancing  has  been  one  of  the  favour- 
ite amufements  of  all  nations.  In  civilized  focieties 
this  amufement  is  defigned  to  promote  a  refinement 
of  manners ;  and  ferves  to  excite  the  fenfibility,  and 
delicacy,  which  attaches  and  refines  the  fexes. 
Dancing  is  alfo  the  favourite  employment  of  the  fav- 
age,  in  every  part  of  the  globe.  It  calls  forth  his 
active  powers,  which,  when  unemployed,  languifh 
and  decay  for  want  of  exercife.  And  in  no  em- 
ployment, does  he  become  more  animated,  vigorous, 
and  eager. — Inftead  of  being  an  amufement,  an  affair 
of  gallantry,  love,  or  refinement,  dancing,  among  the 
favages,  is  a  ceremony  of  great  importance  and  fe- 
rioufnefs.  With  this  ceremony  war  is  declared,  an 
ambaffador  is  received,  and  peace  is  concluded.  It 
is  by  a  dance,  that  every  important  tranfaclion  in 
public  or  private  life,  is  celebrated. — Their  dances 
are  generally  carried  on  by  the  men,  and  it  is  but 
feldom  that  the  women  are  permitted  to  join  in 
them.  All  the  fteps,  figures,  and  motions  of  the 
dance,  are  exprellive  ;  and  fignificant  of  the  bufinefs 
or  tranfattion,  it  is  defigned  to  denote.  If  war  is  to 
be  proclaimed,  the  dance  is  expreffive  of  the  refent- 
ment  and  rage  they  bear  to  their  enemies,  and  of  the 
hoftile  manner,  in  which  they  mean  to  treat  them. 
If  a  party  are  going  forth  againft  their  enemies,  the 
dance  of  war  is  to  be  performed.  In  this,  the  tranf- 
aftioas  of  the  whole  campaign  are  to  be  expreiTed, 

The 


156        the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

The  warriors  are  reprefented  as  departing  from  their, 
country,  entering  that  of  the  enemy,  futprifing  and 
conquering  their  foes,  feizing  priloners,  fcalping  the 
dead,  and  returning  in  triumph  to  the  applaufe  of 
their  country.  The  performers  appear  to  be  agitata 
cd  with  all  the  natural  paffions  and  feelings,  that 
take  place  in  any  of  thefe  fcenes.  The  caution,  the 
fecrecy,  the  fiercenefs  and  cruelty  of  the  waniors, 
is  reprefented  in  a  natural  and  animated  manner. 
The  whole  is  defigned  to  excite  thoFe  paffions  and 
feelings  in  the  warrior,  which  it  is  defigned  to  repre- 
sent. And  fo  quick,  exa£t.,  and  dreadful,  is  the  rep- 
refentation,  that  the  uninformed  fpettator  is  (Iruck 
with  horror,  and  looks  to  fee  the  ground  covered 
with  mangled  limbs,  and  flaughtered  bodies. —  If 
peace  is  made,  this  is  alfo  celebrated  by  a  dance. 
The  ambaffadors  and  the  warriors  fmoke  in  the  fame 
pipe,  and  join  together  in  the  fame  dance.  The 
dance  is  adapted  to  fignify  that  the  hatchet  is 
buried,  that  the  blood  is  all  wafhed  away,  and  that 
the  ghofts  of  the  flain  are  appealed}  and  at  reft  ;  and 
that  both  nations  are  now  to  live,  in  all  the  friend  - 
fhip  and  familiarity  of  brotherhood.  Thus  inftead 
of  being  barely  an  amufement  and  diverfion,  danc- 
ing among  the  Indians,  is  a  very  important  and  (e- 
rious  ceremony  ;  defigned  to  reprefent  fome  impor- 
tant tranfaclion,  and  to  infpiie  thofe  feelings  and 
pallions,  which  it  fhould  naturally  produce. — Is  it 
not  remarkable,  that  among  the  favages  in  the  hi  ft 
ftage  of  fociety,  dancing  fhould  be  adapted  to  pub- 
lic and  national  purpofes  ;  that  ail  the  fteps,  figures, 
and  motions  of  it,  fhould  be  arts  of  imitation  ;  and 
that  among  civilized  nations,  all  the  fteps  and  mo- 
tions fhould  be  without  defign,  infignificant,  and 
without  any  meaning  at  all  ? 

Beard. — The  cuftoms  and  methods  of  different 
nations,  have  been  various  and  different,  refpe&ing 
their  beards.     Some  have  carefully  preferved  them 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  157 

as  the  tokens  of  manhood,  gravity,  and  majefty,. 
Others  have  curied,  twitted,  and  braided  them,  to 
give  the  appearance  of  elegance  and  beauty  :  Oth- 
ers have  entirely  cut  them  off,  as  an  ufelefs  incum- 
brance ;  and  'o  acquire  greater  foftnefs,  mildnefs, 
and  amiablenefs  of  appearance.  Thefe  different 
cuRoms  and  fafhions,  do  not  appear  to  be  derived 
from  any  permanent  caufe,  or  inftinct  founded  in 
nature  ;  but  to  be  matters  of  fancy,  fuperftition, 
convenience,  or  vanity.-— In  this  refpect  the  Indians 
had  a  cuftom,  different  from  thofe  of  other  nations. 
It  is  their  univerfal  and  conftant  practice,  to  pluck 
Oiem  out  by  the  roots  ;  and  to  deflroy,  as  far  as  pof- 
lible,  the  appearance  of  any  beard  at  all.  Every- 
man has  an  inftrument  made  for  this  purpofe  :  It 
confifts  of  a  wire,  twilled  round  a  flick,  in  fuch  a 
manner  as  to  draw  the  hair  out  of  the  flefh,  and  ex- 
tract the  root.  The  Indian  carries  fuch  an  inftru- 
ment with  him  :  And  it  makes  a  regular  and  con- 
ftant part,  of  what  he  efteems  his  drefs,  to  extract 
and  defttoy  his  beard.  So  fond  are  they  of  this  cuf- 
tom, that  whenever  the  Indian  can  obtain  a  looking- 
glafs,  his  firft  bufinefs  is  to  examine  his  face,  and 
with  this  kind  of  tweezer,  pluck  out  all  the  hairs  he 
can  difcover.  They  generally  recommend  this  cuf- 
tom to  their  captives,  as  what  would  increafe  their 
beauty,  and  deftroy  their  hairy  appearance,  which 
the  favage  greatly  diflikes. 

Some  philofophers  have  fuppofed,  that  the  beard- 
lefs  countenance  of  the  Indian,  is  derived  not  from 
cuftom,  but  from  nature  :  That  the  Indian  is  with- 
out any  beard,  or  hair  on  any  part  of  his  body,  ex* 
cept  the  eyebrows  and  head  :  That  this  arifes  from 
a  defect  in  the  powers  and  vigour  of  nature  ;  and  is 
an  evidence  of  weaknefs,  impotency,  and  want  of 
manhood.*    The  fact,  and  the  conclufion,  are  both 

miftakes. 

*  Buffois,  Kaims,  Robei tfon,  &c« 


158        the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

tniftakes.  Nature  is  the  fame  in  the  Indian,  as  it  is1 
in  the  European  :  And  on  whatever  part  of  the 
body  it  has  afllgned  hair  to  the  one,  it  has  given  it 
to  the  other.  1  anj  allured  of  this  from  thole  who 
have  flain,  (tripped,  and  buried  their  warriors  :  I 
have  the  fame  information  from  thofe,  who  have 
been  their  captives  ;  and  who  have  feen  all  the 
mimbers  of  an  Indian  family,  drefTed  and  undreff- 
cd,  and  in  all  fituations.  The  fame  is  afferted  by 
thofe,  who  have  lived  among  the  civilized  tribes,  and 
been  called  to  perform  offices  of  humanity,  to  the 
Indians  of  each  fex.  The  beardlefs  countenance  of 
the  Indian  then,  is  not  to  be  ranked  among  the  cu- 
rious and  extraordinary  phenomena  of  nature,  but 
is  to  be  placed  among  the  cuftoms  peculiar  to  the 
Indian  tribes. 

Drunkenness. — Drunkennefs  is  one  of  thofe 
vices,  which  prevail  among  a  rude  and  uncultivated 
people.  The  favages  of  Northamerica,  are  univer- 
sally addicted  to  it.  Before  they  were  acquainted 
with  the  Europeans,  they  had  discovered  a  compoli- 
fion,  or  liquor,  of  an  inebriating  nature,  nfade  oub 
of  maize  or  Indian  corn.  But  the  difficulty  of  pro- 
curing a  large  quantity  of  this  liquor,  prevented  any 
general  intemperance,  or  excefs.  No  fooner  had 
they  tailed  of  the  fpirituous  liquors  brought  by  the 
Europeans,  than  they  contracted  a  new  appetitet 
which  they  were  wholly  unable  to  govern.  The 
Europeans  found  it  the  rnoft  lucrative  branch  of  the 
Indian  trade,  to  gratify  this  inclination.  With  an 
avidity  of  defire  altogether  uncontroulable,  the  In- 
dians fell  into  the  fnare.  The  firft  objett  of  inquiry 
with  them,  was,  whether  the  trader  had  brought  any 
brandy  or  rum  ;  and  no  confiderations  could  re- 
iirain  them  in  the  ufe  of  it.  The  old  and  the 
young,  the  fachem,  the  warrior,  and  the  women, 
whenever  they  can  obtain  ftrong  liquors,  indulge 
themldves  without  moderation,  and  without  decen- 
cy, 


HISTORY  op  VERMONT.  159 

cy,  until  univerfal  drunkennefs  takes  place.  All  the 
tribes  whether  placed  in  a  temperate,'  or  in  a  fevers 
climate,  appear  to  be  under  the  dominion,  and  una- 
i>le  to  govern  this  appetite. 

An  effeel  fo  univerfal  and  fimilar,  muft  have  as 
general  and  univerfal  a  caufe.  The  caufe  will  be 
found  to  have  a  deep  and  a  ftrong  foundation,  in 
their  manner,  cuftom,  and  habit  of  living.  Their 
conflant  method  of  living,  was  on  raw  or  boiled 
meat,  and  frefh  water.  This  did  not  fatisfy  the  de- 
Ores  of  nature  ;  and  naturally  produced  an  appetite 
for  every  thing,  which  was  aftringent,  ftimulating, 
and  inflammatory.  When,  they  met  with  ardent 
fpirit,  they  found  that,  which  is  the  moft  highly 
gratifying  to  fuch  an  appetite.  The  hardfhips  and 
fufferings  to  which  the  Indian  was  expofed,  their 
want  of  comfortable  refrefhments  and  fupport,  and 
the  extremes  of  heat,  cold,  and.  moifture,  to  which 
they  were  fubjeel,  were  conflantly  adding  new  force, 
to. an  appetite  already  exceflive.  Few  of  the  white 
people,  who  have  been  reduced  to  fuch  a  fituation 
for  a  few  months,  have  been  able  to  preferve  their 
temperance.  The  Indian  proved  wholly  inadequate 
to  the  trial.  Unaccuftomed  to  lay  any  reftraint  on 
his  appetites  and  paflions,  and  unable  to  bear  but  a 
fmall  quantity  of  the  liquor,  to  which  he  had  been 
unufed,  he  is  overcome  upon  the  firfl  trial.  His  ap- 
petite, the  more  inflamed  by  irregular  enjoyment, 
becomes  more  keen  and  raging,  until  extreme  excefs 
puts  it  out  of  his  power  to  indulge  himfelf  any  long- 
er. Nothing  but  a  total  change  of  the  whole  meth- 
od of  his  living,  will  enable  him  to  preferve  that  tem- 
perance and  regularity,  which  to  a  perfon  furroundedl 
with  all  the  comforts  of  life,  is  an  eafy  and  a  com- 
mon attainment. 

Cruelty. — There  are  no  paflions  in  the  human 

mind,  which  operate  with  fo  much  force  and  fierce- 

,  as  thofe  of  anger  and  revenge.     The  cuflonis 

and 


i6o         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

and  maxims  of  polifhed  focieties,  with  all  the  aid  of 
their  laws  and  religion,  have  not  as  yet  been  able  to 
give  a  due  regulation  or  reflrairit  to  thefe  paflions. 
In  many  cafes,   an  offended  individual   cannot   be 
made  to  believe,  but  what  it  is   right  and  beft  for 
.him,  to  be  the  judge  and  the  avenger  of  his  own  in- 
juries ;  and  that  it  is  the  mark  of  meannefs,  to  leave 
it  to  the  laws  of  fociety,  to  make  a  proper  retaliation 
to  the  wrongs  he  has  received.      Higher  attainments 
muft  yet  be  made  in  the  ftate  of  fociety,  before  an 
adequate  reftraint  and  regulation  will  be  found  for 
thefe  paflions. — In  the  bread  of  a  favage,   they  rage 
without  any  controul  :  Inftead  of  being  taught  any 
reftraint,  the  young  favage  is  taught  in  early  life,   to 
gratify  and  indulge  them.     The  whole  force  of  ed- 
ucation, example,  cuflom,  habit,  and  manner  of  liv- 
ing, operate  with  a  decifive  influence,   to  give  them 
new  force  and  vigour.     By  the  government  of  the 
tribe,  the  revenge  of  injuries  is  left  in  the  hands  of 
every  individual  ;  and  to  be  patient  and  moderate, 
is  the  higheft  mark  of  meannefs  and  want  of  fpirit. 
To  give  further  force  to  the  fpirit  of  vengeance,  all  the 
maxims  and  cuftoms  of  war,  have  placed  the  point  of 
honour,  in  rendering  the  fpirit  of  revenge,  implaca- 
ble, unabating,  and  fuch  as  never  can  be   fatisfied, 
fubdued,  or  loft.     Aided  by  all  thefe  motives  and 
confiderations,  anger  and  revenge,    become  fierce, 
brutal,  honid,  bloody,  and  implacable  paflions,  in 
the  breaft  of  the  favage  :   More  like   the  deftruttive 
rage  of  a  beaft  of  prey,   than  like  a   paflion   in   the 
heart  of  a  human  being. — The  effect,  is  a  barbarous 
and  unrelenting  cruelty  :  Far  from  pitying,  fparing, 
or  forgiving,  the  fafrage  aims  at  the  ruin,  deftrudlion, 
and  utter  extermination  of  his  enemies.     Hence  the 
method  of  carrying  on  his  war,   was  to  deftroy  men, 
women,  and  children  :   To  plunder  and  burn   their 
towns,  and  villages  ;   To  torture  and   torment   their 
prifoners  :   And  to  fweep  off  whole  tribe?,  with   an 

imivcrfal 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT*  i6i 

uriive'rfal  and  undiftjnguifhed  carnage.  This  feefns 
to  have  been  the  wilh  and  aim  of  every  tribe,  when] 
they-engaged  in  war.  A  barbarous,  unrelenting 
cruelty,  diftinguifhed  and  marked  all  their  fleps. 

The  cruelty  of  the  Indian  feems  to  have  ariferi 
from  the  paflions  of  anger  and  revenge.  It  is  not 
to  be  denied  but  that  there  are  other  paflions,  which 
have  carried  civilized  nations,  to  the  fame  dreadful 
extremes  in  cruelty.— Avarict  led  the  Spaniards  to 
perpetrate  more  enormous  crimes  and  cruelty  upon, 
the; Indians,  than  the  Indians  were  ever  capable  of 
returning.  The  fcene  of  promifcuous  calamity,  de- 
finition, murder,  and  butchery,  which  the  Span- 
iards carried  through  all  parts  of  Southamerica,  in 
the  number,  defign,  degree,  duration*  variety,  an<i 
enormity  of  its  cruelties,  far  exceeded  any  thing  that 
Was  ever  perpetrated  by  the  Indians,  If  we  are  to 
believe  the  declarations  of  a  celebrated  modern  ftatef- 
man,*  the  avarice  of  a  company  of  merchants,  hasf 
murdered  millions  and  millions  of  mankind,  by 
ftarving  them  to  death  in  Bengal.— The  fpirit  of 
fuperjiition  and  bigotry ',  is  equally  cruel  and  unrelent- 
ing. The  murders  of  the  inquifition  fubfifted  for 
centuries  :  They  were  fanclioned  by  law,  and  are 
not  yet  done  away.  Imprifonment,  eonfifcation;,; 
and  death  in  its  molt  awful  form's,  were  the  punifh- 
ments  which  bigots,  whenever  they  had  power,  nev- 
er failed  to  inflict  with  great  pleafureji  upon  thofe' 
who  were  wife  and  virtuous  enough  to  oppofe  them. 
The  maflacre  on  St.  Bartholomew's  day,  in  1572^ 
was  one  of  the  moft  barbarous  and  horrid  of  all  hu- 
man tran  fa  ttions.  In  the  midtl  of  the  moil  polite' 
city  in  Europe,  the  king,  princes,  nobility,  and  pric(Lsv 
turned  mon-fters,  affafTins,  and  butchers  ;  and  mur- 
dered thirty  thoufand  of  their  fellow  men,  on  ac- 
count of  theSr  religion.  Their  rage  was  attended 
W  with 

*  Mr,  Burfcfc 


atffc  t  NATCRAL  iUb  CIVIL 

with  circumllances  of  inhuman  cruelty  and  barbarity 
far  exceeding  the  fierce  and  bloody  OalTions  of  the 
lavages  of  America.— Ottr  own* countrymen  ought 
not  to.  forgetytkat  revetfg'e  has  a  Wo  tranlported  them 
into  a  conduft,  equally  inhu»ma-n-  and  'barbarous  as 
that  of  the  Indians.  At  the  concru-fion  of  the  In- 
dian war,  in  1676,  the  government  tried  feverai  of 
their  captives,  by  the1  Englifh  Jaw&  •  Some  were  con- 
demned, and  executed  UjSOnrfro  gallows  ;-  and1  oth- 
ers were  font  to  confume  their'  days,  in  the  flavery 
of  the  Weflindran  iilands  :  A  puniihmsnt,  to  them 
more  fev'ere  than  death. 

In  the  cruelty  and  barbarity  of  the  Indian,  man 
appears  in  a  fitualion  but  little  removed  from  the 
brutal  ferocity  of  the  bead  of  prej'.  Brit  when  ava- 
rice, bigotry,  and  revenge,  produce  the  fame  infernal 
fpirit  among  civilized  nations,  cruelty  appears  with 
a  more  diabolical  afpe£t;  not  like  the  rage  of  wild 
beads,  but  like  the  fury  and  vengeance  of  a  combi- 
nation of  apoftate  fpirits. — The  progrefs  of  knowl- 
edge, humanity,  and  refinement,  will  afford  the  only 
effectual  remedy  for  this  evil. 

Such  were  the  regulations,  cuftoms,  and  manners 
of  the  Indians,  the  original  men  of  America.  They 
have  been  viewed  by  philofophers,  in  the  moft  op- 
pofite  and  contrary  lights.  Some  have  fuppofed 
that  the  Indians  were  in  the  infancy  of  exiftence3 
that  the  whole  continent  of  America  was  but  lately 
raifed  out  of  trie  fea,  and  that  her  inhabitants  were 
in  a  (late  of  degradation,  unworthy  to  be  compared" 
with  the  men  of  the  more  ancient  and  improved 
hemifpheie."^  On  the  contrary,  others  have  con- 
tended that  in  the  rudeft  and  moil  fimple  flate,  matv 
attains  an  independence,  a  dignity,  and  a  nobjenefs 
of  mind,  which  is  never  found,  but  is  always  loft, 
a^nidlt    the  refinements  oi"    polifiied  ioc*ieties  :  Tha£ 

the 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  163 

the  bigheft  dignity  and  noblenefs  of  man,  is  derived 
folely  >from  nature,  and  is  always  debafed  and  cor- 
rupted by  polifh,  refinement,  and  the  arts.* — To 
view  this  fubje&in  its  proper  light,  it  will  be  nec- 
cfiary  tp  compare  the  favage  with  the  civilized  ftate, 
and  to'maifc  the  various  Advantages ,  and  Dij "advan- 
tages of  it. 

The    Savage    State    favourable    to    the 
Health,  Activity,,  and  Vigour  of  the  Body- 
■ — Among  the  advantages  tiiat  were  Connected  with 
the,  favage  ftate,  it  may  juftiy  be  efteemed  one,  and  a 
matter  0* 'much  importance,  that  it  was  favourable  to 
the  vigour,  activity,    and  health  of   the  body.     It  jft 
by  exertion  and  exercife,  that  the  body,  acquires  its 
mod  improved  ftate  of  activity,  firmnefs,  vigour,  and 
health.     Acculiomed   to  range   the  forefts  in    queft 
of  game,  the   Indian  acquired  an  habit  and    activity 
in  travelling,  that  exceeded  that  of  any  other  people. 
In  the  expedition,  fwiftnefs,  and  perfeverance  of  his 
courfe,  he  much  exceeds  the.  European. — No  people 
bear  hardship,  frittering,  and  fatigue   fo  well,:  The 
extremities  of  heat  and  cold,  of  hunger  and  tbii rftj  of 
bad  weather,  and  of   bad  accommodations,  *re  per- 
fectly familiar  to  the   Indiana  And   he  bears   them 
with    a  much  lefs  e£Fe<5l  upon  his   conftitution,  than 
the  men  who  have  been  ufed   to  better  accommoda- 
tions.— Unaccullomed  to  the  fteady  and  regular  em- 
ployments of  agriculture,  his  body  does  not  acquire 
the  ftrength  that  the  Europeans   have.     And  when 
the  exertion,  is  an  exertion  of   ftrength,  and    fteady 
labour,  the  white   man  is  found  to  be   the  ftrongeft. 
Thofe  only  of  the  Indians,  who  have  been  educated 
and  trained  up  to  fteady    and  hard  work,  are  equal 
to  the  white   men   in  bodily  ftrength.      In   running 
the  race,  and  in  bearing  hardfhip,  the  Indian  exceeds.; 
but  in  ftrength  of  body,  and  bearing  hard  and  fteady 
Labour,,  he  is  generally  unequal  to  the  European. 

\ 
*  Rouffeau* 


i6'4         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

In  refpecT;  to  health,  the   lavage    (late  fcems  fully 
equal  to  the  civilized.      Ufed  to- all  the  variations  of 
the' weather  and  clirrtate,  he  TufFerecf  but  little  from 
fuch  changes.      The  difeafes '  to  which  the    Indians 
were   fubJLecl;,  were  chiefly   thole   which  arofe   fiom' 
cxercife,  hardfhips,  and  fatigues.    Fevers,  the  aflhma, 
and  paralytic   diforders,  made   the  capital  articles  in 
the  hiftory  of  the  Indian  difeafes.     But  that  numer- 
ous and  fearful   train  of   maladies,  which    a  rife  from 
luxury,   flotb,  intemperance,  ahd   want  of .  exercife? 
were  unnamed,   and  unknown   among-   the    Indian 
tribes. — In  their  villages  there  fee med  to  be  a  greater 
number  of  decayed  and  aged  perforis,  than  are  gen- 
erally to  be  found  among  an  equal  number  of  white 
people.     But  as    they  had  not   the  art   of  numbers 
£nd  computation,   no  exaci  accounts  Could    he  pro- 
cured of  their  age.     This  article  refts  therefore  rath- 
ier  upon    appearance,  and  indication    derived    from 
decrepit  and  fhrivelled  bodies,  than  from  any  proper 
and  authentic  accounts  of   the  years  and   longevity, 
to  which    they   attain.       All    appearances  however 
jTeem  to  indicate,  that    activity,    vigour,  health,    and 
xige,  were  to  be  found  to  great  advantage  in  the  fav- 
age  (late. 

Favourable  to  Firmness  and  Fortitude 
or  Mind. — The  fituation  and  employment  that 
promoted  the  vigour  and  health  of  the  body,  tended 
to  produce  independence,  firmnefs,  and  fortitude  in 
the  mind.  Inured  to  fufFering,  hardship,  and  dan- 
ger, the  mind  of  the  lavage  wa&  formed  to  an  habit- 
ual firmnefs,  and  courage.  His  mind  became  com- 
pofed  and  collected  in  critical  and  dangerous  fitua- 
fions  :  And  he  fuffered  but  little  from  apprehen- 
sions of  fear.-v-The  fpirit  of  freedom  and  independ- 
ence, was  cultivated  and  confirmed  by  every  circum- 
ftance  attending  his  education,  employment,  and  rep- 
utation. Neither  corrected  nor  checked  in  his  early 
years,  retarded  or  flopped  in  any  purfuit,  he  knew 

of 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  165 

of  no  controul,  or  reftrainti     Mailer  of  his  own  ac- 
tions, and  never  wifhing  to  moderate  his  paflions,  the 
fpirit  of  freedom  and  independence  took  the   entire 
po'fleffion  of  his  foul.     Moved   by,  and  perpetually 
confcious  of  this  independent  fpirit,  he  a&ed  in  cir- 
eumftances   of  diftrefs,  and    danger,  with    amazing 
force  and  magnanimity  of  mind. — But   that   which 
the    favage  efteemed   his  greateft  glory  and   higheft 
dignity,    was  his    fortitude  and    bravery.     To   bear 
hardfhip,  to  endure  fufferin'g,  to  be  unmoved  in   the 
midft  of  torment,  and  to  rife  fuperiour  to  any  thing 
that  could  be  laid  upon  him  ;   this,  was  the    higheft 
honour,  and  the  nobleft  attainment  of   the   warrior. 
And  in  this,  it  is  not   to  be  denied,  that  the    human 
mind  attained  in  the  favage  ftate,  a    fortitude  and  a 
magnanimity  that  it  does  not  attain,  amidft  the    re- 
finements, cuftoms,  and  maxims  of  polifhed  nations. 
Amazed  at  the   firmnefs   and  fortitude,  which  the 
favage  difplays  in  the  mod  dreadful  of  all  fituations, 
feveral  philosophers  have  aimed  to  difcover  fome  ap- 
athy, fome  natural  defect,    or  want   of  fenfibility  in 
his  frame,  which  qualified  him  to  bear  pain  with  lefs 
feeling,   and   with  more  fortitude,  than  other  men. 
There  is  no  fuch  defect  in  his   conftitution.      His 
magnanimity    arifes  from    a  fenfe   and  principle  of 
honour.     This  is   the   fir  ft  principle  he  is  taught  ; 
the  fole  object  of  his  education,  profeffion,  and  pur- 
suit.    Amidft  the   rudenefs  and  hardihood  of  the 
favage  ftate,  this  principle  acts  with   more  force  and 
vigour  upon  the  human  mind,  than  it  ever  acquires 
amidft  the  refinements  and  foftnefs  of  a  more  polifh- 
ed ftate  of  fociety.     Refinement,  and  the  arts,  foft- 
en  and  relax  the  mind ;   philofophy    dibilitates   the 
body,  while  it  aims  to  correct  all  rudenefs  and   cx- 
cefs,  in  the  mind,  and  to  give  it  a  juft  habit  and  tone 
of  thinking  and  acting  :   But  in  the  rudenefs  of  the 
favage  ftate,  every  thing  concurs  to  give  an  unalter- 
ed firmnefs  to  the  body,  and  to  the  mind  -,  the  prin- 
ciple 


i6G         the  NATURAL  ans  CJVlt, 

cjple  of  honour  has  nothing  to  oppofe  or  relax  it; 
And  it  will  be  in  the  mod  hardy  body  and  mind, 
that  nature  and  honour  will  a6l  with  thegreated  force 
and  vigour.  The  principles  of  religion  only,  have 
ever  produced  a  fimilar  phenomenon.  The  heroic 
ipirit  of  the  martyr,  undaunted  and  triumphant  in, 
the  torture,  and  in  the  flame,  has  alone  exceeded  or 
equalled  the  fortitude  and  magnanimity  of  the  man 
of  nature. 

Favourable  to    Political  Talents,    and 
Vjktuis. — The   lavage  date    was  alfo   friendly  to 
fome  of   the  political  talents  and  virtues.       The  love 
sfhis  country,  derived  from  nature,  cheriflied  by  ed- 
ucation, ambition,'   precept,  and  example,    became  a 
ve.iv  powerful   principle   in  the   breall  of   a  favage. 
His  affections  were  confined  to  the  limits  of  his  owa 
tribe,  and   his    views  never   extended  any    further. 
His  glory  terminated  in  the  fervices  he  could  render 
to  it  :   And  the  greateft-of  all  attainments  was  to  ex- 
pand the  national   fame,   reputation,  and  conquefts. 
To  this  he  became  attached  by  birth,  education,  and 
intered  ;  by  ambition,  honour,  and  a  third  for  glo- 
}v.      Every  padion  that  glowed  in  the  bread  of   the 
savage,  ferved   to   incrcal'e  and  add  drength   to    the 
love  of  his  country.     No  motives  of  ambition,  gain, 
revcrige,  or  policy,  ever  lead  him  to  betray  its  inter- 
t.us  or  councils,  to  defert  to   the  enemy,  or  to  prove 
^.  traitor    to  the  country  and    tribe,   that   gave    him 
birth.      This  principle  connected  together  the  mem- 
bers of  the  fame  tribe  :    It    feems  to   have  taken  the 
deeped  root,  to  have    acted    with  the  greateft  force, 
?.nd  to  have  been  the  lead  corrupted,  in  the  favage 
irate. 

When  the  intereds  of  their  country  were  to  be 
conlitdered,  much  prudence  and  wijdom  were  difplay- 
^d>  in  their  councils.  The  chiefs  and  elders  confut- 
ed wi,th  great  deliberation,,  ferioufnefs,  andcalmnefs; 
^ud  Without  any  appearance  of  provocation,,  refent- 

ment, 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  16/ 

mciKtj  or  impatience  at  contradiction  and  oppofition. 
»ery  propofal  was  conHdered  5  the  probable  effects 
and  confequences,  advantages  and  disadvantages,- 
were  examined  and  weighed.  No  heat,  anger,  ill 
nature,  or  reflections  upon  one  another,  but  perfect 
ealmnefs  prevailed  :  And  that  conclufion  was  em- 
braced, which  appeared  to  be  moft  beneficial  to  the 
tribe.  Thoie  of  the  Europeans  who  have  attended 
thefe  councils  of  the  favages,  have  compared  them 
to  the  accounts  hiftorians  have  given  us,  of  the  pro- 
ceedings of  .the  Senates  in  the  ancient  republics.* 
They  bore  the  appearance  of  fblemnity,  gravity,  and 
deliberation.  In  thefe  councils,  integrity 'and  fubli: 
virtus  uf-as  always  prcferved.  The  objecls  they  had 
to  determine,  were  not  of  a  trivial  or  infignificant 
nature  :  They  were  thofe,  which  involve  all  that  is 
the  moil  dear,,  valuable,  and  important  to  man,  in 
any  ftage; of  Society.  The  prerehvation  and  protec- 
tion cf  their  property  ;  the  (dftty  and  the  lives  of 
their  wives,  children,  and  fathers  ;  the  exiftence,.  the 
independence,  and  the  freedom  of  their  country. 
The  councils  of  civilized  nations  may  be  employed 
upon  objects  of  a  much  greater  extent ;  but  they  nev- 
er can  contemplate  objects  of  more  importance,  of 
greater  value,  ok  of  a, higher  nature.  In  attending 
to  them  the  mind  of  the  favage  became  compofed, 
Sedate,  grave,  and  lerious.  He  had  no  private  in- 
te.re.ft  to  corrupt  him  ;  no  broken  fortune  to  be  re- 
paired ;  nothing  to  be  expelled  from. the  misfortune? 
of.  his  country  ;  from  lucrative  jobs,  polls  of  hon- 
our and  profit  j  from  the  management  of  the  pub- 
lic wealth;  or  from  the  veakneSs,  prejudice,  and  fa- 
vourite pafilons  of  a  prince.  No  emoluments  ov  ad- 
vantages could  accrue  to  him,  but  thofe  of  the  pub- 
lic good.  In  fuch  a  fituation,  corruption  would  not 
enter  into  the  councils  of  the  favages.  There  \va* 
nothing  to    be  gained  by  intrigue,  diflimulation,  or 

knavery. 
*  Gharlevoix  lit.  26,  Smith's  Hift,  Newyork.  p.  ,53,  Phil.  Edit, 


i68         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

knavery.  All  the  advantages  that  could  aiife  to  irr» 
dividuals,  muft  arife  from  the  general  good  of  the* 
tribe.  And  where  there  was  nothing  to  be  gained 
by  corruption,  there  was  nothing  left  for  their  coun- 
fellors,  but  to  difplay  their  greateH  wifdom,  integrity, 
and  public  virtue. 

The  nature  of  their  government  and  councils  was 
alfo  favourable  to  eloquence,  and  the  art  6f  public 
/peaking.  This  feems  to  have  been  the  only  art,  in 
which  the  Indian  rofe  to  any  eminence.  Unable  to 
remember  an  irregular  unconnected  difcourfe,  the  In- 
dian was  extremely  fond  of  regularity  and  method. 
When  he  fpoke,  his  fpeech  was  fhort  and  laconic  j 
and  the  meaning  was  conveyed  in  bold  and  ftrong 
metaphors.  When  they  return  an  anfwer,  they  re- 
peat the  whole  that  has  been  faid  to  them,  and  re- 
duce it  into  a  ftrieT:  and  regular  order.  Their  words 
are.  but  few  j  the  language  ftrong,  and  figurative  ; 
the  figures  expreffive,  vigorous,  and  bold ;  their"  man- 
ner, grave  and  animating  j  the  tone,  determined  and 
decifive  j  ancTthe  fentiment  they  mean  to  convey,  fo 
clearly  expreffed,  that  they  are  never  mifunderftood. 
An  hiftorian  who  was  prefent  at  feveral  of  their  con- 
ferences with  the  Englifli,  gives  this  account  of  the 
appearance  and  manners  of  their  orators,  <c  Their 
Speakers  deliver  themfelves  with  furprifmg  force,  and 
great  propriety  of  gefture^  The  fiercenefs  of  their 
countenances,  the  flowing  blanket,  elevated  tone, 
naked  arm,  and  erect  ftature,  with  a  half  circle  of  au- 
ditors leated  on  the  ground,  and  in  the  open  air,'  can- 
not but  imprefs  upon  the  mind,  a  lively  idea  of  the 
ancient  orators  of  Greece  and  Rome."* — Some  of 
their  fpeeches  in  manlmefs  of  fentiment,  in  the  force 
of  expreffion,  and  in  the  elegance  of  the  arrangement, 
have  been  fully  equal  to  the  productions  of  the  Gre- 
cian, Roman,  or  Britifh  eloquence.     And  in  no  caf« 


does 


FWlh'j  Htft;  of  Newyork.  p. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  i6£ 

does  language  acquire  fuch  force  and  vigour,  as  when 
it  is  the  dictate  of  the  paffions  and  feelings  of  nature, 
in  her  rude  and  uncultivated  ftate. 

It  was  by  the  combination  of  thefe  virtues  and 
abilities,  that  the  favage  rofe  to  public  honours,  em- 
ployment, and  diftinction.  The  braveft  and  the 
wifeft  became  the  leader,  and  the  fachem.  No  oth- 
er arts  could  feeure  the  public  efteem  and  favour^ 
but  fuperiour  abilities  and  exploits.  The  ancients 
generally  numbered  good  fortune,  among  the  mod 
neceflary  qualifications  of  their  heroes.  The  In- 
dians adapted  this  idea  in  its  full  force,  and  extend 
Without  diftinguifhed  bravery  and  fuccefs,  the  pri- 
vate man  was  never  promoted  at  all  :  If  he  proved 
an  unfortunate  and  unfuccefsful  leader,  he  foon  loft 
all  his  influence  and  reputation. 

In  thefe  maxims  and  cufloms  of  the  favage  ftate, 
there  Were  conftant  and  powerful  motives,  to  the 
exertion  of  all  their  political  talents  and  virtues :  And 
there  was  much  lefs  intrigue  and  corruption  in  thofe 
public  proceedings,  which  reined  to  their  own  tribe^ 
than  there  generally  is  in  the  t  ran  factions  of  civil- 
ized focieties. 

Favourable  to  the  Exercise  of  some  Vir- 
tues.— Several  of  the  vices  that  prevail  among  pol- 
ifhed  nations,  were  feldom  to  be  found  among  the 
Indians  ;  and  there  were  fome  virtues,  to  the  exer- 
cife  of  which,  the  favage  ftate  was  not  unfriendly. 
The  hofpitality  which  the  ancients  celebrated  i'o 
much,  was  of  great  importance  and  ufe  in  the  early 
ftages  of  fociety.  Wnen  the  ftranger  and  traveller; 
could  find  no  accommodation  or  protection,  bat  in 
the  kindnefs  of  thofe  on  whom  he  called  for  relief, 
hofpit.diiy  became  a  virtue  of  the  higheft  ufe  and 
excellency  :  The  bufinefs  and  convenience  of  life, 
could  not  have  be>m  eadly  carried  on  without  it. 
As  fociety  became  improved,  the  ftranger  found  in 
the  protection  rjf  Jaw's,  and  in  the  ufe  of  money,  that 
&  relief, 


i;-o  thi  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

relief,  which  he  before  derived  from  the  hofpitality 
of  the  age.  In  poliflied  nations  the  necelfity,  and 
the  exiilence  of  this  virtue,  have  in  a  great  meafiuc 
eeafed.  Among  the  favages  it  prevailed  to  an  high 
degree,  and  a/ied  with  its  full  force.  The  Euro- 
peans every  where  found  the  moft  friendly  and  cor- 
dial reception,  when  threy  firfl  came  among  the  fav- 
ages ;  and  from  their  hofpitality,  they  derived  all  the 
a  ffi  fiance  the  favages  could  afford  them.  It  was 
not  until  difpules  and  differences  had  taken  place, 
that  the  Indians  became  unfriend!)'.  Even  now, 
an  unarmed  defencelefs  flranger,  that  repairs  to  them 
for  relief  and  protection,  is  lure  to  find  fufety  and 
aiTiflance  in  their  hofpitality. — The  friendfhipof  the 
Indian,  is  always  a  very  ftrong.  and  vigorous  affec- 
tion. His  pa'iions  unfubdued,  undifciplined,  and 
ungovcrned,  always  aci  with  great  force  and  vig- 
our :  Whatever  be  the  object  of  them,  the  paf- 
fion  itfclf  is  always  impetuous  and  ftrong.  No- 
feounds  are  fct  to  his  refentment  and  revenge, 
when  injured  ;  and  no  length  of  time,  will  ob- 
literate the  memory  of  a  favour.  The  fame  im- 
petuofity  and  perfeverance,  with  which  he  purfues 
his  enemy,  is  employed  to  affift  and  preferve  hh 
friend.  In  this  refpe£l,  the  Indian  attachments  have 
fully  equalled  any  thing  that  is  to  be  found,  in  the 
hiftory  of  man-.  Several  of  their  bell  concerted  ex- 
peditions have  failed,  through  the  anxiety  of  an  in- 
dividual to  preferve  a  friend  from  the  common  ven- 
geance and  deftru£tion. 

Trained  up  to  the  mod  refined  cunning  and 
diflimulation  in  war,  the  Indian  carries  nothing  of 
this  into  the  affairs  of  commerce  ;  but  is  fair,  open, 
and  honeft  in  his  trade.  He  was  accuftomed  to  no 
ialfehood  or  deception,  in  the  management  of  his 
barter.  And  he  was  aftonifhed  at  the  deceit,  knav- 
ery, and  fraud  of  the  European  traders. — He  had 
no-  bolts  or  locks  to  guard  againft  Healing,  nor  did 

he 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  171 

he  ever  conceive  his  property  was  in  any  danger  of 
being  ftolen,  by  any  of  his  tribe.  AU  that  train  of 
infamous  and  unmanly  vices,  which  arife  from  ava- 
rice, were  almoft  unknown  to  the  favage  ilate. — Ly- 
ing and  falfehood  were  viewed  with  horror,  and  de- 
teftation.  When  they  found  thefe  vices  common 
among  fome  of  the  Europeans,  the  Indians  viewed 
them  as  a  corrupt  and  odious  race  ;  in  whofe  truth, 
juftice,  and  declarations,  no  faith  could  be  placed. 
They  had  no  name  for  adultery,  or  rape.  Quarrel- 
ing, contention,  and  difcord,  with  their  numerous 
ill  effe6ls,  were  but  little  known  among  the  members 
of  the  fame  tribe. 

Their  morality,  confined  to  a  few  objc6ls,  admit- 
ted of  fewer  vices  than  the  civilized  ftate.  Where 
no  wants  are  known  but  thofe  of  nature,  and  the 
way  to  fupply  thofe  wants  is  the  fame,  and  open  to 
all  ;  the  individuals  of  the  fame  fociely,  will  iive  in 
a  friendly  and  cordial  manner  together  ;  without 
many  grounds  of  ftrife,  and  without  much  tempta- 
tion to  iujure  each  other.  In  the  language  of  the 
Indians,  this  is  denominated  a  ftate  of  brotherhood: 
In  this  ftate,  the  moral  fenfe  will  join  its  influence 
with  the  focial  affe&ions,  to  prevent  injuries,  evils, 
and  vices  ;  and  to  reftrain  the  members  of  the  tribe, 
from  violating  the  rules  of  morality.  As  fuch  a  ftate 
does  not  admit  of  many  of  the  virtues  of  civilized 
nations,  it  is  alfo  in  a  great  meafure  free,  from  many 
of  their  moft  dangerous  vices. 

In  fuch  refpecls,  the  favage  ftate  feems  to  have 
had  advantages  peculiar  to  itfelf  ;  and  to  have  pro- 
duced effects,  which  are  not  to  be  expected  among 
civilized  nations.  But  before  we  decide  on  its  op- 
eration and  tendency,  it  will  be  necefiary  to  exam- 
ine the  dijadvantageSy  to  which  it  is  fubjeel  ;  with 
their  influence,  and  effect,  on  fociety. 

The  Savage  State  Unfavourable  to  alt, 
Intellectual   Improvements.— <As  one  difad- 

vantage 


17?  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

vantage  of  the  favage  flate,  it  lias  conftantly  proved 
unfavourable  to  all  intellectual  improvements  and 
exertions.  Occupied  Solely  with  hunting  and  war, 
the  favage  had  no  idea  or  wifh  for  any  intclleclual 
attainment,  which  was  not  immediately  connected 
with  h.  favourite  profeffions.  Neither  his  reafon, 
nor  his  invention,  appear  to  have  been  much  cxer- 
cifed  upon  any  objeel,  not  fuggefted  by  his  necefli- 
ties. — Taking  the  game,  and  fubduing  his  enemy, 
did  not  depend  on  the  knowledge  of  letters.  The 
transactions  of  his  anceflors,  were  not  of  much  im- 
portance to  him  :  He  had  no  code  of  laws,  no  evi- 
dences of  property,  or  any  public  tranfaclions  to  be 
recorded.  With  thefe  arts,  of  fo  much  importance 
to  civilized  nations,  but  of  little  conftquence  to  the 
Indians,  they  were  wholly  unacquainted  ;  and  had 
not  made  any  advance  towards  the  difcovery  of  let- 
ters. The  only  thing  which  they  appeared  anxious, 
to  record,  was  the  exploits  of  their  warriors.  When 
a  party  of  thefe  had  met  with  uncommon  fuccefs,  it 
was  often  the  cafe  that  they  made  forne  very  rough 
figures  or  inscriptions  upon  the  trees,  to  reprcfent 
the  direction  of  their  march,  the  number  of  enemies 
which  they  had  flain,  and  taken  captive.*  Thefe 
kind  of  inscriptions  were  Sometimes  m;.de  upon  the 
rocks.  A  number  of  fuch  figures  are  yet  to  be  fecn 
npon  the  rocks  at  the  mouth  of  Weft  river  in  this 
flate.  They  feem  to  allude  to  the  affairs  of  war, 
but  their  rudenefs  and  awkwardneSs  denotes  that  the 
formers  of  them  weie  at  a  great  remove  from  the 
knowledge  of  any  alphabet. — The  art  of  numbering 
and  computation,  is  an  elementary  and  eSTtntial  art 
in  every  nation  where  bu  finely  is  tranfacled,  or  any 
considerable  intercourse  and  commerce  is  carried  on. 
But  the  favage  had  nothing  to  number,  that  was  of 
rnuch  importance  to  him.      lie  had  no  treafures   tq 

count ; 

*  Sir  W;  Johnfon's  account  :    Phil,  Tranf.  Vol,  LXJIL 
P»0  143- 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  17J 

count  ;  no  property,  the^yalue  of  which,  was  to  be 
computed  ;  nor  any  variety  of  objects,  the  number 
and  value  of  which,  mud  be  expreiled  by  figures. 
Arithmetic  would  therefore  have  been  an  ufelefs  art 
to  the  Indian  ;  and  he  had  not  made  any  attempt  to 
attain  it.  They  could  count  as  far  as  ten  or  twen- 
ty ;  all  beyond  this,  was  compared  to  the  number 
of  the  "trees,  or  the  hair  on  their  heads. — The  on!y 
objects,  on  which  the  Indian  had  employed  his  rea- 
ibn,  were  thoje  of  external  fenle  ;  fuch  as  are  ma- 
terial or  corpc  ral,  the  idea  of  which  is  received  by 
the  fcnfes.  They  had  no  name  for  any  of  the  fci- 
ences,  or  for  abftract  and  univerfal  ideas.  Time, 
fpace,  duration,  fubflance,  and  all  thofe  terms,  which 
are  ufed  to  reprefent  abftract  and  univerfal  ideas, 
appear  to  have  been  unknown  ;  and  probably  never 
were  the  objects  of  their  inquiry,  contemplation,  or 
jthought. 

The  ideas  of  religion,  were  extremely  weak  and 
obfcure  in  the  favage.  Our  Maker  has  not  left  us 
to  a  courfe  of  metaphysical  reafoning  upon  the  con- 
nexion between  caufe  and  effect,  to  come  to  the 
knowledge  of  his  exiftence.  Long  before  men  be- 
come capable  of  fuch  exercifes  of  the  reafoning  pow- 
ers, they  believe  in  the  exiftence  of  a  Deity.  A 
ienfe  of  his  being,  feems  to  be  infcribed  upon  the 
human  mind.  And  probably  no  tribe  has  ever  been 
found,  that  had  not  the  idea  of  fome  fuperiour  pow- 
erful being.  Whether  this  was  the  object  of  fear, 
or  of  love,  or  however  it  was  represented,  the  idea 
of  a  fuperiour  being  feems  to  have  been  common 
and  general  among  all  nations.  It  takes  place  in  the 
tnind,  before  we  are  capable  of  reafoning  about  caufe 
and  efFect  :  And  it  feems  to  be  derived  from  a  rev- 
elation, which  the  Deity  hath  made  of  himfelf  to 
man.  In  the  conftitution  of  the  human  mind,  in 
its  feelings,  paflions  and  motions,  a  fenfe  of  the  Deity 
feems  to  be  interwoven,  inftamped,  and  infcribed. 

And 


i7i        the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

And  this  revelation  become/'  more  clear,  plain,  and 
intelligible,  according  to  the  manner  and  degree  in 
which  it  is  improved.  Among  the  Indians,  it  ap- 
peared in  its  weakcfl  and  mod  obfcure  Rate.  They 
denominated  the  Deity,  the  Great  Spirit,  the  Great 
Man  above  ;  and  feemed  to  have  fome  general,  but 
very  obfcure  ideas  of  his  government,  providence, 
ttpiverfaj  power,  and  dominion. 

The  immortality  of  the  foul,  was  every  where  ad- 
mitted among  the  Indian  tribes.  The  fentiment 
itfelf  refults  from  our  fears,  hopes,"  and  feelings. 
Man  is  fcarcely  ever  degraded  and  funk  fo  low,  but 
that  he  hopes  and  believes  that  death  will  not  prove 
(lie  extinction  of  his  being.  This  fentiment  pre- 
vailed in  every  part  of  America.  The  Indians  fo 
firmly  believed  it,  that  it  was  their  general  cuflom 
to  bury  with  the  dead,  their  bows, their  arrows,  their 
fpears,  and  fome  venifon,  that  they  might  not  be 
wholly  unprepared  to  begin  their  courfe  with  ad- 
vantage, in  another  flate.  There  might  be  a  few 
exceptions,  but  the  general  fentiment  was  nearly  the 
fame  in  every  part  of  the  continent. 

JBiU  both  thefe  fentiments,  theexiftence  of  a  God, 
and  the  immortality  of  the  foul,  were  nothing  more 
in  the  favage,  than  the  dictate  and  voice  of  nature. 
They  were  not  the  objects  of  his  inquiry,  difcourfe, 
j  eafoning,  or  contemplation.  The  Indians  had  made 
no  improvements,  no  cultivation  of  the  gifts  of  na- 
ture and  providence  ;  and  they  had  very  little  in- 
iluence  on  any  part  of  his  conduct.  They  had  not 
produced  any  domeftic,  or  public  devotion  ;  any 
form,  rite,  or  mode  of  worfhip  ;  or  any  fy  Item  of 
manners  and  cuftoms,  favourable  to  national  virtue 
and  religion.  Without  a  prieft,  without  a  temple, 
f-icrificc,  or  altar,  the  Indian  was  funk  under  the 
thickelt  gloom  ofignorance,fuperltition, and  (tupidity. 

His  reafon,  never  employed  on  any  intellectual 
y'rainment  or  exertion,  he   remained  in   a   ftate   of 

nature  ; 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  175 

nature  ;  wholly  unacquainted  with  every  thing  de- 
rived from  the  exerciie,  improvement, and  cultivation 
of  the  po-.vers  of  the  mind.  Neither  his  reafon,  or  his 
defnes,  ever  moved  or  tended  towards  any  fuch  im- 
provements :  And  Lb  long  as  hunting  fhould  have 
continued  to  be  the  mode  of  his  fubfiftence,  fo  long 
it  is  probable,  he  would  have  remained  at  a  diftance 
from  every  intellectual  attainment. 

Admits  of  but  few  Virtues. — It  was  anoth- 
er disadvantage  of  the  favage  (late,  that  it  did  not 
admit  of  but  few  virtues.  The  moral  i'en(e,  or  con- 
icience,  makes  pajt  of  our  natural  conflitution  ;  and 
is  as  effendal  to  man,  as  his  appetites  and  paffions, 
as  his  countenance  and  form.  When  this  is  not 
corrupted  or  perverted,  its  dictates  are  clear  and 
right,  and  do  not  tend  to  miflead  us  :  And  its  dic- 
tates are  never  more  clear  and  certain,  than  when 
they  are  the  genuine  and  limple  voice  of  nature, 
There  were  fewer  temptations  and  there  were  fewer 
vices  in  the  favage  ftate,  to  corrupt  and  pervert  the 
moral  fenfc,  than  there  are  in  a  polifhed  ftate  of  fo- 
ciety  :  But  there  were  alfo  fewer  motives,  occalions, 
and  opportunities  for  virtue.  Reverence  and  re- 
fpect.  to  the  Deity,  had  little  place  or  effect;  on  the 
uncultivated  mind  of  the  favage.  There  was  noth- 
ing in  his  fituation  to  produce  thofe  offices  of  kind- 
nefs,  and  tendernefs,  which  foften  the  heart,  and 
fvveeten  the  intercourfe  of  life,  in  the  civilized  ftate. 
The  fullen  pride  of  independence,  was  the  ftrongeffc 
paffion  in  the  heart  of  the  Indian  ;  and  it  left  but 
little  room,  for  tender  and  generous  affections  to> 
others.  Depending  folely  upon  himfelf,  the  heard 
of  the  favage  contracts  an  infenfibility,  an  hardnefs^ 
a  rou<*hnefs,  very  unfavourable  to  focial  connexions. 
Expecting  no  offices  of  kindnefs  from  others,  he  waa 
very  little  employed  in  relieving  the  diUrefles,  fup- 
plying  the  wants,  or  gratifying  the  defires  of  others, 
In  a  heart  thus  contracted,  but  few  virtues  will  re- 

fide. 


i76         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

fide.  The  natural  afreclions  will  remain,  and  may 
become  flrong  and  vigorous  :  But  the  divine,  fociaJ, 
and  human  virtues,  find  an  unfriendly  foil  ;  be- 
come few  in  their  number,  and  weak  in  their  op- 
eration. 

No  Attainments  in  the  Arts. — Thofe  arts, 
which  are  the  moil  neceffary  and  ufeful  to  men  in 
the  civil  flate,  were  almoft  wholly  unknown  among 
the  favages. — To  provide  a  covering  to  defend  the 
body  againft  heat,  cold,  and  moiflure,  is  one  of  the 
firft  arts  that  man  muft  have  attended  to.  The  In- 
dian had  gone  no  further  in  this  primary  and  eflfen- 
tial  art,  than  to  apply  the  fkins  and  furs  of  animals 
to  this  purpofe.  The  art  of  fpinning,  knitting,  and 
weaving,  were  wholly  unknown  to  the  northern  In- 
dian?. They  had  no  other  materials  to  cover  and 
clothe  their  bodies,  than  what  were  derived  from 
hunting. — Architecture  of  fome  kind  and  form,  muft 
unavoidably  engage  the  attention  of  men,  in  every 
climate  and  country.  The  attainments  of  the  In- 
dians in  this  art,  were  the  lowed  that  can  be  con- 
ceived. Their  buildings  were  nothing  more  than  a 
few  temporary  and  wretched  huts,  put  together  with- 
out order,  ftrength,  or  convenience.  Some  crouch- 
ed flakes  were  thrufl  into  the  ground  :  Thefe  were 
connected  by  poles,  laid  from  the  one  to  the  other  ; 
and  the  whole  was  covered  with  the  bark,  limbs, 
and  leaves  cf  the  trees.  An  aperture  was  left  at  the 
top,  for  the  conveyance  of  fmoke  ;  and  the  fire  was 
kindled  in  the  middle.  This  was  called  a  cabin  or 
wigwam,  and  was  without  windows,  doors,  or  any 
divifion-of  apartments.  This  was  the  highefl  ele- 
gance and  convenience,  the  houfe  of  the  Indian 
had  attained. 

The  progrefs  of  the  arts,  depends  very  much  on 
the  inflruments  and  tools,  with  which  the  artificers 
are  furnilhed.  Mod  of  thefe  among  civilized  na- 
tions arc  derived  from  the  application,  and  ufe  of 

the 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  177 

the  metals  ;  particularly  that  of  iron.  From  this 
metal  is  formed  almoft  every  inftrument,  that  is  em- 
ployed in  peace,  or  in  war.  Civilized  nations  have 
availed  themfclves  of  the  difcovery  and  ufe  of  this 
metal,  in  every  kind  of  art  that  they  purfue.  The 
Indian  was  in  no  capacity  to  arrive  to  fuch  an  im- 
provement. Copper,  filver,  and  gold,  have  been 
found  in  their  perfect  ftate,  in  the  rocks,  mountains, 
and  rivers  ;  and  were  the  metals,  which  were  firft 
known  and  ufed.  But  nature  never  completes  the 
formation  of  iron.  It  mufl  pafs  through  two  or 
three  tedious  operations  by  fire,  before  it  appears 
in  its  perfect  and  ufeful  form.  With  the  former 
metals,  the  Indians  in  fome  parts  of  America,  were 
well  acquainted  :  But  of  the  nature  and  ufe  of  iron, 
all  of  them  were  wholly  ignorant. — Deftitute  of  this 
capital  advantage,  all  their  tools  and  inftruments  to 
an  European,  would  have  been  wholly  ufelefs. 
Their  axe  was  made  of  a  fharpened  ftone.  Their 
knife  was  formed  out  of  a  (hell,  or  bone.  Every 
other  inftrument  was  equally  impotent,  and  ill  con- 
trived.— The  arms  they  had  contrived  for  defence, 
or  attack,  were  equally  feeble  and  awkward  :  A  club 
made  of  hard  wood,  a  flake  hardened  in  the  fire,  a 
lance  armed  with  a  flint  or  a  bone,  a  bow  and  an  ar- 
row, conftituted  the  whole  artillery  of  an  Indian 
war.  Of  domeftic  uteniils  and  houfehold  furniture, 
they  had  nothing  that  deferved  the  name.  A  bed,  a 
chair,  a  table,  a  pot,  a  kettle,  or  an  oven,  were  whol- 
ly unknown.  Their  bread  was  baked  on  the  coals. 
Their  meat  was  broiled  in  the  fame  manner.  Their 
created  art  in  cookery,  was  their  method  of  boiling 
their  food.  A  piece  of  wood,  or  a  ftone,  with  ex- 
treme labour,  was  formed  into  a  hollow,  and  filled 
wilh  water  ;  and  this  water  was  made  to  boil,  by- 
throwing  into  it  ftones  heated  red  hot. 

The  greateft  peiformance  of  the    Indiaa  genius, 
was  the  conftru&ion  of  hi*  canoe.     Wkh   infinite 
Y  labour, 


i<;d  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIJL 

labour,  they  fometimes  hollowed  out  a  tree,  and 
gave  it  a  form  adapted  to  the  purpofe  of  navigation^ 
In  a  canoe  thus  formed,  four  or  five  Indians  would 
pafs  a  river,  a  large  lake,  or  a  dangerous  rapid,  with 
much  fafety,  and  dexterity.     Another  kind  of  canoe, 
was  formed  out  of  the   bark   of  the  elm,  or  birch. 
This  was  the  work  of  but  a  few  days,  and  was   ex- 
tremely light  and  convenient.     It  was  of  fufficient 
dimeniions.,   to  carry  four  or  five   Indians  ;  and  fo 
light,  that  one  of  them  could  eafily  carry  it  on  his 
back.     The  dexterity  of  his  management,  the  fwift- 
neh  of  his  voyage,  and  the  fafety  with  which  the  In- 
dians pafs  the  falls,  rapids,  and  waves  in  this  kind  of 
boat,  has  appeared  furprifing  to  thofe  perfons,    who 
were   befl:  acquainted   with   the   arts  of  navigation, 
And  it  feems  to  have  been  the  higheft  attainment,  to 
which  the  genius  or  invention  of  the  Indian,  had  ever 
an  (en. 

In  the  application  and  nfe  of  particular  vegeta- 
ble, animal,  and  mineral  fubftances,  the  Indians  feenr 
t-o  have  had  fome  information,  which  ought  to  have 
been  more  attended  to-,  and  better  afcertained.   They 
certainly  knew  of  foms   fubftances  which   gave  the 
moil;  vivid  and  permanent  colours  ;  and   of  others 
which  contained  the  moft  fubtle,  active,  and  power- 
ful poifons.      In  feveral  cafes   of  poifons,   wounds, 
and  form;  other  disorders,  the  Indiana  had  the  knowl- 
edge of  very  valuable  medicines  :   And  they  derived 
iupport,    refrefhment,.  and    medicine,   from   feveral 
plants  and  vegetables,  in  which  the  Englifh  had  not 
difcovered  any  fueh  virtues  or  qualities.    The  knowU 
edge    of   ftrch  facts,  was  the  re  fait  of   fuch  obferva- 
tions,  as  expeiience  naturally  produced.     But  as  the 
Indian  never  attempted  to  improve  any  information 
winch  he  had,  and  knew  of  no  method  to  preferve  it 
but  tradition,  he  made  fmall  advances  in  this  kind  of 
Knowledge  ;    and  it  was    rather  a  matter  of    fecrecy, 
an  of  investigation,       Nor  was  there  any  thing  irv 

his- 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  179 

Sirs  fituation,  or  employment,  adapted  to  call  forth 
the  latent  powers  of  his  mind,  and  to  produce  the 
fpirit  of  inquiry  and  improvement. 

Very  Unfavourable  to  Population. — Adif- 
advantage  Ct ill  more  unfavourable  attended  the  fav- 
-age  ftate,  it  tended  much  to  retard  population.  From 
the  earlieft  hiftories  of  Virginia,  it  has  been  com- 
puted that  the  number  of  Indians  in  that  part  of  the 
continent,  did  nor^amount  to  more  than  one  for  every 
fquare  mile.*  I  do  not  find  any  account,  which  will 
lead  us  to  cftimate  the  number  of  Indians  in  New- 
england,  at  a  higher  rario  than  this. —  In  thofe  pares 
of  the  United  States  where  the  farms  are  well  manag- 
ed, a  farm  of  one  hundred  acres  will  well  fupport  a 
family  of  ten  perfons.  This  amounts  to  fixty  four 
perfons,  on  one  fquare  mile.  The  Indian  population 
•  then,  compared  to  what  has  already  raken  place  in 
thofe  parts  of  the  United  States,  which  are  well  fet- 
tled and  cultivated,  was  in  no  higher  a  proportion 
than  one  to  fixty  four.  A  difference  fo  unfavourable 
to  the  production  of  life,  denotes  fame  eiTential  de- 
fect in  the  favage  ftate. 

Population  depends  upon  a  variety  of  circumstan- 
ces, all  of  which  are  never  found  to  concur,  in  favour 
of  any  people.  In  the  ftate  and  fituation  of  the  In- 
dians,, there  were  fewer  circumftances  favourable  to 
population,  than  in  any  other  ftate  of  fociety. — In  the 
conftitution,  form,  and  vigour  of  his  body,  nature 
was  bountiful  to  the  Indian.  In  the  dimensions  and 
fize  of  his  body,  in  the  proportion  and  perfection  of 
all  his  limbs,  members,  and  organs.,  he  rather  exceed- 
ed than  fell  Ihort  of  the  European.  All  that  have 
been  acquainted  with  the  favages,  have  been  (buck 
with  this  circumftance.  In  no  race  of  men,  has  the 
human  body  appeared  to  be  better  formed,  more 
nicely  adjufted,  or  to  be  more  perfectly  proportioned 
in  all  its  members  and  parts.  No  deficiency  there- 
fore 
?  Jeffcrfon's  Notts  on  Virginia,  p,  109, 


180        the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

fore  arofe  from  any  impotency,  or  want  of  vigour, 
in  any  of  the  powers  of  nature. 

But  whatever  may  be  the  original  powers  of  nature, 
they  are  weakened  and  impaired  without  proper  food, 
and  nourifhment :  And  it  is  only,  where  fuitable  and 
nutritive  food  is  to  be  obtained  in  regular  and  fuffi- 
cient  quantities,  that  animals  will  become  the  mod 
prolific.  In  this  refpecl,  the  fituation  and  ftate  of  the 
lavage,  was  greatly  unfavourable  toincreafeand  pop- 
ulation. Deftitute  of  any  certain  or  regular  food  and 
nourifhment,  the  Indians  fuffered  feverely  this  way. 
At  one  period,  all  was  gluttony  and  excels  ;  at  anoth- 
er famine  and  hunger  became  extreme  and  diftrefting. 
The  heavieft  part  of  this  diftrefs  fell  upon  the  women, 
who  were  the  leaft  able  to  bear  it:  And  at  no  time 
did  they  enjoy  that  regular  and  fteady  fupply  of  food, 
which  nature  required.  In  the  male,  this  tended  to 
impair  the  2nimal  patTion  :  In  the  female,  it  tended 
not  only  to  weaken  ir,  but  to  render  it  greatly  dan- 
gerous'to  indulge  it.  Its  effects  were  ftill  worfe  up- 
on the  pregnant  ;  and  often  deftroyed  the  increafe 
and  fruit  of  nature,  before  the  birth. 

The  manner  in  which  the  Indians  procured  their 
food,  was  equally  unfavourable  to  population,  as  the 
uncertainty  and  irregularity  of  it,  Deftitute  of  a 
fixed  fettlement  and  abode,  the  favage  fpent  the 
hunting  feafon  in  wandering  through  the  forefts  in 
queft  of  game,  and  generally  carried  his  family  with 
him.  Their  women  muft  climb  the  mountains,  wade 
through  the  rivers,  force  their  way  in  the  thickets  of 
the  foreft,  fleep  upon  the  wet  ground  in  the  open 
air,  and  carry  their  children  with  them  ;  and  amidft 
all  thefe  fatigues  and  diftrefies,  were  often  without 
food  for  feveral  days,  and  always  without  comfortable 
refreshment!  Inftead  of  being  in  any  degree  prolific, 
the  white  women  would  have  all  perilhed  in  fuch  a 
fituation.     The  wonder  is,  not  why  population  fhould 

have 


HISTORY  op  VERMONT.  181 

have  been  fo  fmall,  but  how  it  fliould  fubfifl  at  all, 
in  fuch  a  fituation.  If  the  conftitution  of  the  favage 
had  not  been  uncommonly  ftrong  and  vigorous,  not 
only  the  animal  paifton,  but  all  the  powers  of  nature 
would  have  ceafed  and  become  extinct,  by  luch  con- 
tinued fcenes  of  fatigue  and  diftrefs. 

The  conftaucy  and  perpetuity  of  their  wars,  had 
alio  a  fatal  influence  on  population.  The  irruption 
of  an  enemy  defolated  their  cultivated  lands,  difturb- 
ed  them  in  their  hunting  exertions,  and  deftroyed 
all  the  little  flock  of  provifions  they  had  laved.  The 
women  and  children  had  no  place  of  refuge,  but  to 
conceal  thernfelves  in  the  woods,  and  mountains  ; 
where  many  of  them  mull  perifh  for  want  of  food, 
and  all  of  them  mull  be  in  a  fuffering  and  diflreiTed 
condition.  In  the  whole  catalogue  of  human  woes, 
it  is  not  pofiible  to  conceive  of  any  ftate  more  dif- 
treffing,  than  that  of  a  pregnant  woman,  in  a  fitua- 
tion fo  horrid  and  awful.  Many  of  them  lived, 
and  brought  forth  the  fruit  of  nature,  amidtt  this 
complication  of  miferies.  But  the  prefervation  of 
the  mother  and  the  child,  approached  nearer  to  the 
nature  of  a  miracle,  than  to  what  is  efteemed  the  ef- 
fect of  the  eftablifhed  and  regular  laws  of  nature,  in 
the  civilized  ftate. — While  their  wars  had  this  fatal 
tendency  to  prevent  the  increafe,  they  operated  with 
a  force  equally  fatal,  to  deftroy  and  fweep  off  thofe 
that  were  the  moll  vigorous  and  adlive.  Revenge, 
de(lru6lion,  the  utter  extermination  of  an  enemy, 
was  the  object  aimed  at  in  an  Indian  war  :  And 
while  it  was  carried  on,  it  operated  and  raged  with  a 
fatal  and  a  certain  tendency,  to  effect  its  defign,  aim, 
and  end. 

Other  caufes  might  be  found,  in  the  cuftoms, 
manners,  and  maxims  of  the  favage?,  which  were  alfo 
unfavourable  to  increafe  and  multiplication  ;  but  it 
is  not  neceffary  to  enumerate  every  particular,  that 
would  apply  to  this  fubjeft.     The  circumftance* 

which 


i82         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

which  have  been  mentioned,  are  fuflicient  to  account 
for  all  that  has  been  uncommon,  in  the  defedt  of  In- 
dian population.  That  thefe  circumftances,  do  in 
fa£fc  contain  the  caufes,  which  rendered  the  popula- 
tion fo  fmall  among  the  favages,  is  confirmed  from 
llus  additional  evidence.  Wherever  the  Indians 
liave  been  placed  in  a  fituation  favourable  to  increafe, 
they  have  become  equally  prolific  as  the  defcendents 
of  Europe.  Several  of  the  traders  among  the  In- 
dian tribes,  have  married  with  their  women  :  When 
the  Indian  women  have  been  thus  provided  with  com- 
fortable food,  raiment,  and  places  of  abode,  and  re- 
lieved from  the  fatigues  and  diflreffes  of  the  favage 
flaie,  they  have  raifed  up  as  large  and  numerous 
families,  as  are  found  in  the  houfes  of  the  white  peo- 
ple.— And  among  themfelves,  when  a  tribe  was  fit- 
uated  on  the  bank  of  a  river  abounding  with  fifh,  or 
in  a  fpot  where  the  game  was  plenty,  and  they  re- 
mained undifturbed  by  their  enemies  ;  their  numbers 
foon  incieafed,  their  women  became  more  valued 
and  efteemed,  and  population  afTumed  a  greater  force 
snd  vigour. 

In  lome  parts  of  America,  the    Indians   had  ad- 

inced  beyond  the   favage  flate,  and   acquired  fome 

of  the  arts  and  conveniencies  of  the  civil  flate.     In 

i'uch  places,  the  fame  increafe  of  numbers  took  place 

among  them,  that  is  feen  among  other  nations.   The 

intercom  fe  between  the  fexes   approached  nearer  to 

delicacy    and    refinement.      Greater   attention   was 

paid  to  the  women.      The  men  became  fcnfible,  how 

much    their  happinefs  might    be  promoted,    by  the 

ttachrnent    and  tendernefs   of  the  female.     In   the 

empires  of  Peru  and  Mexico,  the  Indians  had  made 

fiderabie  advances   to  fuch   a   ftate  :   And  their 

Nation  had  become  vigorous  and  rapid.     Their 

tmpers  refembled  the  appearance  of  things  in  Eu- 

je  ;    and  their  cities    abounded  with  inhabitants. 

oufand  families,,  were  faid  by  Cortez,  to  be 

contained 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  183 

contained  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  when  he  led  his 
band  of  rufSans  againft  it. — From  thefe  effects  we 
may  determine  with  certainty,  that  the  defect  in  the 
Indian  population,  was  not  derived  from  any  weak- 
nefs,  impotency,  degradation,  or  defect  of  nature 5 
but  arofe  from  a  fituation,  in  which  every  circum- 
fiance  was  unfriendly  to  increafe,  and  multiplica* 
tion. 

From  the  beardlefs  countenance,  and  inattention 
of  the  Indian  to  the  female,  fome  philofophers<of 
great  eminence  and  abilities,  have  formed  the  moft 
extravagant  fyflems  and  theories,  One  has  ailerted 
that  the  Indian  of  America,  has  an  inferiour  consti- 
tution to  the  European  -  that  he  is  weak,  and  defi- 
cient in  the  organs  of  generation  ;  without  ardour, 
and  impotent  with  the  female  ;  and  deftitute  of  nat- 
ural affections  to  his  wife  and  children.*  Another 
is  pofkive  that  he  is  not  defcended  from  the  com* 
mon  parents  of  the  whites,  but  is  a  diftinct,  feparate.^ 
and  inferiour  order  of  men  to  them  ;  of  a  different 
original,  and  f pedes. +  And  it  feems  to  be  general- 
ly afTerted  and  believed,  by  the  hiftorians  who  have 
quoted  thefe  accounts,  that  the  man  of  America  was 
of  lefs  force,  energy,  and  vigour,  than  the  man  of 
Europe ;  and  laboured  under  fome  phyfical  defect, 
or  degradation. 

The  clearefl;  proof,  and  the  mod  unexceptionable 
evidence,  ought  to  have  been  produced,  before  a 
philofopher  admitted  as  facts,  things  fo  repugnant 
to  the  general  principles  and  laws  of  nature.  Had 
this  been  attempted,  it  would  have  corrected  the 
errour  ;  for  the  facts  are  all  in  oppofition,  to  what 
has  been  fo  often  aflferted,  and  quoted.  No  fuch 
animal  was  ever  feen  in  America,  as  the  Indian  M. 
de  Buffon  defcribed  in  Paris. — If  the  facts  had  been 

true, 

*  M.  de  Buffon,  xviii.  146. 

+  Kaims'  Sketches  Hift.of  Man,  Vol.  I,  Sketch  1.  Vpl.  Uh 
Sketch  12-, 


184         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

true,  the  conclufions  which  have  been  drawn  from 
them,  would  have  been  wholly  uncertain.  The 
want  of  a  beard  would  have  been  no  proof,  that  the 
Indians  were  incapable  of  population:  And  the  want 
of  that  excemve  licentious  ardour,  with  which  the 
negro  and  the  libertine  glows,  is  in  no  degree  un- 
friendly to  population.  Every  paffion  carried  to 
excefs,  tends  to  weaken  and  enervate  the  whole  an- 
imal frame.  In  obedience  to  that  temperance,  puri- 
ty, and  regularity,  which  nature  enjoins  and  requires, 
are  we  to  look  for  the  effects,  which  nature  defigns. 
But  the  ardour  produced  by  luxury,  intemperance, 
and  excefs,  weakens  its  own  powers,  defeats  its  end, 
and  deftroys  its  purpofe  :  lnflead  of  proving  favour- 
able to  population,  it  tends  to  weaknefs,  impotency, 
and  the  lofs  of  manhood.  Is  it  not  furprifing,  that 
philofophers  who  had  feen  the  debilitating  and  de- 
grading effe&s,  which  luxury,  intemperance,  and 
excefs,  are  conflantly  producing  in  the  populous 
cities  of  Europe;  fhould  view  the  unnatural  ardour 
they  create,  in  any  other,  than  an  unfavourable  light? 
Or  fufpect  the  Indian  was  inferiour  by  nature  to  the 
European,  becaufe  he  did  not  appear  to  be  govern- 
ed by  that  unnatural  ardour,  which  never  fails  to  de- 
bilitate ail  the  powers  of  nature  :  And  which  often 
ends,  in  the  mod  emaciated  and  degraded  flate,  to 
which  man  can  be  reduced  ?  Happily  for  himfelf, 
the  Indian  was  without  this  unnatural  ardour.  Had 
it  been  added  to  the  other  unfortunate  pircum  (lances 
attending  his  fituation,  it  would  have  gone  far  to 
have  deftroyed  the  whole  race. 

Averse  to  all  Improvements. — The  mofl 
fatal  circurnftance  of  all,  was,  the  favage  Irate  was 
extremely  averfe  and  oppofed  to  all  improvements. 
It  is  with  a  benevolent  defign,  that  nature  reconciles 
and  conciliates  the  mind  of  man,  to  that  Mate  in 
which  it  is  placed.  At  the  fame  time,  it  has  made 
us  capable  of  continual  advance  and    progreflion,  to 


greate 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  185 

greater  improvements  and  perfection.  So  attached 
was  the  favage  to  the  former,  that  he  had  no  wifh  or 
derive  of  the  latter.  Content  and  fatisfied  with  his 
own  flate,  he  had  no  wifh,  hope,  or  conception,  that 
it  could  be  changed  for  a  better. — Accuftomed  to 
the  mod  perfect  freedom  and  independence,  he  be- 
held with  deteftation,  the  inequality  of  rank,  and 
the  fubordination  eftablifhed  among  the  Europeans. 
Free  from  all  care,  and  without  forefight,  he  was 
amazed  at  the  anxiety,  the  care,  and  perpetual  in- 
duftry  of  the  white  people  :  And  could  not  con- 
ceive why  they  mould  be  thus  perpetually  adding 
hard  larbour,  to  the  other  unavoidable  calamities  of 
life.  The  confiant  fcencs  of  hurry,  care,  and  bufi- 
nefs,  in  which  they  were  employed,  were  objects  a- 
verfe  to  all  their  feelings  and  withes  :  And  what  they 
viewed  as  the  mod  degraded  condition,  to  which 
man  could  be  reduced,  W2S  the  bufinefs  of  agricul- 
ture, digging  and  labouring  in  the  earth.  The  weap- 
ons of  the  Europeans  appeared  ufeful  to  them,  and 
thefe  they  were  at  much  pains  to  acquire.  But 
moll  of  their  arts,  cuftoms,  and  manners,  were  great- 
ly difagreeable  to  men,  accuftomed  only  to  the  bufi- 
nefs of  hunting  and  fighting. — Men  thus  fatisfied 
with  their  own  condition,  and  averfe  to  that  of  oth- 
ers, could  not  be  brought,  but  with  great  difficulty, 
to  admit  the  improvements  of  the  civilized  life  j  or 
to  give  up  that  independence,  which  they  efteem- 
ed  the  highefl  diftinclion,  and  the  greateft  glory  of 
man. 

The  appetite  for  the  hunter's  ftate,  is  one  of  the 
mod  general  and  powerful,  that  prevails  in  any  pe- 
riod of  fociety.  Men  never  quit  this  Mate,  until  it 
becomes  inadequate  to  their  fubfiftence  and  fupporf. 
It  is  in  hunting  and  in  fifhing,  not  in  agriculture  and 
the  arts,  that  the  indolent  and  wealthy  in  the  moft 
polifhed  nation?,  find  their  favourite  arnufement  and 
exerctfe,—- The  children  of  the  white  people,  when 
Z  carried 


i36         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

carried  among  the  favages  in  early  life,  have  often: 
contracted  fuch  an  attachment  to  that  ftate,  that 
they  could  not  be  perfuaded  to  return,  and  refide 
among  their  friends.  But  nothing  can  reconcile 
the  children  of  the  Indians,  to  the  cuftoms,  manners, 
and  methods  of  living  among  the  Europeans  :  How- 
ever careffed  and  indulged,  they  droop  and  languifb, 
until  they  return  to  the  freedom  and  wildnefs  of  the 
foreft. 

Nor  was  there  any  thing  in  the  favage  Mate,  thafc 
could  refine  or  improve  itfelf.  While  the  game  con- 
tinued, the  fame  method  of  living  would  have  re- 
mained :  And  this  would  naturally  have  continued 
all  the  difadvantages,  and  habits  of  the  favage  ftate. 
The  fame  method  of  fuppoi  t,  would  have  perpetuat- 
ed the  fame  manners,  maxims,  and  cuftoms.  Noth- 
ing would  have  led  a  people  in  fuch  a  fituation,  to- 
any  improvements,  until  ntccffity  fhould  have  in- 
troduced agriculture  ;  and  forced  them  to  become 
hufbandmen,  inllead  of  remaining  hunters. 

Such  were  the  difadvantages  attending  the  favage 
ftate.  TJiey  appear  to  have  been  infeparably  con- 
nected with  it  ^  And  of  fuch  a  nature,  as  to  prevent 
the  improvement,  progreis,  or  increafe  of  fociety. 
We  need  not  hefitate  to  pronounce,  that  thefe  dif- 
advantages far  exceeded  any  advantages  that  could 
attend  it  ;  and  operated  with  a  certain  and  fatal 
tendency,  to  continue  man  in  a  ftate  of  infancy,  weafc- 
iiefaj  and  the  greateft  im perfection.  The  freedom 
to  which  it  led,  was  its  greateft  bleffing  ;  but  the 
independence  of  which  the  favage  was  fo  fond,  was 
never  defigned  for  man  :  And  it  is  only  in  the  im- 
provements of  civil  fociety,  that  the  human  race  can 
find  the  greateft  increafe  of  their  numbers,  knowl- 
edge, fafety,  and  happind's. 


CHAP. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  187 


CHAP.       VIII. 


Oifervations  on  the  Origin  of  the  Indians,  their  Ait- 
tiguity,  Progrefs  of  Society,  and  Tendency  to  Dijs- 
lution. 


J.  HE  man  of  America  differed  in  Co 
many  refpe&s  from  the  men  of  other  countries,  that 
it  has  been  made  a  queftion  among  fome  of  the  mod- 
ern philofophers,  whether  he  was  originally  derived 
from  the  fame  parents  as  the  white  men  ;  or  ought 
to  be  confidered  as  a  different  race,  from  the  men  of 
other  countries.  No  inquiries  have  the  appearance 
of  greater  difficulties  than  thofe,  which  relate  to  the 
origin,  and  antiquity  of  the  American  Indians. 
Without  attempting  to  refolve  all  the  questions  that 
have  been  propofed  upon  thefe  fubjeffo,  it  may  be 
of  ufe  to  collecl;  fome  of  the  fa6ls  that  feem  to  relate 
to  them,  and  to  note  the  conclufions  to  which  they 
lead. 

Origin.— In  whatever  manner  this  part  of  the 
earth  was  peopled,  the  Indian  or  the  Red  Man, 
feems  to  have  been  the  moft  ancient,  or  the  original 
man  of  America.  This  race  were  by  far  the  moft 
numerous  ;  and  they  had  fpread  over  the  whole 
continent,  from  about  the  fiftieth  degree  of  north 
latitude  to  the  fouthern  extremity  of  Cape  Horn. 
This  vafl  extent  of  country,  including  all  the  variety 
of  climates,  was  fettled  with  the  red  men  :  And 
thefe  men,  every  where  appeared  to  be  the  fame 
race,  or  kind  of  people.-— In  every  part  of  the  con- 
tinent, 


188         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

tinent,  the  Indians  were  marked  with  a  fimilaiity  of 
colour,  features,  and  every  circumftance  of  external 
appearance.  Pedro  de  Cieca  de  Leon,  who  was 
one  of  the  conquerors  of  Peru,  and  had  travelled 
through  many  provinces  of  America,  gives  this  ac- 
count of  the  inhabitants  :  "  The  people,  men  and 
women,  although  there  is  fuch  a  multitude  of  tribes 
or  jiations  as  to  be  almoft  innumerable,  and  fuch  di- 
verfity  of  climates,  appear  neverthelefs  like  the  chil- 
dren of  one  father  and  mother."*  Ulloa,  an  able 
philofopher,  and  an  accurate  obferver,  vifited  and 
obferved  many  of  the  Indian  tribes  and  nations,  of 
Southamerica  :  He  obferved  alfo  the  Indians  at 
Cape  Breton,  in  Northamerica  ;  and  faith  of  the 
latter,  that  they  were  the  fame  people  with  the  In- 
dians of  Peru,  refembling  them  in  complexion,  in 
manners,  and  in  cuftoms  ;  the  only  vifible  difference, 
teing,  that  the  Indians  at  Cape  Breton,  were  of  a 
larger  flature  than  thofe  at  Peru.  "  If  we  have 
feen  one  American,"  faith  he,  "  we  may  be  faid  to 
have  leen  them  all,  their  colour  and  make  are  fo 
nearly  the  fame."f  And  it  is  worthy  of  remark, 
that  no  nation  or  people  upon  the  earth,  ever  have 
fpread  over  fo  large  a  tract  of  country,  as  thefe  red 
men  of  America. 

Were  thefe  men  the  fame  people  with  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  other  parts  of  the  globe  ? — Or  did  they 
radically  differ  from  the  men  of  all  other  countries  ? 
1.  They  were  of  the  fame  complexion,  with  the  rnoft 
ancient  nation  in  Afia.  From  authentic  document-, 
we  are  able  to  trace  the  exiftence,  and  national  tranf- 
a6lions  of  the  Hindoos,  to  an  higher  antiquity,  than 
we  can  find  with  certainty  in  any  other  nation. 
Thefe  were  the  Indians,  or  red  men  of  Afia.  And 
the  Indians  of  both  continents,  are  marked  with  the 

fame 

*  Robertfon's  Hift.  America,  Vol.  II.  p,  462.  note  45, 
t  yiloji,  Notic.  Americanus,  p.  go8t 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  189 

fame  peculiarity  of  colour.  The  diftinguifhing  col- 
our of  the  Indian,  is  red,  or  rather  a  reddifh  brown  ; 
refembling,  but  more  dark  than  a  copper  colour. 
From  this  fimilarity  of  complexion,  it  is  natural  to 
conjecture,  that  the  Indian  of  Afia  and  of  America 
belonged  to  the  fame  family.  2.  The  features  and 
countenance  of  the  American  Indians,  very  much  re- 
fembles  thofe  of  another  of  the  nations  of  Afia,  the 
Tartars.  The  Tartars  join  upon  India,  are.  fpread 
over  the  northern  parts  of  Alia,  and  extend  to  the 
eaftern  coafts  of  the  Pacific  ocean.  Of  their  ap- 
pearance  and  countenance,  geographeis  give  us  this 
account  :  "  They  are  in  general  ftrong  made,  (lout 
men  :  Their  faces  broad,  their  nofes  flattim,  their 
e;/es  (mall  and  black,  but  very  quick."*  The  In- 
dians of  America  are  thus  defcribed,  by  thofe  who 
had  lived  long  among  them  :  "  The  limbs  are  well 
turned,  the  body  of  jufl  proportion,  the  countenance 
broad,  their  nofe  flat,  their  eyes  black,  fmall,  but  ca- 
pable of  difcerning  objecls  at  a  great  diftance."t  If 
thefe  defcriptions  had  been  taken  from  the  fame  in- 
dividual, there  could  not  have  been  a  greater  agree- 
ment, in  every  circumftance  of  afpecl:  and  counte- 
nance. 

3.  Some  information  refpecling  the  defcent  of  na- 
tions, may  alfo  be  derived  from  their  cujtoms. 
Thofe  cufloms  and  manners  which  arife  from  the 
wants,  defires,  and  inclinations,  peculiar  to  iituation 
and  employment,  will  be  the  fame  in  the  fame  flate 
of  fociety.  A  hunter  in  Afia,  and  a  hunter  in  Amer- 
ica, will  have  nearly  the  fame  character,  the  fame 
occupations,  purfuits,  and  manners.  But  thofe  cuf- 
toms  which  do  not  arife  from  fituation,  or  from  any- 
natural  want  or  defire,   may  be  termed  arbitrary  : 

And 

-     *  Guthrie's  Geog.  p.  660. 

+  Ulloa's  and  Pinto's  account,    Robertfon's  Hift,  Amer, 
It  460, 


loo        tue  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

And  the  probability  is,  that  two  nations  would  not 
agree  in  thefe,  unlefs  they  were  derived  from  the  one 
to  the  other.  Several  of  thefe  arbitrary  cuftoms, 
were  common  to  the  men  of  Alia  and  America. 

One  of  thefe  cuftoms,  was  that  of  extracting  their 
beards  by  the  roots.  The  Tartars  and  the  Ameri- 
cans, had  both  adapted  this  practice.  Both  of  them 
appeared  either  wholly  without  a  beard,  or  only 
with  a  few  fcattered  hairs  :  And  both  of  them  made 
if  their  practice  to  extract  or  pluck  them  out  with 
the  roots.  Something  of  the  fame  kind  is  practifed 
by  the  Chinefe. — The  Tartar  and  the  American 
had  both  contracted  the  fame  wandering  or  roving 
difpofition,  contrary  to  the  cufloms  and  difpofitions 
of  moft  nations  ;  who  feldom  have  any  difpofition 
to  defert  their  connexions  and  country,  until  they 
are  compelled  to  it  by  neceflity  or  force. — They  had 
Ijoth  adapted  the  fame  method  of  war  j  wafting,  de- 
stroying, and  burning  a  country.  The  cuftom  of 
{calping  the  dead,  was  one  of  the  barbarous  habits 
the  Scythians  praclifed.  They  cut  a  circle  round 
the  necks  of  thofe  which  they  had  flain,  (tripped  off 
the  fkin,  and  carried  it  with  them  in  triumph.  In 
their  marches,  the  Kamtfchatkans  never  went  abreaft, 
but  followed  one  another  in  the  form  of  the  Indian 
file. — The  Tongufi,  the  moft  numerous  nation  ref- 
ident  in  Siberia,  ufe  canoes  made  of  birch  bark,  dif- 
tended  over  ribs  of  wood,  and  nicely  fewed  together, 
In  thefe  cuftoms  they  are  exactly  imitated  by  the 
Indians  of  America.-— In  burying  the  dead,  many  of 
the  American  nations  place  the  corps  at  full  length, 
others  place  it  in  a  fitting  pofture,  and  lay  by  it  the 
moft  valuable  clothing,  provifion,  and  arms.  The 
Tartars  did  the  fame  j  and  both  people  agreed  in 
covering  the  whole  with  earth,  fo  as  to  form  a  tu- 
mulus or  barrow. — The  method,  in  which  both  peo- 
ple treated  their  neareft  friends  and  relations,  was 
iliil  more"  extraordinary  and  uncommon,     When 

their 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  191 

their  fathers  and  neareft  friends  were  become  ex- 
tremely  old  and  infirm,  or  were  feized  with  a  dif- 
temper  deemed  incurable,  it  was  the  cuftom  of  the 
Tartars  to  make  a  fmall  hut  for  the  patient,  near 
fome  river,  and  to  fupply  it  with  a  fmall  quantity  of 
provifions  :  Removing  the  fufferer  to  fuch  a  Gtua- 
tion,  they  left  him  to  end  his  days,  without  vifiting 
or  affording  him  any  further  relief.  The  rudeft 
tribes  of  the  Americans,  in  feveral  parts  of  the  con- 
tinent, had  the  fame  cuftom  ;  and  fometimes  they 
made  ufe  of  force  to  extinguiih  the  remains  of  life, 
in  their  difeafed  and  aged  friends.  Both  people 
adapted  this  cuftom,  oppofite  to  the  practice  of  all 
other  nations  :  And  they  both  viewed  it  in  the  fame 
light,  not  as  an  act  of  cruelty,  or  of  any  difrefpecf.  ; 
but  as  a  deed  of  duty,  and  mercy  :  And  they  both 
affigned  the  fame  reafon  for  it :  "  They  were  kindly 
relieving  their  friends  from  the  increafing  and  un- 
avoidable miferies  of  life  ;  and  they  were  aflifling 
them  in  their  journey  to  the  other  country."  Nor 
is  it  to  be  doubted  but  that  they  affigned  the  true 
reafon  and  motive,  upon  which  they  a&ed  ;  for  no 
people  were  ever  known  to  pay  a  greater  reverence 
to  the  aged,  or  were  more  enthufiaftic  in  the  vene- 
ration they  paid  to  the  tombs  and  memories  of  their 
anceftors. 

Such  cufloms  are  not  derived  from  any  natural 
appetite,  or  from  any  thing  peculiar  to  the  ftate  of 
the  hunter,  or  the  favage  ;  but  muft  be  deemed  ex- 
traordinary,uncommon,  and  arbitrary.  Being  found 
only  among  the  men  of  Afia  and  America,  the  pre- 
emption is,  that  they  were  derived  from  the  one  to 
the  other  ;  or  that  the  latter  had  taken  them  from 
the  former. 

4.  In  the  empire  of  Peru,  there  were  feveral  ap- 
pearances of  Chinefe  cuftoms  and  manners.  The 
appearance,  the  drefs,  and  the  fuperiour  knowledge, 
of  Manco  Capac  and  Mama  Ocollo  ;  the  knowledge 

of 


192         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

of  agriculture  and  the  arts,  in  which  the  one  inflrucl- 
ed  the  men  j  the  knowledge  of  fpinning,  knitting, 
weaving,  and  making  garments  of  cotton,  which  the 
other  difFufed  among  the  women  ;  the  high  eftima- 
tion  which  the  children  of  the  fun  afiigned  to  agri- 
culture, above  all  other  arts  and  profeflions  ;  their 
cuftom  of  tilling  a  field  with  their  own  hands  ;  the 
ceremony  with  which  the  Inca  began  the  bufinefs  in 
the  fpring  ;  the  feftivals  whicrj,  attended  it  :  The 
unlimited  authority  of  the  emperor,  with  the  patri- 
archal afpecl:  of  the  government ;  the  benevolent 
tendency  .of  their  laws,  and  wars  ;  and  their  public 
regulations  refpe&ing  roads,  bridges,  canals,  induf- 
try,  provifion  for  the  poor  and  aged,  and  the  re- 
fponfibility  of  parents  for  the  conduct  of  their  chil- 
dren .;  all,  or  moft  of  thefe  articles,  bore  a  greater 
refemblance  to  Chinefe  maxims,  manners,  and  cuf- 
toms,  than  could  have  been  acquired  in  America, 
during  the  life  of  one  man  and  woman,  from  their 
Own  obfervations  and  reafonings.  They  were  ad- 
vances towards  a  ftate  of  civilization,  that  nothing  in 
the  degraded  (late  of  the  Peruvians,  could  have  fug- 
gefied,  or  produced,  but  in  a  long  period  of  time. 

Much  pains  has  been  taken  by  many  learned  and 
ingenious  men,  to  compare  the  languages  of  the  A- 
mcricans,  with  thofe  of  other  nations.  But  while 
thefe  inquiries  have  been  carried  on  with  great  affi- 
duity,  the  moft  ancient  language  which  prevailed  in 
the  eaft,  the  Sanjkreety  "  the  parent  of  almoft  every 
dialect  from  the  Perfian  gulf  to  the  China  feas,"*  was 
itfelf  wholly  unknown  :  And  no  information  has 
been  derived  from  thefe  inquiries. 

We  muft  reafon  then  from  fuch  circum (lances  as 
we  can  find  :   And  if  a  judgment  can  be  formed  from 

a 

*  Preface  to  the  Gramrmr  rf  the  Bengal  Language,  p.  3. 
The  fiift  tranilalion  from  the  SaniLreet  language  was  publifu- 
cd  in  1785. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  193 

a  Gmilarity  of  complexion,  features,  and  cuftoms,  we 
mall  be  led  to  conclude  that  the  men  of  America; 
were  the  fame  people  with  the  men  of  Alia  ;  but 
that  their  defcent,  was  not  from  any  particular  one, 
but  from  feveral  nations  on  the  eaftern  continent. 

No  difficulty  could  ever  have  attended  fuch  em- 
igrations. The  continents  of  Alia  and  America  ap- 
proach fo  near  to  each  other,  that  the  inhabitants  are 
frequently  palling  from  the  one  to  the  other.  The 
difcoveries  of  the  Ruffians,  and  the  greater  difcov- 
eries  of  the  moft  celebrated  modern  navigator,  Capt. 
Cook%  have  made  it  certain  that  if  the  two  continents 
are  feparated  at  all,  it  is  only  by  a  ftrait,  not  more 
than  eighteen  miles  in  width.  At  no  time  within 
the  period  of  hiflory,  Was  the  navigation  of  the  rudeft 
tribes  unequal  to  the  paffage  of  fuch  a  ftrait.  And 
probably  there  never  has  been  any  difficulty,  in  pall- 
ing from  the  one  continent  to  the  other. 

It  is  not  improbable  that  the  red  men  of  Afia, 
might  find  a  paffage  into  America  altogether  by- 
navigation.  "  It  has  been  long  known  that  the  A- 
fiatic  nation  called  the  Malayans,  poffeffed  in  former 
times,  much  the  largefl  part  of  the  trade  of  the  In- 
dies ;  and  that  their  fhips  frequented,  not  only  all 
the  coafls  of  Alia,  but  even  thofe  of  Africa,  and  par- 
ticularly the  large  ifland  of  Madagafcar.  It  has 
been  more  lately  difcovered,  that  the  fame  nation 
had  extended  their  voyages  and  migrations  from 
Madagafcar,  to  the  Marquefas,  and  Eafter  Ifland  ; 
that  is,  nearly  from  the  eaft  fide  of  Africa,  until  we 
approach  the  weft  coaft  of  America.  This  fpace 
includes  almoft  one  half  of  the  circumference  of  the 
globe.  Through  this  immenfe  fpace  the  Malayans 
had  fpread,  made  fettlements,  and  founded  colonics 
in  the  iflands  at  all  the  intermediate  ftages,  at  an  im-- 
menle  diftance  from  the  parent  continent.  The 
voyages  of  Capt.  Cook  have  afforded  the  proof  of 
thefe  hiftorical  fa&s  :  And  they  have  been  afcertain- 
Aa  ed 


t94         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

ed  not  only  by  a  fimilarity  of  manners  and  cuftoms", 
but  by  the  affinity  of  language,  and  a  collection  of 
fimilar  words,  made  from  all  the  widely  diffufed 
iflands  and  countries  vifited  by  this  celebrated  nav- 
igator." 

A  people  who  had  thus  fpread  over  one  half  of 
the  globe,  from  the  coaft  of  Africa  towards  Amer- 
ica, and  who  had  fettled  all  the  iflands  that  lay  be- 
tween them,  could  fcarcely  have  avoided  arriving 
upon  the  weftern  coaft  of  America,  and  leaving  fame 
of  her  people  there.  Several  of  the  iflands  that 
were  fettled,  were  near  the  American  coaft  ;  and  it 
muft  have  been  much  eafier  to  have  difcovered  the 
continent,  along  the  weftern  coaft  of  America,  than 
to  have  found  lo  many  fmall  and  fcattered  iflands. 
It  is  therefore  highly  probable,  that  the  fame  people 
who  fpread  over  the  iflands  in  the  Pacific  ocean, 
fhould  at  times  arrive  alfo  on  the  weftern  fhorts  of 
the  comment. — In  both  thefe  ways,  might  people 
from  different  nations  in  Alia,  find  a  p.iffage  into 
America,  and  at  very  different  periods  of  time. 

The  Indians  however,  were  not  the  only  men' 
which  appeared  in  America.  Another  race  or  kind 
of  men  were  fettled  in  the  northern  parts  of  the  con- 
tinent. Thefe  have  been  called  Esquimaux.  In 
their  colour,  dimenfions,  features,  and  cuftoms,  they 
differed  much  from  the  red  men.  They  were  of  a 
fallow,  or  browniih  complexion  :  Their  fize  about 
four  feet  in  height  ;  their  faces  long  and  wrinkled  j 
their  nofes  thick  and  comprelfcd  ;  their  eyes  fmall 
;.ii  I  funk  ;  their  cheeks  much  raifed  ;  their  eye- 
brows and  eyelids  thick  ;  with  fmall  legs  and  hands* 
This  nation  had  fpread  over  the  moil  northern  parts 
of  America.  They  are  found  in  Greenland,  on  the 
jpoati  of  Labradore,  in  Madron's  bay,  and  in  all  the 
coafts  and  iflands  on  the  weft  fide  of  America,  op- 
pofite  to  Kamtfchatka.  Their  migrations  had  ex- 
tended to  Norton's  found,   Onolafhka,  and   Princs 

;!liam*s 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  1-95 

"William's  found  ;  one  thoufand  five  hundred  leagues 
from  their  flations  in  Greenland  and  Labradore.  The 
famenefs  of  the  people  in  thefe  different  places,has  been 
afcertained  by  their  manners,  cuftoms,  features,  and 
complexion;  but  more  decidedly  by  fuchan  affinity  and 
fimilarity  of  language,  as  leaves  no  room  for  doubt.  It 
will  be  eafy  to  determine  from  whence  this  nation  of 
the  Esquimaux  proceeded.  Every  thing  in  the  appear- 
ance of  this  people,  denotes  them  to  be  the  fame  with 
the  Laplanders,  the  Zemblans,  the  Samojeds,  and 
the  Tartars  in  the  eaft.  Like  them  they  are  a  na- 
tion of  dwarfs  ;  largeft  towards  the  foutb,  but  decreaf- 
ing  and  dwindling  towards  the  north.  They  have 
all  the  fame  fallow  complexion,  deformed  features, 
ugly  appearance,  and  fingular  cuftoms. —Whether 
the  inhabitants,  could  pafs  from  the  northern  parts 
of  Europe  into  America  by  land,  is  as  yet  unknown. 
But  the  paflage  by  water,  was  at  all  times  eafy  ;  and 
certainly,  at  a  very  early  period.  In  the  voyage 
from  Norway  to  Iceland,  and  from  Iceland  to  Green- 
land, or  the  coafl  of  Labradore,  the  firft  part  of  the 
voyage  was  much  the  largeft  :  And  this  was  practic- 
ed from  the  earlieft  times,  of  which  we  have  any. 
account.  For  the  ninth  century,  when  navigation 
was  extremely  imperfect,  the  paflage  from  Europe 
to  America  was  fo  well  underftood,  that  the  Norwe- 
gians planted  and  fettled  their  colonies  in  Greenland. 
There  is  but  little  room  then  to  doubt,  but  that  the 
nation  of  the  Efquimaux  was  derived  from  the  fame 
people  in  the  northweft  parts  of  Europe.— -Their 
defcent  therefore  muft  have  been  from  the  Tirtarg 
of  Alia,  for  it  was  from  them,  that  the  Laplanders, 
who  are  fpread  over  the  northweftern  parts  of  Eu- 
rope, were  derived..  In  the  year  1769,  Pere  Hall, 
an  aftronomer  of  Hungary,  was  fent  into  Lapland 
to  obferve  the  tranftt  of  Venus.  This  able  philof- 
opher  had  a  good  opportunity  to  become  acquaint- 
ed with  the,  manners,  cuftoms,  features,  and  language 


iq6  ^the  NATURAL  and^CIVIL 

of  the  inhabitants  in  that  part  of  the  globe  :  By  hfc 
account,  "  it  appears  that  the  Laplanders  are  only  de- 
generate Tartars;  and  that  they,  and  the  Hungari- 
ans, originally  Iprung  from  the  fame  bleed  of  men, 
and  from  the  fame  country."* 

The  two  kinds  of  men  then  that  were  in  America, 
were  derived  from  the  lame  fource.  The  Indians 
and  the  E'quimaux,  were  both  defcended  from  the 
man  of  Alia  ;  and  probably  the  mod  of  them,  from 
the  lame  nation,  the  Tartars. — In  America  then 
nature  had  not  made  different  races  of  men,  fitted 
for,  and  originally  placed  in  different  climates.  The 
men  of  America  were  the  lame  with  the  men  of  Afia  : 
And  both  of  them  migrated  from  one  place  to  anoth- 
er, and  fpread  through  all  the  various  climates  of  the 
earth.  They  were  dillinguifhed  by  the  differences 
of  complexion,  dimenfion,  features,  arbitrary  cuftoms, 
and  peculiarities  of  manners,  as  much  as  the  inhab- 
itants are  in  other  parts  of  the  globe.  But  thefe 
differences  rmuft  have  been  derived  from  climate, 
food,  manner  of  living,  or  fome  other  circum fiance ; 
for  they  certainly  were  not  derived  from  a  different 
origin,  or'any  particular  local  creation. 

The  constitution  of  man  appears  to  be  the 
fame,  in  every  part  of  the  globe.  Nature  has 
given  to  him  the  fame  phyfical  and  moral  powers, 
capable  of  different  degrees  of  impiovement,  accordr 
ing  to  the  ftate  of  fbciety  in  which  he  fhall  be  placed. 
But  in  no  country,  or  part  of  the  globe,  does  man 
appear  to  be  an  animal  of  climate.  Among  animals 
nothing  is  more  apparent,  than  that  fome  are  animals 
of  climate  ;  that  is,  they  are  fitted  by  nature  and 
conftitution  to  fome  particular  part  of  the  globe  j 
where  alone  they  can  fubfift,  multiply,  and  obtain 
their  proper  perfection,  Thus  the  animals  peculiar 
to  the  torrid  and  frigid  zone,  never  have  their  par- 
ticular climates  out  of  choice ;   and  when   a  change 

of 
*  K.airr.s'  Sketches  of  the  Hift,  of  Man,  I,  p,  u» 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  197 

of  climate  is  forced  upon  them,  they  degenerate,  and 
walte  away.  It  is  evident  that  man  is  not  fuch  an 
animal.  He  can  multiply,  and  attain  his  proper 
perfection,  in  all  the  various  climates  of  the  earth. 
Nature  has  not  furni fried  hirn  with  any  kind  of  cov- 
ering, fitted  to  a  hot,  to  a  temperate,  or  to  a  cold 
climate  :  This  is  left  to  his  own  reafon  andinduflry, 
according  as  his  fituation  may  require.  Nor  has 
nature  afligned'to  him  any  particular,  invariable 
colour.  Black  is  the  abfence  or  want,  and  white  is 
the  mixture  of  ail  colours  :  And  thefe  are  the  ex- 
tremes between  which,  all  the  various  complexions 
fall.  Nature  therefore  has  not  affigned  to  man  any 
covering,  or  any  invariable  colour,  or  any  thing  in 
his  conftitution,  that  has  fitted  him  particularly  for 
the  torrid,  temperate,  or  frigid  zone  :  But  has  given 
him  a  nature  and  conflitution,  adapted  to  every  cli- 
mate. And  in  every  climate  which  produces  his 
proper  food,  the  white,  the  red,  and  the  black  men, 
will  fubfifl,  multiply,  and  attain  their  proper  perfec- 
tion.— If  nature  has  thus  made  man  the  animal  of  all 
climates,  would  it  not  be  altogether  unphilofophical, 
to  look  out  for  local  creations  ;  or  to  introduce  mi- 
raculous interpofitions  of  the  Deity,  to  explain  thofe 
differences  among  men  in  other  places,  which  in 
America,  we  are  certain  were  derived  from  natural 
caufes  ? 

Antiquity. — In  attempting  to  eflimate  the  an- 
tiquity of  the  moil  polifhed  nations,  we  can  derive 
but  little  information  from  hiftory.  No  records,  no 
monuments,  no  writings  can  be  found,  that  reach 
back  to  fo  ancient  a  period.  Leafl  of  all  is  this  to 
be  expefted  from  a  race  of  favages,  which  had  not 
the  knowledge  of  letters.  All  the  information  we 
can  obtain,  muft  be  derived  from  fuch  circum fiances 
and  events,  as  imply  or  denote  certain  periods  of 
years ;  and  of  thefe  there  are  but  few,  in  the  tranf- 
jclions  of  the  favage  (late. 

Some 


io8  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

Some  information  may  be  colle&ed  from  the  ex- 
tent of  the  country  they  had  fettled.  The  continent 
of  America,  in  its  dimenfions,  amounts  to  one  third 
part  of  the  habitable  globe.  Over  the  whole  of  this 
continent  had  the  favages  extended,  when  it  was  firfl 
ditcovered  by  Columbus,  in  the  year  1492.  Their 
Imputation  had  then  attained  its  greateft  perfe&ion. 
No  increafe  of  their  numbers  has  any  where  ap- 
peared to  take  place,  fince  that  time.  No  circum- 
stance or  event  has  taken  place  during  the  three 
hundred  years,  that  the  Europeans  have  been  ac- 
quainted with  the  Indians,  which  can  lead  us  to  fuf- 
pect  that  the  fa v age  Mate  either  has,  or  can  admit  of 
a  greater  population,  than  what  it  had  already  at- 
tained. Nor  is  it  probable,  that  any  increafe  of 
numbers,  and  population,  could  have  taken  place, 
while  hunting;  continued  to  be  the  method  of  pro- 
curing fubfilience. — From  the  obfervations  th \t 
were  made  in  Virginia,  and  Maffachufetts,  it  has 
been  computed  that  the  population  of  the  Indians 
»pon  the  fea  coafts,  could  not  be  eftimated  higher 
than  one  for  every  fquare  mile.  In  the  inland  parts 
of  the  country,  the  Indian  population  certainly  did 
not  exceed  this.  Geographers  have  computed  the 
n umber  of  fquare  miles  in  America,  to  amount  to 
fourteen  million1?,  one  hundred  and  ten  thoufand, 
eight  hundred  and  fevehty  four.  We  cannot  make  a 
nearer  computation,  than  to  fuppofe  this  was  about  the 
numb?)-  of  Indians  itrequiredin  the  hunter's  flate,to 
fpread  over  the  whole  continent. —  How  long  a  period 
would  it  require,  for  the  favages  to  increafe  to  fuch  a 
number  ?  There  has  been  no  inftance  of  a  more  rapid 
snercafe,  than  that  of  the  Britifh  colonies  in  Ameri- 
ca. They  were  aided  by  new  emigrations  from  Eu- 
rope :  But  fo  much  were  they  retarded  and  broke  up 
in  their  fettlcmcnts  by  war,  before  the  American 
revolution,  that  they  did  not  in  fact  double  their 
numbers  in  thirty  years.  The  families  of  the  In- 
dians 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  159 

dians  did  not  contain  more  than  half  fo  many  mem- 
bers, as  thofe  of  the  white  people.  The  Indian 
population  then  will  be  highly  eftimated,  if  we  com- 
pute it  to  one  half  of  that  of  the  white  inhabitants  s 
and  inftead  of  thirty,  admit  fixty  years  as  the  period 
of  doubling.  AiTumirig  the  population  to  have  pro* 
eeedtd  from  one  male  and  female,  this  would  require 
thirteen  centuries  and  an  half  to  have  fpread  over 
the  whole  continent,  and  prqduced  one  inhabitant 
to  every  fquare  mile.— The  period  of  population 
could  not  have  been  lefs  than  this.  But  probably 
this  period  was  completed  long  before  Columbua 
came  into  America.  The  Indians  in  feveral  places* 
had  gone  out  of  the  hunter's  {late.  On  the  fea  coafts 
they  were  advancing  into  fomething  like  monarchy. 
In  Mexico  and  Peru  they  were  become  extremely 
numerous,  and  had  eftablifhed  extenfive  and  pow- 
erful empires  j  the  duration  of  which,  could  be  trac- 
ed back  four  or  five  hundred  years.  From  their 
extent  and  population  then,  we  deduce  with  fome 
degree  of  probability,  that  the  Indians  muft  have 
been  iettled  in  America  eighteen  centuries  when  Co- 
lumbus firlt  difcovered  the  continent.  This  will- 
carry  us  back  three  centuries  before  the  chriftian  era. 
The  number  and  variety  of  their  languages  implies 
and  requires  a  much  longer  duration,  and  an  higher 
antiquity.  The  Indians  of  America  had  not  only 
fpread  over  the  continent,  but  they  had  everywhere 
formed  themfelves  into  a  number  of  fmall  tribes.  If 
we  may  judge  of  the  number  of  thefe  tribes  from 
what  took  place  in  Newengland,  and  Virginia,  they 
muft  have  amounted  to  thoufands.  Several  of  thefe 
tribes  had  fubfifted  fo  long  in  a  national  form,  and 
as  a  diftinct.  people,  that  they  had  formed  a  partic- 
ular language  for  themfelve3.  There  were  three  0- 
riginal  languages  fpoken  in  Canada;  the  Sioux,  the 
Huron,  and  the  Algonquin.*     In  Newengland,  there 


were 


*-AbbeRaynal,  V,  iogi 


200         TftF.  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

were  one  or  two  others. f     In  Virginia   there   were 
three,   different  from  either  of  theft,  J     In    Mexico 
thirty  five   were  difcovered.     In  Southamerica  there 
were  (till  more.   In  Maraguon,  the  Portuguese  count- 
ed fifty. §     In  each  of  thefe  places,  the  dialects  were 
nearly  as  many  as  their  tribes.     And  yet  thefe  places 
made  but  a  fmall  part  of  the  continent, — What  an 
immenfe  period  of  time  does  this  require  ?  A  language 
may  be  feparated  into  different  dialects  in  a  few  gen- 
erations :  But  for  thefe  dialects  to  recede  fo   far  from 
one  another,  as  to  lofe  all    refemblance  and  affinity  ; 
and  feveral  new  languages  to  be  formed,  radically  dif- 
fering from  one  another  j  could  not  take  place,  or  be 
effected,  until  the  tribes  had  fubfifted  for  many  cen- 
turies, as  diftinct  and  feparate  nations.— We  cannot 
eftimate   this  procefs  by   fixed  periods  of  time,  be- 
eaufe  we  have  no  facts   from   which    a  computation 
can  be  made.     But  it  may  be  compared  to  the  ftate 
and  progrefs  of  things,  in  the  other  hemifphere:   And 
we  fhall  find  the  number  of  languages  radically  dif- 
fering from  one  another,  more  numerous  among    the 
Americans,  than  they  were  in   Afia  and  Europe.     Is 
not  this  an  indication,  that  the  red  men  of  America 
are  as  ancient  as  the  other  nations  of  the  earth  ?  Learn- 
ing and  fcieRce  they  had  none  :    Bur  nature,  Situation, 
and  neceffity,  would  operate  as  certainly,  and  as  reg- 
ularly upon  them,  as  upon  any  other  people.      And 
would  it  not  require  as  long  a  period  of  time  to  pro- 
duce, and  to  form  a  language  among  the  favages,  as 
among  any  other  people  ?  This   circumftar.ee  feems 
to  denote  an  antiquity,  fully  equal  to  that,  which   is 
claimed  by  any  of  the  nations  of  the  other  hemifphere. 
Their  antiquity  may  alfo  be  traced    back   to   the 
time,  when  the  mod  uleful  arts  were  unknown ;  and 

when 

■f  Hutchinfon,  I.   457,  479. 
J  Jefferfon's  Notes  on  Virginia,  p.  59, 
'$  Clavigero's  liitt,  of  Mexico. 


history  of  Vermont.         201 

when  the  red  men  of  Afia  had  not   the  ufe   of  the 
metals,  or  of  domeftic  animals.     Some   of  the   arts 
muft  have  been  nearly  coeval  with  the  human  race  ; 
for  neither  food,  raiment,  or  habitations,  could    be 
procured  without  fomething  of  them.     Some  of  the 
arts  have  been  gradually  advancing,  without  owing 
much  to  any  original  inventor.      And  many  of  them 
are  of  fuch  antiquity,  that  their  origin  and  inventor 
are  beyond  the  reach  of  hiftory.     This    is   the   cafe 
with  the  mod  neceffary  and  ufeful  arts  of  life.     The 
origin  of  fpinning,  and  knitting,  of  the  plough,   the 
loom,  and  the  forge,  were  more  ancient  than   any  of 
our    hiftorical   monuments,    records,    or  traditions. 
But  when  thofe  arts  were  invented,  they  never  could 
be  loft.      Amidft  the  wars,  changes,  and  revolutions, 
to  which  nations  are  expofed,  what  are  called  the  fine 
arts  may  perifh  and  be  loft.     But  no  viciflitudes   of 
human  affairs  tend  to  deftroy  thofe  arts,   by   which 
all   men    derive    their  fubfiftence  ;  and   which  are 
equally  neceffary  to  the  conqueror  and  to  the   cap- 
tive, to  the  oppreffor  and   to   the   oppreffed.     The 
fame  obfervation  may  be  made  with    refpeft   to  the 
ufe  of  domeftic  animals.     A  people  that   have  ex- 
perienced the  advantages  derived  from  the  food  they 
afford,  and  from   the   labour  they  perform,  would 
never  lofe  this  kind  of  knowledge  ;    but  endeavour 
to  apply  it  to  fuch  kind  of  animals,  as  they  found  iri 
the  country  to  which   they  repaired. — Of  all   thefr, 
the  Indians  of  America  were  ignorant.     They  knew 
not  the  ufe  of  the  metals,  fpinning,  weaving,   or   the 
domeftic  animals  :   They  had  derived  no  fuch  knowl- 
edge from  their  anceftors,  nor  had  they  acquired   it 
themfelves.      At  what  period  then,    mull  they   have 
fettled  in  America  ?.  Before  thefe  arts  were   known 
in  AGa.      Before  the  Scythians  became  hufbandrnen, 
and  before  the  muft  neceffary  and  ufeful    arts  were 
known  in  the  midft  of  Aha. — Without  attempting 
therefore  to  go  back  to  the  beginning  of  the  crotton 
Bb  of 


£02  THE  NATURAL  AND  CIVIL 

of  God,  we  can  find  circum (lances  that  will  carry  u# 
as  far  back  into  antiquity,  as  any  other  nation  can, 
pretend.  The  hiilory  and  pretentions  of  the  Chi- 
neie,  do  not  imply  or  fuppofe  any  circumftances  of 
greater  antiquity,  than  thofe  which  ha\re  been  men- 
tioned. And  it  muft  be  from  circumftances  and 
fa  els,  not  from  tradition,  that  we  muft  trace  the  an- 
tiquity and  origin  of  ancient  nations. 

Progress  of  Society. — The  progrefs  of  focie- 
ty  among  the  Indians,  would  make  a  curious,  and. 
the  moft  ufeful  part  of  their  hiilory.     The  rudeft 
and  moft  fimple  ftate  that  took  place   among  them, 
Wfts  that  which  I  have  been  defcribing.     Whtrefo- 
ever  the  favages  c®ntinued   to   derive  their  fupport 
from  hunting,  they  continued  from  age  to  age  in  (he 
fame  condition,  and  made  no  improvements.    Where 
the  means  of  fubfiftence  were  plentiful,  andeafv  to  be 
procured,  the  Indians  had  advanced  beyond  the  (late 
of  an  hunter,   and   began  to  increafe  their  numbers* 
and  their  agriculture.     In  fuch   places,   fociety   be- 
gan to  afiume  a  different  form,  from  what  it  bore  in 
their  rudeft  and  moft  Ample   ftate.     And  the   ten- 
dency of  it  was  every  where  to  monarchy. — In   the 
fouthern  parts  of  Newengland^  and   Virginia,   foms 
of  the  tribes  were  advancing  fad  to  the  form  of  he- 
reditary monarchy.      In  the  hotter   climates   it  was 
already  eftablifhecl.      This  was  the  cafe  in    Florida, 
among  the  Natchez  on  the  Miilifippi,  in  Cuba,  Hit  - 
panicJa,  and  all  the  large  iflands.      In  Bagota,  Mex- 
ico, and  Peru,   monarchy  had  acquired   its-  perfect 
form,  its  full  powers,  and  a  complete  eftablithmenc, 
In  each  of  thefe  places^  the  progrefs  ot  government 
had  been  from  perfecl   freedom  and  independence, 
to  almoft  abfolute  and  unlimited  monarchy. — In  the 
courlc  of  this  progrefs,  two  remarkable   phenomeui 
appeared  :    In  one  part  of  America, an  empire  and  a 
monarchy  was  eflablifhed,   in   mod   refpecls    refem- 
biing  thofe  which  had  anfen  in  I  he  other  h«mi£» 

pliers. 


.HISTORY  o.v  VERMONT.  205 

phere.  In  another  part  of  America,  an  empire  and 
a  monarchy  was  produced,  far  fuperiour  to  thofe 
which  were  produced  in  the  other  parts  of  the  globe*. 
In  the  empire  of  Mexico,  almoft  every  thing  had 
taken  the  Afiatic,  and  European  courfe.  The  great 
body  of  the  people  were  reduced  to  a  degraded  and 
humiliating  ftate  ;  and  held  their  lives,  and  per- 
formed their  labours,  under  various  names  and  de- 
grees of  degradation  and  abafement.  A  body  cf 
nobility  were  pofteffed  of  ample  territories,  of  great 
privileges,  powers,  and  honours,  under  different 
names  and  degrees.  Above,  and  over  all,  was  the 
monarch,  enjoying  fupreme  power  and  dignity.  Af- 
ter being  elective  during  the  reign  of  eleven  of  their 
fovereigns,  the  monarchy  was  become  almoft  abso- 
lute and  hereditary,  in  Montezuma.  The  fyftem  ox. 
religion  agreed  perfectly  well  to  the  nature  of  the 
government :  It  was  fevere,  cruel,  and  barbarous  ; 
and  delighted  in  the  fprinkling  and  fhedding  of 
blood  :  Human  facrifices  of  all  others  wereefteerned 
the  mod  acceptable,  and  availing  ;  and  the  priefU 
had  the  privilege,  the  honour,  and  the  profit,  of  an- 
nouncing or  removing  the  vengeance  of  the  gods. 
This  fyftem  of  monarchy  had  acquired  a  liability,  a 
regularity,  and  a  vigour,  equal  to  any  monarchy  that 
was  then  upon  the  earth.  Upon  comparing  the 
fpirit  of  monarchy,  untempered  by  reprefentation, 
in  America,  in  Alia,  and  in  Europe  ;  the  fpirit  and 
the  principles  of  it,  will  be  found  every  where  to 
have  operated  alike.  It  degrades  the  body  of  the 
people  below  the  condition  and  nature  of  man.  It 
exalts  the  nobles  and  the  fovereign  above  the  condi- 
tion and  ftate,  which  nature  defigns  or  admits.  In 
one  form  or  another  it  has  always  been  attended  with 
a  perfecuting,  cruel,  and  bloody  religion,  put  into 
the  hands  of  a  wealthy,  and  powerful  priefthood. 
It  has  conftantly  produced  the  fpirit  of  war  and  de- 
finition ;  and  generally  derived  to  itfelf  fecuritr„ 

wealth, 


204         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

wealth,  and  power,  from  the  mifery,deftru£tion,  and 
{laughter,  it  has  entailed  on  the  human  race.  By 
placing  the  rulers  in  a  fituation  altogether  unnatur- 
al, that  is,  above  all  fenfe  of  accountability  to  their 
fellow  men,  it  has  produced  that  conftant,  fteady, 
and  univerlal  abufe  of  power,  which,  in  every  part 
of  the  globe,  has  been  the  diftinguifhing  and  certain 
effect  of  this  form  of  government.  Its  fpirit  and 
principle  have  every  where  been  the  lame  ;  not  the 
honour  which  the  great  Montelquieu  wifibed  to  af- 
cnbe  to  it,  and  wanted  to  find  in  it,  but  that  total 
want  of  regard  and  accountability  to  man,  which, 
with  great  accuracy  and  propriety,  has  been  lately 
named  a  contempt  of  the  people. 

The  empire  of  Peru  was  formed  and  governed 
by  a  fpecies  of  monarchy,  different  from  what-has 
ever  taken  place  among  any  other  people.  Twelve 
fucceffive  rnonarchs,  for  a  period  of  more  than  four 
hundred  years,  had  been  invefted  with  hereditary 
and  abfolute  power.  They  claimed  this  authority, 
not  as  derived  to  them  in  any  manner  or  degree  from 
the  people,  but  as  the  abfolute  and  exclufive  dona- 
tion of  h?aven.  They  announced  themfelves  to  be 
the  children  of  the  fun,  and  clothed  with  divine  and 
unlimited  power  to  dire 61;  all  the  civil  and  religious 
affairs  of  the  people.  The  fovereign  was  n.'med 
Inca  ;  and  fo  facred  and  pure  were  the  family  of  the 
inca's,  in  the  m\p&s  of  the  people,  that  they  were 
univerfallvcftecmedincapableof  committing  a  crime, 
or  falling  into  an  errour  :  No  other  family  might 
marry  or  mingle  with  it,  for  fear  of  polluting  the 
heavenly  blood.  The  people  looked  up  to  them, 
as  to  beings  of  a  fuperiour  and  heavenly  race  :  And 
all  difobedience  to  them,  was  viewed  not  barely  as 
a  crime  committed  againft  men,  but  as  an  acl  of  re- 
bellion againfl:  God. — The  nobility  of  courfe  was 
nothing  more  than  families  of  office.  Though  a  dif- 
ference of  rank  had  taken  place  throughout  the  ern^ 

pire, 


HISTORY  of   VERMONT.  $05 

pire,  all  but  the  children  of  the  fan,  vvere  fuppofed 
to  belong  to  the  common  race  of  men.  The  people 
were  weil  clothed,  and  fed  ;  every  where  diftinguifh- 
ed  for  thetr  induftry,  economy,  moderation,  content- 
ment, and  happmefs.  Over  this  people,  the  incas, 
though  abfolute  in  power,  eftablifhed  a  government 
the  mod.  mild  and  gentle,  that  has  ever  taken  place 
in  any  port  of  the  earth.  The  morals  of  the  people 
were  lb  pure,  that  few  crimes  were  ever  committed  : 
The  genius  of  the  government  was  fo  mild,  that  few 
puniihments  were  ever  executed  :  And  when  they 
were,  they  were  viewed  as  the  neceffary  acts  of  God, 
and  not  of  men.  Their  government,  the  dominion 
of  profperity  and  virtue,  was  efteemed  by  the  people 
the  dominion  of  God  and  his  inca. — Their  fyflem 
of  religion,  like  their  government,  was  mild,  gentle, 
an  I  pacific.  The  lun,  the  emblem  of  light,  fereni- 
tyt  fertility,  beneficence,  joy,  and  life,  was  the  object 
of  their  adoration.  They  offered  to  him  a  part  of 
thofe  productions,  which  they  derived  from  culti- 
vating the  earth,  enriched  by  his  genial  warmth. 
They  prefented  to  him  ipecimens  of  thofe  works  of 
ingenuity,  which  they  had  performed  by  his  light. 
And  they  brought  to  him  fome  of  thofe  animals, 
which  were  nourifhed  by  his  influence.  But  the 
inca  never  flained  their  altars  with  human  blood  ; 
or  admitted  the  favage  idea,  that  the  fou ice  of  benef- 
icence could  be  pleaitd  with  the  perfecution,  cruel- 
ty, and  destruction  of  men. — Their  fyftem  of  war 
partook  of  the  fame  fpirit  of  mildnefs,  and  wifdom. 
They  fought  not  to  exterminate,  but  to  conquer  : 
They  conquered  not  to  cnflave,  but  to  improve,  to 
civilize,  and  refine.  No  cruel  torture  awaited  the 
captive.  No  barbarous  marks  of  degradation,  dis- 
grace, triumph,  or  fiavery,  were  referved  for  the 
prifoners.  They  were  taught  the  fame  fyHem  of 
government  and  religion,  as  the  reft  of  the  people  : 
They  were  admitted  to  the  fame  privileges  ;  and 

treated 


£c5        the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

treated  with  the  fame  lenity  a;.i  mildnefs.  Of  all 
the  triumphs  of  the  inca,  the  nobleft  and  the  great* 
eft,  was  to  diffufe  the  manifold  bleffings  of  peace 
and  happinefs,  to  the  people  whom  they  had  fubdued. 

Such  was  the  genius,  the  fpirit,  and  the  effect,  of 
the  fyftem  of  monarchy  that  was  cftabliftied  in  Peru. 
We  need  not  hefitate  to  pronounce  it  fuperiour  to 
any,  that  was  then  to  be  found  upon  the  face  of  the 
earth.  The  genius  and  the  fpirit  of  it,  were  above 
all  ethers,  mild  and  gentle  :  The  object  and  the 
aim  of  if,  were  in  fact,  the  improvement  and  the 
happinefs  of  the  people.  And  if  any  government 
ever  produced  this  effect,  that  governmtat  was  J  he 
monarchy  of  Peru  :  Not  the  attainment  of  the  mod 
polifhed  nations  of  Aha,  and  Europe,  of  their  arts, 
fcience,  and  improvements  ;  but  of  the  greater  wif- 
dom  and  fimplicity  of  the  Indians,  and  incas  of  A* 
merica. 

We  have  here  a  phenomenon,  new,  and  almofl 
incredible  in  the  political  world.  Ablolute,  unlim- 
ited, and  hereditary  monarchy,  which  has  never 
failed  before  or  lince  to  prove  one  of  the  heavieft 
curfes,  which  has  fallen  upon  mankind  ;  in  Peru  be- 
came mild,  gentle,  and  beneficent  :  And  was  con- 
stantly employed  during  the  reign  of  twelve  fuccef- 
five  monarchs,  to  refine,  civilize,  and  improve  the 
people  ;  and  to  do  the  greateft  good  to  mankind. 
And  yet  this  was  a  fyftem  not  founded  in  truth,  or 
in  nature  ;  but  in  delufion  and  fuperftition.  What 
could  give  it  a  direction  fo  Heady,  uniform,  and  be- 
nevolent ?  Not  the  form,  but  the  principle  of  it.  It 
contained  the  belt  and  the  pureft  principle,  that  can 
enter  into  the  nature  of  human  government.  Its 
nrigin,  duration,  and  power,  depended  wholly  upon 
the  public  Jentlment.  The  inca  claimed  immediate 
defcent,  and  relation  to  the  fun.  The  fun  was  the 
emblem  of  peace,  and  benevolence.  Had  the  mon- 
arch (lained  his  character  by  enormity  in  crimes  and 

vices, 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  207 

vices,  or  by  a  conflant  abufe  of  power,  nature  would 
have  taught  the  Peruvians  that  monfters  in  corrup- 
tion, vice,  and  cruelty,  could  not  have  been  the  fa- 
vourite children  of  the  Deity.  If  the  inca  had  been 
viewed  in  this  light,  ali  his  divinity,  and  his  power 
would  have  ended.  His  power  was  founded  alto- 
gether in  the  opinion  the  people  had  formed  of  his 
divine  defcent,  qualifications,  character,  and  virtues. 
So  foiicitous  had  the  incas  been  to  preferve  this 
opinion,  that  through  the  whole  period  of  their  fuc- 
ceffions,  they  had  taken  the  rnoft  fcrupulous  care  not 
to  endanger  or  oppole  it,  by  any  bafe  and  unworthy 
conduct.  And  while  they  thus  proved  the  conflant 
friends  and  benefactors  of  the  people,  the  public  ea- 
stern and  veneration  increafed.  In  the  benevolence 
and  ufefulnefs  of  the  inca,  the  people  believed  they 
law  the  children  of  the  fun  :  And  in  the  affections 
and  opinions  of  the  people,  the  Inca  found  an  ab- 
folute  and  unlimited  power.  But  if  his  conduct 
had  plainly  difcovered  that  inflead  of  being  tho 
child  of  the. fun,  he  was  the  child  of  folly,  of  vice, 
and  abominable  iniquity,  his  divinity,  his  power, 
and  his  empire  would  have  ceafed  with  the  public 
opinion. 

Inflead  then  of  being  founded  in  a  contempt  of 
the  people  like  the  empire  of  Mexico,  the  monarchy 
of  Peru  had  the  Angular  good  fortune  of  being- 
founded  in  the  public  fentiment.  This  rendered 
rhe  inca  accountable  to  thepeoole  for  every  part  of 
his  conduct  :  And  this  fenfe  of  accountability  would 
keep  a  con  (Ian  t  fenfe  of  duty  and  character  upon  his 
mind.  Thus  under  the  form  of  abfolute  hereditary 
monarchy,  the  government  of  Peru  had  the  uncom- 
mon advantage  of  excluding  nobility  with  all  its 
odious  diuinctions  and  claims  ;  and  of  embracing 
the  beft  and  pureft  principles,  upon  which  civil 
government  can  ever  be  founded.  The  Indians 
feero  to  have  been  the  «fnly  people,  among  whom,  a 

regard 


2o3  th!  NATURAL  and  CIVIJL 

regard  to  the  public  fentiincnt  and  benefit,  did  in 
fact  conftitute  the  fpirit  and  principle  cf  hereditary 
and  abfolute  monarchy. 

Tendency  to  Dissolution. — However  beau*- 
tiful  and  promifing  the  prognTs  of  fociety  once  was 
among   the   Indians    of    America,    it    is  now  every 
where  tending  to  decay  and   diffolution  ;  and  this 
has  been  its  tendency,  ever  fince  the  firft  arrival    of 
the  Europeans.      In  the  deftruction  of  the  empires 
of  Mexico,  and  Peru,  Cortez  and  Pizarro  performed 
the  moft  accurfed  tranfaction.s  that  ever   were  done 
by  man.     And  wherever  the   Europeans  have   fet- 
tled, mifery,  calamity,  and  deftruction,   have    been 
entailed  on  that  unhappy  race  of  men.     The   vices 
we  have  taught  them,  the   difeafes  we  have   fpread 
among  them,  the  intemperance  they  have  learnt  of 
us,  and  the  deftruction  of  their  game,    are  evils  for 
which  the  lavage   is  unable   to   find   a  remedy.     A 
contempt  of  our  morals,  a  honour   at    the   knavery 
that  has  attended  our  commerce  with  them,  and  the 
conftant  advances  we  have  made  into  their  country, 
have  filled  their  minds  with  prejudices   againft   our 
arts  and  improvements.      This,   added    to   the   fre- 
quency and  bitternefs  of  their  wars,  to  their  conftant 
hardfhips  and  fufferings,  and  to  a  defective  popula- 
tion, but  too  plainly  denote  the   event.      The  con- 
ftant wafie  and  decay  of  this    people,   mufl  end  in 
their  total   deftruction  :   According  to   the   prefect 
courfe  and  tendency  of  things;  in  two  or  three  cen- 
turies, the  whole  race   mud   become    extinct. — In- 
Head  of  wifhing  for  fuch  an  event,  it  would   add   to 
the  glory  of  the  United  States  to  make  a  ferious  at- 
tempt to  prevent  it.      It  has  been  the  practice  of  ar- 
bitrary governments  to  fport  with  the  liberties,   and 
lives  of  men.      A  government  or  reafon  and   nature 
ought  to  attempt   to-  conciliate   the  affect  ions  of  a 
free,  brave,  independent,  and   generous  people.      It 
would  be  a   greater   glory   than    we  have   ever  yet 

attained, 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  209 

attained,  if  we  could  find  out  a  way  to  impart  the 
tleflings  of  the  civil  (late,  to  a  people  whole  great- 
eft  miferies  and  misfortunes  have  been  derived  from 
the  fuperiour  arts,  the  policy,  and  the  power  of  civ- 
ilized nations. 


Oc  CHAP. 


*i*        Tin  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 


CHAP.       IX. 


Firfi  Settlement  of  Vermont  ly  the  Engli/h.     Grant* 
from  Newb amp/hire.    Proceedings  of  Newyork.    Vi- 
olent Oppofttion  of  the  Settlers.     American   War* 
Declaration  of  the  Freedom  and  Independence  of  tit 
State. 


JL  HE  large  and  valuable  tra&  of 
country,  which  is  now  known  by  the  name  of  Ver- 
mont, was  fituated,  between  the  Newengland  prov- 
inces, Newyork,  and  Canada.  Its  diftance  from  the 
Englifh  fettlements  along  the  fea  coafts,  and  from 
the  French  on  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  prevented  any 
fettlements  being  made  in  it,  at  an  early  period,  by 
either  nation  i  But  both  of  them,  were  making  con- 
ftant  advances  towards  it.  So  early  as  the  year  1615, 
the  Dutch  had  advanced  one  hundred  and  fixty 
miles  up  Hudfon's  river,  and  built  a  fort  at  Albany. 
In  1640,  the  French  had  extended  far  up  the  river 
St.  Lawrence,  and  began  their  fettlements  at  Mon- 
treal. In  1635,  the  Engliih  began  the  town  of 
Springfield,  upon  Connecticut  river  ;  and  by  1670, 
had  extended  as  far  up  the  river,  as  Deei  field.  On 
September  3d,  1696,  Colonel  Fletcher ■,  governor 
of  Ncwyoik,  made  a  grant  to  Godfrey  Dellius,  a 
clergyman  at  Albany,  of  a  traft  of  land  on  the  eafk 
fide  of  Hudfon's  river  :  This  tract  extended  from 
the  norlhernmnPi  bounds  of  Saratoga,  to  the  rockRcJ- 
fian,  (now  called  Split  Rock,  in  the  townfhip  of  Willf- 
borough)    about   feveniy   miles   in    length,   and   in 

width, 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  uti 

width,  twelve  miles  from  Hudfon's  river.  In  1699, 
this  grant  was  declared  by  the  government  of  New- 
york  to  have  been  extravagant,  and  vacated  on  that 
account.* — In  1716  a  tract  of  land  was  granted  by 
the  general  court  of  MafTachufetts,  in  the  foutheaft 
part  of  the  ftate,  containing  more  than  one  hundred 
thoufand  acres.  But  it  was  not  until  the  year  1724, 
that  any  fettlement  was  made,  within  the  bounds  of 
Vermont :  The  government  of  MafTachufetts,  then 
built  fort  Dummer,  upon  Connecticut  river.  This 
fort,  was  then  admitted  to  be  within  MafTachufetts, 
afterwards  it  was  found  to  be  in  Newhampfhire,  and 
is  now  in  Vermont.  This  was  the  firft  fettlement, 
any  civilized  nation  had  ever  made,  in  this  flate. 
On  the  other  fide  of  the  ftate,  the  French  made  their 
advances  up  Lake  Champlain,  and  in  1731*  built 
their  fort  at  Crown  Point,  and  began  a  fettlement  on 
the  eaft  fide  of  the  lake.  This  part  of  America  be- 
came of  courfe,  the  feat  of  war,  and  was  conftantly 
expofed  to  the  depredations  of  both  nations,  and  their 
Indian  allies. 

The  provinces  of  MafTachufetts  and  Newhamp- 
fhire, had  a  long  and  tedious  controverfv,  refpe&ing 
their  divifxonal  line.  This  was  not  fettled  until  March 
5,  1740 ;  when  George  the  fecond,  determined,  "  that 
the  northern  boundary  of  the  province  of  MafTachu- 
fetts be,  a  fimilar  curve  line,  purfuing  the  courfe  of 
Merrimack  river,  at  three  miles  diflance,  on  the  north 
fide  thereof,  beginning  at  the  Atlantic  ocean,  and 
ending  at  a  point  due  north  of  Patucket  falls  ;  and 
a  ftraight  line  drawn  from  thence,  due  weft,  until  it 
meets  with  his  Majefty's  other  governments."  This 
line  was  run  in  1741,  and  has  ever  fince  been  ad- 
mitted as  the  boundary  line,  between  MafTachufetts 
and  Newhampfhire.  By  this  decifion,  and  the  ef* 
tablifhment  of  this  line,  the  government  of  New- 
hampfhire concluded,  that  their  jurifdiclion  exteni. 

ed 
*  Laws  of  Nowyork,  VoU  I.  p.  32,  Edit,  1774. 


212  THE   NATURAL  AND   CIVIL 

ed  as  far  weft,  as  MafTachufetts  had  claimed  and  ex- 
erciled  ;  that  is,  within  twenty  miles  of  Hudfou'* 
river.  The  king  of  Greatbritain,  had  lepeatedly  rec- 
ommended to  the  aflembly  of  Newhamplhire,  to 
make  provifion  for  the  fupport  of  fort  Dummer  ;  as 
a  fortrefs,  which  had  now  fallen  within  their  jurif- 
diction,  and  was  known  to  ftand  on  the  weft  fide  of 
Connecticut  river.  From  thefe  circurnftances,  it 
•was  not  doubted  either  in  Britain,  or  in  Ameiica, 
but  that  the  jurifdiction  of  Newhamplhire  extended 
lo  the  weft  of  Connecticut  river;  but  how  far  to  the 
weft,  had  never  been  examined,  or  called  into  quef- 
tion.  Menning  V/ent worthy  was  at  that  time  gover- 
nor of  Newhampfhire.  In  1749,  he  made  a  grant 
of  a  townlhip,  fix  miles  fquare.  It  was  fituated 
twenty  miles  eaft  of  Hudfon's  river,  and  fix  miles 
north  of  MalTachufett's  line.  In  allufion  to  his  own 
name,  he  gave  to  this  townfhip,  the  name  of  Ben- 
nington. For  the  fpace  of  four,  or  five  years,  he 
made  feveral  other  grants,  on  the  weft  fide  of  Con- 
necticut river.  In  1754,  hoftilities  commenced  be- 
tween the  Englifh,  and  the  French  in  America,  which 
put  a  ilop  to  the  applications  and  grants,  and  iilued 
in  a  war  between  the  two  crowns.  In  17G0,  the  op- 
erations of  the  war,  in  this  part  of  America,  were 
terminated,  by  the  furrender  of  Montreal,  and  the 
entire  conqueft  of  Canada. — During  the  progrefs  of 
the  war,  the  Newengland  troops  cut  a  road  from 
Charleftown  in  Newhampfhire  to  Crown  Point,  and 
were  frequently  paffing  through  thefe  lands  ;  and 
their  fertility  and  value,  became  generally  known. 
Upon  the  ceiTation  of  hoftilities,  they  were  eagerly 
fought  after,  by  adventurers  and  fpeculators.  By 
the  advice  of  his  council,  the  governor  of  New- 
hampfhire directed  a  furvey  to  be  made  of  Connec- 
ticut river,  for  fixty  miles ;  and  three  lines  of  town- 
fhips,  to  be  laid  out,  on  each  fide.  The  application 
for  lands  conftantly  increafed,  and  new  furveys  were 

made, 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  213 

rctade.  So  rapid  was  the  progrefs,  that  daring  the 
year  1761,  not  !e!s  than  ftxty  townfhip?,  of  fix  miles 
iquare  were  granted  on  the  well  of  Connecticut  riv- 
er. The  whole  number  of  grants,  in  one  or  two  years 
more,  amounted  to  one  hundred  and  thirty  eight  : 
And  their  extent,  was  from  Connecticut  river,  to 
what  was  efteemed  twenty  miles  eafl  of  Hudfon's 
river,  fo  far  as  that  extended  to  the  northward  j  and 
after  that,  as  far  weft  as  the  eaftern  fhore  of  Lake 
Champlain.  The  cultivation  of  the  country,  and 
the  number  of  the  fettlers,  incteafed  with  a  furp ril- 
ing rapidity  ;  and  Wentworth  had  an  opportunity 
to  accumulate  a  large  fortune,  by  the  fees  and  do- 
nations which  attended  the  bufinefs,  and  by  a  referve 
of  five  hundred  acres,  which  he  made  in  every  town- 
iliip  for  himfelf. 

The  government  of  Newyork  intending  to  have  the 
difpofal  of  the  lands,  was  alarmed  at  thefe  proceed- 
ings. Charles  the  fecond,  in  1664,  and  1674,  made 
an  extraordinary  grant  to  his  brother,  the  Duke  of 
York;  containing  among  other  parts  of  America, 
"  all  the  lands  from  the  weft  fide  of  Connecticut  riv- 
er, to  the  ealt  fide  of  Delaware  bay."  Xhis  grant 
wasinconfiftent  with  the  chatters,  which  had  before 
been  granted  to  MafTachufetts,  and  Connecticut  ; 
and  neither  of  them,  admitted  it  to  have  any  effect:, 
with  regard  to  the  lands  which  they  had  fettled,  or 
claimed  to  the  weft  of  Connecticut  river  :  And  there 
were  no  principles,  which  apply  to  human  affairs, 
by  which  this  grant  would  bear  a  ftrict  examination. 
If  it  be  examined  geographically,  the  bounds  of  it 
were  contradictory,  indefinite,  and  impoflible.  If 
it  be  fubjected  to  a  legal  conftruction,  the  whole  of 
it,  upon  James's  acceffion  to  the  throne,  merged  in 
(he  crown  ;  and  at  his  abdication,  paffed  to  William 
his  fucceftbr.  If  it  be  confidered  as  an  inftrument 
of  government,  it  did  not  eftabliih  any  colony  or 
province  of  Newyork,  or  any  power  to  govern  any 

fuck 


214        tue  NATURAL  and  CIVIL. 

inch  province. — Upon  this  inadequate  and  blunder* 
ing  tranfa&ion  or  Charles  the  fecond,  Newyork 
founded  her  claim,  and  hope,  of  obtaining  the  lands, 
which  Newhampfhire  was  granting.  To  check  the 
proceedings  of  Newhampfhire,  and  to  intimidate  the 
fettlers,  Mr,  Colden,  lteutenantgovernor  of  Nevv- 
yoik,  iiTued  a  proclamation,*  reciting  the  grants  to 
the  Duke  of  York,  ailerting  their  validity,  claiming 
the  jurifdi£tion  as  far  eaft  as  Connecticut  river, 
and  commanding  the  fheriff  of  the  county  of  Alba- 
ny, to  make  a  return  of  the  names  of  all  perfons, 
ivho  under  the  colour  of  the  Newhampfhire  grants, 
had  taken  poiTeflion  of  any  lands  to  the  welt  of  the 
siver.  To  prevent  the  efleclis  that  might  arile  from 
<his  proclamation,  the  governor  of  Newhampfhire 
put  forth  another  proclamation, t  declaring  the  grant 
fo  the  Duke  of  York  to  be  obfolete,  that  Newhamp- 
ihire  extended  as  far  to  the  weft,  as  MaiTachufelts 
and  Connecticut,  that  the  grants  made  by  New- 
hampfhire would  be  confirmed,  if  the  jurifdiftion 
xhall  be  aHc-red  ;  the  fettlers  were  exhorted,  not  to 
be  intimidated,  but  to  be  induftrious  and  diligent 
in  cultivating  their  lands;  and  the  civil  officers  were 
required,  to  exercife  junfdiction  as  far  weflward,  as 
grants  had  been  made,  and  to  punifh  all  difturbers 
of  the  peace.  This  proclamation  ferved  to  quiet 
the  minus  of  the  fettlers  :  And  after  fuch  alTurances 
irom  a  loyal  governor,  they  had  no  idea  that  a  con- 
fcO.  between  two  provinces,  refpe6ling  the  extent  of 
'heir  juiifcnvvlion,  would  ever  affect,  the  property  of 
luch  individuals,  as  had  fairly  purchafed  their  lands, 
undtr  a  chatter  from  a  royal  government. 

Newyork  had  as  yet  founded  her  claim  to  the 
Lands,  upon  the  grant  to  the  Duke  of  York;  but  that 
fetgadtous  government  did  not  choofe  to  rely,  upon 
fc  precarious  a   ground.      Applications  were   made 

to 

*  1763.  Dec.  2S, 
f  1764,  March  13. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  zt5 

fo  the  crown  reprefenling  that  it  would  be  greatly? 
for  the  convenience  and  advantage  of  the  people; 
who  were  fettled  weft  of  Connecticut  river,  to  be 
annexed  to  Newyork  ;  that  the  courfe  of  bufinefs  muft 
always  lie  that  way,  and  that  the  people  were  defirous 
to  b^  included  in  that  government.*  The  refult  of  thefe 
applications,  was  a  decifion  in  favour  of  Newyork :  O a 
July  20th,  1764,  his  Majefty  ordered  and  declared, 
"  The  weftern  banks  of  the  river  Connecticut,  from 
where  it  enters  the  province  of  the  Maffachufetts 
bay,  as  far  north  as  the  forty  fifth  degree  of  northern 
latitude,  to  be  the  boundary  line,  between  the  faid 
two  provinces  of  Newhampfhire  and  Newyork.'" 
This  determination  of  the  king,  did  not  appear  to  be 
founded  on  any  former  grant  to  the  Duke  of  York  ; 
but  was  a  decifion,  de  novo  ;  as  the  occafion,  and 
convenience  of  the  people,  were  fuppofed  to  require. 
In  this  decifion  of  the  boundary  line,  there  was 
nothing  alarming  to  the  people,  who  had  fettled  on  the 
new  lands.  They  had  no  idea  of  difputing  the  ju- 
iifdi6tion,  or  oppofing  the  government  of  Newyork. 
They  concluded  the  title  to  their  lands,  would  not 
be  in  any  way  affe&ed,  by  the  decifion,  but  rather 
confirmed  :  And  that  the  determination  was  exprelT- 
cd  in  language,  (/<?  be)  defigned  to  relate  to  the  fu- 
Sure,  and  not  to  any  paft  tranfaftions,  or  time.  Had 
the  government  of  Newyork  affigned  the  fame  con- 
ftruftion  to  the  royal  decifion,  no  controverfy  would 
ever  have  arifen  j  the  fettlers  would  have  remained 
quiet  and  eafy,  under  their  jurifdiction.  But  a  very 
different  conftruftion  was  put  upon  the  royal  deter- 
mination, in  Newyork.     The  government  of  that 

province 

*  The  inhabitants  complained  that  a  petition  was  presented 
to  the  king,  figned  with  their  names,  but  unknown  to  them, 
In  their  firft  petition  to  Congrefs,  Jan.  7,  1776,  they  give,  this 
account  of  the  petition,  ««  "VVe  have  often  heard,  and  ve*i'v 
believe  [it  was]  in  your  petitioners'  names," 


216         the  NATURAL  aW*>  CIVIL 

province  conftrued  ir,  as  a  declaration  not  only  of 
what  was  to  be,  for  the  time  to  tome,  but  of  whit 
was,  and  always  had  been,  the  eaflern  limit  of  New- 
york  :  And  of  confequence,  that  the  grants  which 
had  been  made  by  the  governor  of  Newhampfhire, 
were  grants  of  what  had  always  belonged  to  New- 
york. 

In  conformity  to  this  explanation,  the  grants  from 
Newhampfhire,  were  considered  by    the  government 
of  Newyoik,  as  illegal,  and  of  no  authority.     The 
new   diftricl;  was  divided  into  four  counties  :    The 
fouthweftern  parts,  were  annexed  to  the  county  of 
Albany;  the  northweft,  were  formed  into  a  county 
by  the  name  of  Charlotte.     On  the  eafl;  fide  of  the 
green  mountains,  two  counties  were  formed  ;    Cum- 
berland, to  the  fouth;  and  Gloucefler,  to  the  north; 
and  in  thefe,  courts  were  regularly  held.     The  fet- 
tlers  were  required  to  furrender  the  charters,  which 
they  had  received  from  Newhampfhire,  and  to  take 
out  new  grants   from  Newyork,  which  were  attend- 
ed with  great  fees,  and  expenfe.     Some  of  the  towns 
complied  with  this  requifition,  and  bought  their  lands 
the   fecond   time,   but    the  greater  part  refufed  it: 
And  where  it  was  not  complied  with,  on  the  part  of 
the  grantees,  new  giants  were  made  of   their  lands, 
to  fuch  petitioners,  3s  would  advance  the  fees  which 
were  demanded.     Actions  of  ejectment  were  com- 
menced in  the   courts  at   Albany,  againft.  feveral   of 
the  ancient  fettlcrs  ;   and  the  decifions  of  the  courts, 
were  always  in^favour  of  the  Newyork»proceedings, 
and   againft  all  titles  and  grant?,    derived  frorryrthe 
governor  of  Newhampfhire.-— The  cafe  of  the  fet- 
tlers  did  not  admit  of  any  relief,  from  the  cuftomary 
forms  of  law  ;  but  only  from  the  equity,  the  wifdom, 
and   the  moderation,  of  a  provincial    government : 
But  modv^ution,  and  tendernefs  of  the  rights  of  in- 
dividuals, unable  to  defend  their   claims,  was  not  to 
be  e&rjc  ers,  and  fpeeulatots;  who 

had 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  2tf 

had  an  opportunity  to  acquire  what  lands  they  pleaf- 
ed,  under  the  cuflomary  forms  of  law,  and  govern- 
ment. The  governor,  and  fome  of  the  leading 
men  in  Newyork,  availed  themfelves  of  this  ftate  of 
things;  and  derived  milch  more  enormous  profits, 
by  making  a  fecond  grant  of  the  lands,  than  the  gov- 
ernor of  Newhampfhire  had  acquired,  by  making 
the  firft.* 

Although  it  proved  an  eafy  thing  for  the  claimants 
under  Newyork,  to  recover  judgment  againft  the  fet- 
tiers,  it  was  not  found  fo  eafy  a  matter,  to  carry  thofe 
judgments  into  execution.  When  the  executive  of- 
ficers came  to  ejett  the  inhabitants,  from  their  houfes 
and  lands,  they  generally  met  with  an  avowed  op- 
pofition,  from  the  pofleflbrs  ;  and  were  not  luffered, 
to  proceed  to  the  execution  of  their  offices.  The 
minds  of  the  fettlers,  inftead  of  being  depreffed  into 
fubmiflion,  feemed  to  derive  new  powers,  from  op- 
preflion  :  And  the  people  foon  began  to  aflbciate, 
to  defend  one  another,  in  their  oppofition  to  the 
courts,  and  officers  of  Newyork. 

When  it  was  found,  that  there  was  an  avowed  op- 
pofition and  combination,  againft  the  proceedings  of 
the  courts  at  Albany,  an  attempt  was  made  by  the 
government  of  Newyork,  to  engage  the  militia  to  af- 
fift  and  fupport  the  fheriff.  The  people  who  were 
thus  forced  to  march,  in  fupport  of  the  fheriff,  had 
no  affection  for  the  bu  fine  fs:  They  were  rath- 
er in  fentiment,  with  the  fettlers  ;  and  had  no  dif- 
pofition  to  hazard  their  lives,  in  fupport  of  a  quar- 
rel, whkh  they  plainly  faw,  was  defigned  only  for 
the  emolument  of  a  few  fpeculators;  whofe  claims 
and  conduct,  did  not  appear  to  them,  to  be  fo  jufti- 
fiablc  as  thofe  of  the  people,  againft  whom  they  were 
D  d  compelled 

*  The  fees  to  the  governor  of  Newhampfhire,  for  granting 
a  townfhio,  were  about  one  hundred  dollars  ;  under  the  govern- 
ment of  Newyork,  thev  generally  amounted  to  two  thouiaad  or 
two  thoufand  fix  hundred  dollars. 


2t8  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

compelled  to  take  up  arms.  The  ftieriff  foon  found 
that  very  little  dependence  could  be  placed  on  the 
pofle,  which  attended  him :  Upon  the  appearance  of 
an  armed  oppofition  from  the  fettlers,  the  Newyork 
militia  could  not  be  kept  together,  and  the  fheriff 
found  his  power,  was  no  more  availing,  when  he  was 
attended  with  the  pone  comitatus,  than  when  he  was 
without  them. 

This  circumftance  afforded  much  encouragement 
to  the  inhabitants,  and  they  began  to  believe,  they 
(hould  find  that  fupport  from  the  general  fentiments 
of  the  people,  in  the  adjacent  ftates,  which  they  could 
not  find  from  law.  Their  oppofition  became  more 
general,  and  daring  j  and  fome  of  the  officers  of  New- 
york became  fufferers,  for  attempting  to  carry  into 
execution  the  judgments  of  their  courts.  In  this. 
courfe,  the  difficulties  and  dangers  were  conftantly 
increafing,  until  feveFal  on  both  fides  were  much  a- 
bnfed,  and  wounded}  and  no  officer  from  Newyork, 
dared  to  attempt  to  difpofTtfs  any  of  the  fettlers,  of 
their  farms.  The  actions  of  ejectment  however, 
(till  went  on,  in  the  courts  at  Albany  j  but  no  atten- 
tion was  paid  to  them,  nor  was  any  defence  made  by 
the  fettlers ;  but  they  were  never  fufTered  to  be  carri- 
ed into  execution:  And  when  all  other  methods  had 
filled,  the  rnoft  active  of  the  leaders,  were  indited  as 
rio?ers. 

The  main  body  of  the  fettlers  at  that  time,  con- 
fided of  a  brave,  hardy,  intrepid,  but  uncultivated  fet 
of  men.  Without  many  of  the  advantages  of  edu- 
cation, without  any  other  property  than  what  hard 
labour  and  hard  living  had  procured,  deftitue  of  the 
conveniences  and  elegancies  of  life,  and  having  noth- 
ing to  foften  or  refine  their  manners  ;  roughnefs,  ex- 
ce&j  and  violence,  would  naturally  mark  their  pro- 
ceedings, To  deny  fuch  people  juftice,  was  to  pre$- 
udj£e  and  arm   them  againft  ir,  to  confirm  all  their 

fufpicions 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  219 

fufpicions  and  prejudices  againft  their  rulers,  and  to 
give  them  an  excufe  and  plea  to  proceed  to  outrage 
and  violence.  When  the  government  of  Newyork, 
gave  to  their  proceedings,  the  names  of  mobs  and 
riots,  abufe  and  outrage  to  their  officers,  it  is  probable 
the  expreflions  conveyed  pretty  juft  ideas,  of  the  ap- 
pearance of  their  conduct,  and  oppofition  to  the  laws, 
But  when  they  called  their  oppofition,  ftfony,  rreafon, 
and  rebellion  againft  lawful  authority,  the  people  of 
the  adjacent  provinces,  feem  to  have  believed,  that 
the  government  of  Newyork  was  much  more  blam- 
able,  in  making  and  executing  fuch  laws,  as  called 
their  titles  to  their  lands  in  queftion,  than  the  fettlers 
were,  in  acting  in  open  and  avowed  oppofition  to 
them. 

In  this  fcen.e  of  violence,  and  oppofition  to  the  pro- 
ceedings of  "Newyork,  Ethan  Allen  placed  himfelf  at 
the  head  of  the  oppofition.  Bold,  enterprifing,  am- 
bitious, with  great  confidence  in  his  own  abilities,  he 
undertook  to  direct  the  proceedings  of  the.inhabitams. 
He  wrote  and  difperfsd  feveral  pamphlets  to  diiplay 
the  injuftice,  and  defigns,  of  the  Newyork  proceed- 
ings :  And  fo  oppreffive  were  thofe  meafures,  that 
although  Allen  was  a  very  indifferent  writer,  his 
pamphlets  were  much  read,  and  regarded ;  and  had 
a  great  influence  upon  the  minds,  and  conduct  of  the 
people.  The  uncultivated  roughnefs  of  his  own  tem- 
per and  manners,  feems  to  have  affifled  him,  in  giving 
a  juft  defcription  of  the  views  and  proceedings  of 
fpeculating  land  jobbers:  And  where  all  was  a  icene 
of  violence  and  abufe,  fuch  a  method  of  writing,  did 
not  greatly  differ  from  the  feelings  of  the  fettlers,  or 
from  the  ftyle  of  the  pamphlets  that  came  from  New- 
york. But  though  he  wrote  with  afperity,  a  degree 
of  generofity  attended  his  conduct  j  and  he  carefully 
avoided  bloodfhed,  and  protcfted  againft  every  thing 
that  had  the  appearance  of  meannefs,  injuftice,  cru- 
elty, 


*2o  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

elty,  or  abufe,  to  thofe  who  fell  into  his  power.-— 
Next  to  him,  Setb  IVarner  feems  to  have  been  the 
mofi  diftinguifhed,  in  thofe  times.  Warner  was 
cool,  firm,  fteady,  refolute,  and  fully  determined 
that  the  laws  of  Newyork  relpecting  the  fettlers, 
never  mould  be  carried  into  execution.  When  an 
officer  came  to  take  him  as  a  rioter,  he  confidered  it 
as  an  affair  <?f  open  hoftility  ;  defended  himfelf,  at- 
tacked, wounded,  and  difarmed  the  officer^;  but 
with  the  fpirit  of  a  foldier,  fpared  his  life. 

So  notorious  and  alarming  had  this  controver  fy 
become,  that  the  fettlers  fent  three  of  their  moft  ac- 
tive members,  as  agents  to  Greatbritain,  to  reprefent 
their  fituation,  and  implore  the  protection  of  the 
crown.*  An  inquiry  was  made  into  the  nature  and 
ground  of  their  complaint ;  and  the  event  proved 
favourable  to  their  wifhes.  In  1767,  the  king  in- 
terpofed  to  flop  the  proceedings  of  the  governor  of 
l\Tewyork.  Having  recited  a  report  from  the  lord.s 
of  the  trade  and  plantation  affairs,  he  gave  this  royal 
order  to  the  governor  :t  *•  His  Majefty  doth  hereby 
flri&ly  charge,  require,  and  command,  that  the  gov- 
ernor or  commander  in  chief  of  his  M;>jefty's  prov- 
ince of  Newyork,  for  the  time  being,  do  not  upon 
pain  of  his  fylajefty's  higheft  difpleafure,  pre  fume  to 
make  any  grant  whatsoever,  of  any  part  of  the  lands 
defenbed  in  the  faid  report,  until  his  Majefty's  fur- 
ther pleafure  fhall  be  known  concerning  the  fame." 
The  fettlers  were  much  encouraged  by  this  royal 
mandate,  and  concluded  it  was  defigned, and  would 
be  effectual,  to  prevent  any  further  proceedings  in 
regranting  the  lands.  But  they  were  foon  full  of 
complaints,  that  no  regard  was  paid  to  it,  that  the 
pufinefs  was  purfyed  with  the  fame  avidity  as  be- 
fore, 

*  Meft  Samuel  Robinfon,  James Brakcnridge,  and  Mr,— — - 
JIawley. 
+  July  24. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  221 

fore,  and  that  the  governors  of  Newark,  while  they 
were  calling  upon  them  to  obey  the  royal  orders 
and  decifions,  paid  no  regard  to  thole  orders  them- 
felves.  It  feems  in  fact,  to  have  been  the  cafe,  that 
the  bufinefs  of  making  new  grants  of  the  lands,  was 
too  lucrative  a  job,  to  be  ealily  or  foon  given  up  ; 
eipecially,  when  the  crown  could  neither  fully  com- 
prehend, regulate,  or  controul  it. 

In  1772,  Mr.  Tryon,  governor  of  Newyork,  made 
an  attempt  to  conciliate  the  minds  of  the  inhabitants, 
to  that  government.  With  this  view*  he  wrote  to 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Dcwtyt  and  the  inhabitants  of  Ben- 
nington, and  the  adjacent  country,  inviting  them  to 
Jay  before  him  the  caufes  of  their  illegal  proceed- 
ings ;  alluring  them,  that  both  he  and.  the  council 
were  difpofed  to  afford  them  fuch  relief,  as  the  fitu- 
ation  and  circumflances  of  the  people  would  juftify ; 
and  engaging  full  fecurity  and  protection,  to  any 
perfons  they  might  choofe  to  fend  to  Newyork  on 
the  bufinefs,  except  Allen,  Warner,  and  three  oth- 
ers. Letters  were  written  on  this  occafion  to  gov- 
ernor Tryon  by  the  inhabitants,  and  by  the  except- 
ed perfons,  in  explanation  of  their  conduct  and 
principles  ;  and  Capt.  Stephen  Fay,  and  Mr.  Jonas 
Fay,  were  chofen  to  wait  upon  the  governor  at  New- 
york, to  negotiate  the  bufinefs.  Upon  their  return, 
they  reported  that  the  governor  received  them  with 
expreflions  of  kindnefs,  and  laid  the  flate  of  their 
grievances  before  the  council  ;  who  made  report, 
that  they  were  defirous  that  his  excellency  mould 
afford  the  inhabitants  of  thofe  townfbips,  all  the  re- 
lief in  his  power,  by  fufpending  until  his  Majefly's 
pleafure  mould  be  known,  all  profecutions  in  behalf 
of  the  crown,  on  account  of  crimes  with  which  they 
flood  charged  ;  and  ihould  recommend  it  to  the 
owners  of  the  contefted  lands,  under  grants  from 

»  Newyork 
♦  May  19, 


222  THE    NATURAL    AND    CIVIL 

Newyork  to  put  a  (lop,  during  the  fame  period,  to 
all  civil  fuits  concerning  thofe  lands.* — But  no 
tneafures  or  attempts  of  this  kind,  could  avail,  or  be 
attended  with  any  permanently  good  effects,  while 
the  original  caufe  of  contention  remained.  The 
whole  property  of  the  fettlers,  was  the  matter  in  con- 
teft.  Their  attempts  to  preferve  this,  appeared  to 
them,  not  only  juftifiable,  but  neceflary,  and  highly 
meritorious ;  as  being  defigned  to  preferve  all,  that 
man  in  any  cafe,  ever  could  have  to  defend.  To 
the  government  of  Newyork,  their  conduct  appeared 
in  a  very  different  light,  as  acts  of  treafon,  and  re- 
bellion, perpetrated  by  lawlefs  and  violent  men,  in 
open  and  avowed  oppofition  to  the  laws  of  their 
king  and  country. 

While  thefe  different  views  of  the  conhoverfy  re- 
mained, the  tneafures  of  both  fides,  inftead  of  ope- 
rating to  remove^the  caufes  of  conteft,  tended  to  in- 
cfeafe  the  animofity,  and  to  bring  on  a  ftate  of  more 
open  hcftility.  So  high  had  the  fpirit  of  oppofition 
and  refentment  arifen,  in  the  courfe  of  thefe  pro- 
ceedings, that  in  »774,t  the  government  of  Newyork 
palled  an  a 61;,  the  mod  minatory  and  defpotic,  of 
any  thing  which  had  ever  appeared,  in  the  Britifli 
colonies.  Among  other  extraordinary  exertions  of 
vindictive  power,  it  contained  this  lingular  claufe  : 
fc  And  in  cafe  the  faid  offenders,  fhall  not  refpec- 
tively  lurrendcr  themfelves  purfuant  to  fuch  orders, 
of  his  excellency  the  governor,  or  of  the  governor 
and  commander  in  chief  for  the  time  being,  to  be 
made  in  council  as  aforefaid  ;  he  or  they  fo  neg- 
lecting or  refufing  to  furrender  himfelf,  or  them- 
felves as  aforefaid,  [i.  e.  within  the  fpace  of  feventy 
days  next  after  the  fird  publication  of  the  order] 
(hall;  from  the  day  to  be  appointed  for  his  or    their 

furrendery 

*  Allen'i  Narrative.  p."4<)— 6S. 

«•  March  o.    Alien'*  Narrative.,  p.  23  -36. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  223 

furrendery  as  aforefaid,  be  adjudged,  deemed,  and 
(if  indi&ed  for  a  capital  offence  hereafter  to  be  per- 
petrated) to  be  convicted  and  attainted  of  felony,  and 
fhall  fuffer  death,  as  in  cafes  of  perfons  convicted 
and  attainted  of  felony  by  verdict  and  judgment, 
without  benefit  of  clergy  ;  and  that  it  fhall  and  may 
be  lawful  to,  and  for  the  fupreme  court  of  judica- 
ture of  this  colony,  or  the  courts  of  oyer  and  ter- 
miner, or  general  gaol  delivery,  for  the  refpeftive 
counties  aforefaid,  to  award  execution  againft  fuch 
offender  or  offenders,  fo  indi&ed  for  a  capital  of- 
fence, perpetrated  after  the  pafling  of  this  aft,  in 
fuch  manner  as  if  he  or  they  had  been  convi&ed  or 
attainted  in  the  fupreme  courts  of  judicature,  or  be- 
fore fuch  courts  of  oyer  and  terminer,  or  general 
gaol  delivery  refpeclively."  All  crimes  committed 
on  the  grants,  were  by  this  &£t  fubject  to  be  tried  in 
the  county,  and  by  the  courts  at  Albany.  At  the 
fame  time,  a  proclamation  was  iffued  by  the  gover- 
nor of  Newyork,  offering  a  reward  of  fifty  pounds  a 
head,  for  apprehending  and  fecuring  Ethan  Allen, 
Seth  Warner,  and  fix  others,  of  the  moil  obnoxious 
of  the  fettlers. 

With  this  act  all  profpecl;  of  peace,  or  fubmiflion 
to  the  government  of  Newyork,  ended.  At  a  gener- 
al meeting  of  the  committees  for  the  townfhips,  on 
the  weft  fide  of  the  green  mountains,  it  was  refolv- 
ed  :*  "  That  for  the  future,  every  neceffary  prepa- 
ration be  made,  and  that  our  inhabitants  hold  them- 
felves  in  readinefs,  at  a  minute's  warning,  to  aid  and 
defend  fuch  friends  of  ours,  who,  for  their  merit  to 
the  great  and  general  caufe,  are  falfely  denominated 
rioters  ;  but  that  we  will  not  aft:  any  thing,  more  or 
left,  but  on  the  defenfive,  and  always  encourage  due 
execution  of  law,  in  civil  cafes,  and  alfo  in  criminal 
profecutions,  that  are  fo  indeed  ;  and  that  we  will 

affUr, 
*  April  14,  1774.     Page  i*, 


22.*  thb    NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

afiift,  to  the  utmoft  of  our  power,  the  officers  ap-# 
pointed  for  that  purpofe.'*  The  piofcribed  per- 
Tons  carried  the  matter  dill  further,  and  in  an  ad- 
drefs  to  the  people  of  the  county  of  Albany,  and 
others  who  were  fituated  contiguous  to  the  New- 
hampfhire  grants,  made  this  public  declaration  :* 
<c  We  will  kill  and  dejfroy  any  perfen  or  perfons 
whomfoever,  that  (hall  prefume  to  be  accefTary,  aid- 
ing  or  affifting  in  taking  any  of  us." 

To  avoid  the  government  of  Newyork,  a  plan 
was  contrived  about  this  time,  by  fome  of  the  in- 
habitants, and  Phillip  Skeeti,  to  have  the  Newhamp- 
fhire  grants  formed  into  a  royal  government,  as  a 
new  province.  Sketnt  was  a  colonel  in  one  of  the 
king's  regiments,  and  had  large  poffeflions  on  Lake 
Champlain.  To  effecT;  his  defigns,  he  went  to  the 
court  of  Greatbritain,  and  feems  to  have  met  with 
fome  fuccefs.  On  March  i6tb,  1775,  he  wrote  to 
one  o? the  agents,  that  he  was  appointed  to  the  gov- 
ernment of  Crown  Point,  and  Tyconderoga  ;  and 
fhould  foon  call  upon  all  the  Hampfhire  inhabitants, 
for  an  addrefs,  to  (hew  their  loyalty  to  the  king  ; 
and  he  had  no  doubt,  but  they  would  (hew  them- 
felves  to  be  as  loyal  fubjects,  as  he  had  reprefented 
them.t 

An  event  took  place  m  the  fpring  of  the  year 
3775,  which  ferved  flill  further  to  exafperate  all  par- 
ties. In  eonfequence  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
Britifli  court,  the  American  colonies  had  met  in 
Congrefs,  Sept.  5,  J 774  ;  and  the  Congrefs  had  ad- 
vifed  the  people  to  maintain  their  liberties,  in  fuch 
ways  as  mould  be  found  neceffarv.  The  courts  Of 
piftice,  which  were  held  under  the  royal  authori!}', 
in  all  the  adjacent   provinces,  were;either  fliut  up, 

or 

*  April  16.     Page  55. 

+  Skeen's  letter  to  Opt,  Hawt«y,  dVcd  London,  Mar'cti 
^6,  1775. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.     .      225, 

or  adjourned  without  doing  any  bufinefs.  The 
court,  in  Cumberland  county,  was  to  have  beeii 
holden  at  Weftminfter,  on  March  13th,  1775.  Some 
of  the  inhabitants  of  that,  and  the  adjacent  towns, 
took  poiR'ffion  of  the  court  houfe  at  an  early  hour/ 
to  prevent  the  ofHcers  of  the  court  from  entering. 
Being  refuled  admittance  at  the  cuftomary  time  of 
opening  the  court,  the  judges  returned  to  their  quar- 
ters :  About  eleven  o'clock  at  night,  the  fheriff  with 
the  other  ofHcers  of  the  court,  attended  by  an  armed 
force,  repaired  to  the  court  houfe.  Being  refufed  ad- 
mittance, fome  of  the  party  fired  into  the  houfe,  killed 
one  man,  and  wounded  feveral.  The  people  were  in- 
flamed to  the  higheft  degree,  by  this  rafh  proceeding. 
The  next  day  they  aflembled  in  large  numbers,  from 
all  quarters :  A  coroner  attended,  and  a  jury  of  inqueft 
brought  in  a  verdict,  that  the  man  was  murdered  by 
the  court  party.  Some  of  the  officers  were  made 
prifoners,  and  carried  to  the  gaol  at  Northampton, 
in  NiafTachufetts  :  But  upon  their  application  to  the 
chief  juftice  of  Newyork,  they  were  releafed  front 
their  confinement,  and  returned  home.* — Highly 
irritated  by  this  event,  the  committees  of  a  large 
body  of  the  people  met  at  Weftminfter,  April  nth/ 
j 775  :  Among  other  meafures,  they  came  to"  the 
following  refolve  2  "  That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  in- 
habitants, wholly  to  renounce  and  refift  the  adrhin- 
iflration  of  the  government  of  Newyork,  until  fuch 
time  as  the  lives  and  property  of  the  inhabitants  may 
be  fecured  by  it  :  Or  until  fuch  time,  as  they  can 
have  opportunity  to  lay  their  grievances  before  his 
mod  gracious  Majefty  in  council,  together  with  a 
proper  remonftrance  againft  the  unjuftifiable  con- 
duel  of  that  government,  with  an  humble  petition 
to  be  taken  out  of  fo  oppreflxve  a  jurifdi&ion,  and 
E  e  either 

*  Narrative  of  the  Maflacre  at  Weftminfter  court  houfe, 
bv  Reuben  Tones, 


»«6        tub  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

cither  annexed  to  fome  othe:  government,  or  erect- 
ed and  incorporated  into  a  new  one,  as  may  appear 
befl  for  the  inhabitants."* 

Boih  parties  were  in  this  ftate  of  refentment  and 
exafperation,  when  the  American  war  broke  out  at 
Lexington,  April  19th,  1775.  By  prefenting  new 
fcenes,  and  greater  objecls,  this  event  feems  to  ba*ve 
prevented  either  party  from  proceeding  to  houili- 
ties  ;  and  turned  their  attention  from  their  particu- 
lar conteft,  to  the  general  caufe  of  America.  The 
attention  of  all  orders  of  men  was  immediately  en- 
gaged, local  and  provincial  contefls  were  at  once 
{wallowed  up,  by  the  novelty,  the  grandeur,  and  the 
importance  of  the  conteft,  that  then  opened  between 
Britain  and  America. 

The  enterpnfing  fpiritof  Alhn%  foon  found  a  new 
object  for  its  employment.  At  the  commencement 
ol  hoftilities  with  Britain,  fome  of  the  principal  lead* 
crs  of  the  American  meafures,  concluded  it  would 
be  a  matter  of  much  importance,  to  lecure  the  l>nt- 
ifli  forts  on  Lake  Champlain,  before  they  Ihould 
get  any  intelligence  of  the  American  war.  Arnold 
was  fent  from  Connecticut,  to  engage  the  people 
on  the  NewhampQiire  grants,  upon  this  expedition. 
■Allen  immediately  undertook  the  bufinefs,  and  in  a. 
few  days  raifed  a  body  of  troops,  which  were  ef- 
teemed  fufficient  for  the  purpofe  :  and  marched 
with  Arnold,  or  rather  put  himfelf  at  the  head  of 
the  troops.  He  managed  with  bravery  and  fuccek, 
and  took  Tyconderoga  and  Crown  Point,  on  May 
10th.  In  the  fall,  he  attended  Montgomery  at  the 
fiege  of  St.  John's,  but  venturing  to  land  on  the 
ifland  of  Montreal  with  a  few  men,  he  was  taken 
pri loner  by  the  Britim,  and  fuffered  many  hardfhips 
and  abufes,  during  a  long  and  fevere  imprifonment. 

Warner, 

*  Proceedings  of  the  committees  met  at  Weftminfter,  Aprii 


HISTORY  op  VERMONT.  227 

*        ■  " 

Warner ',  who  had  alfo  been  profcribed  by  the  gov- 
ernor of  Newyork,  entered  with  much  fpirit  into  the 
American  caufe.  His  attention,  courage,  and  firm- 
nefs,  recommended  him  much  to  the  officers,  under 
which  he  ferved.  -Congrefs  wiflied  to  have  a  regi- 
ment compofed  of  the  fettlers  upon  the  grants  :  The 
command  of  it  was  given  to  Warner  ;  and  on  every 
occafion  he  proved  a  brave,  judicious,  and  excellent 
officer. 

Amidfi:  all  the  difficulties  the  people  had  paflTed 
through,  they  had  been  without  any  form  of  civil 
government.  The  conteft  with  Newyork  had  now 
ceafed,  and  their  attention  was  chiefly  taken  up,  with 
the  affairs  of  the  war.  The  method  in  which  they 
had  managed  their  general  concerns,  was  by  meetings 
of  towns  and  plantations,  by  committees,  officers, 
and  leaders,  nominally  appointed,  and  fubmitted  to, 
by  general  confent  and  approbation.  The  people 
had  been  unable  to  raife  any  confiderable  fums  of 
money,  on  any  occafion  ;  but  the  affairs  of  the  war 
had  fo  multiplied  emiffions  of  paper  currency,  that 
this  difficulty  was  in  fome  meafure  removed.  But 
the  conflant  difficulty  and  embarraffment,  of  con- 
dueling  their  public  affairs  without  the  advantages 
of  government,  had  given  rife  to  combinations  of  a 
general  nature,  among  feveral  of  the  towns  ;  and 
partial  conventions  had  been  holden  at  feveral  times, 
and  places,  on  each  fide  of  the  mountains.  But  no 
general  plan  of  combination  and  union,  had  taken 
place  ;  nor  does  it  feem,  that  the  people  at  this  pe- 
riod of  their  affairs,  had  entertained  the  idea  of  form- 
ing themfelves  into  an  independent  date.  But  it 
had  become  a  matter  of  general  inquiry  and  conver- 
fation,  What  fhould  be  done  ?  And  what  meafurer. 
ought  to  be  adopted  for  the  public  fafety  ? — The 
iituationof  the  inhabitant  at  this  time,  feems  to  have 
approached  nearly  to  what  has  been  called  by  fome, 
a  date  of  nature.     A  large  number  of  people  were 

{battered 


sa8         tub  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

Scattered  over  a  large  tra£l  of  country,  in  ftnall  fet- 
tlements,  at  a  great  diftance  from  each  other,  with- 
out any  form  of  government,  any  ellablifhed  laws, 
or  civil  officers.  Nature  and  neceflity  had  forced 
them  to  aiTociate,  and  to  combine  together,  to  pro- 
mote their  common  fafety  and  intereft :  But  they 
had  not  entertained  the  idea,  of  letting  up  au  inde- 
pendent government,  or  formed  any  plan  for  their 
future  proceedings,  or  regulation.  They  feem  to 
have  been  waiting,  for  the  courfe  of  events  to  point 
out  to  them,  what  was  practicable  and  prudent. 
To  obtain  information,  in  the  fall  of  the  year  1775, 
fome  of  the  leading  members  went  to  Philadelphia, 
to  procure  the  advice  of  Congrefs.  They  did  nor 
obtain  any  formal  atr.  or  advice  from  that  body,  but 
upon  their  return  difperfed  a  number  of  letters,  rep- 
xefenting  it  as  the  opinion  of  feveral  members  of 
Congrefs,  that  the  people  mould  form  a  temporary 
aiTociation,  and  government  by  committees  and  con- 
ventions, as  the  circumftances  of  the  people  might 
yequire.— Accordingly,  on  January  16,  1776,  a  con- 
vention met  at  Dorlet,  and  drew  up  a  petition  to 
Congrefs.  Their  application  they  ftiled,  "  The 
humble  petition,  addrefs,  and  remonstrance  of  that 
part  of  America,  being  fituate  fouth  of  Canada  line, 
weft  of  Connecticut  liver,  commonly  called  and 
known  by  the  name  of  the  Newhampfhire  grants." 
They  avow  their  readinefs  to  bear  a  full  proportion 
of  the  American  war,  their  ability  and  zeal  in  the 
common  caufe,  and  a  willingnefs  to  be  called  upon 
for  this  purpofe,  whenever  Congrefs  (hould  judge  it 
necelTary  :  But  declare  they  are  not  willing  to  put 
themfelves  under  the  provincial  government  of  New- 
york,  left  it  fliouid  be  afterwards  conllrued  to  imply 
an  acknowledgment  of  that  authority.  They  con- 
clude with  requefting,  that  whenever  the  Congrefs 
Should  find  it  neceiTary  to  call  for  their  fervices,  they 
mi'-y  not  be  called  upon  as  inhabitants  of  Ncwyork, 

or 


HISTORY  fl|  VERMONT.  2*9 

or  as  perfens  fubjefifc  to  the  limitations,  refbic~lion% 
or  regulations,  of  the  uujicia  of  that  province  j  but 
hs  inhabitants  of  the  Ncwhampihire  grants;  and 
that  whatever  commmions,  niigiit  be  granted  to  ariy 
<;i  the  inhabitants,  might  confider  them  in  that 
view.* 

Tins  was  the  firfl  application,  the  people  had  ever 
made  to  Congref*.  The  committee  to  whom  it  was 
:  red,  reported  as  their  opinion,  that  it  be  recom- 
mended to  the  petitioners  for  tiie  prefent,  to  fubmit 
to  Lhe  government  of  Newyork,  and  to  aflifl.  their 
countrymen  in  the  contePt  with  Greatbritain  ;  but 
that  inch  fubmiflion,  ought  not  to  prejudice  their 
light  to  any  lands  in  controverfy,  or  be  conftrued  to 
affirm  or  admit  the  jurifdi&ion  of  Newyork,  over 
the  country,  when  the  prefent  troubles  mould  be 
ended. — This  advice  was  fuch,  as  might  have  been 
expecled  :  At  a  period  when  the  fate  of  all  the  A- 
meucan  colonies  was  at  flake,  the  committee  could 
not  but  with,  that  all  local  or  provincial  controver- 
iies  might  fubfide :  To  avoid  any  decifion  upon  the 
matter  at  that  time,  the  petition  was  withdrawn. 

On  July  the  4th,  1776,  the  Congrefs  made  a  dec- 
laration of  Independence  1  declaring  in  the  name,  and 
by  the  authority  of  the  people  of  the  United  Colo- 
nies, th.it  they  were,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free 
and  independent  flates  ;  that  they  were  abfolved 
from  all  allegiance  to  the  Britifh  crown,  and  that  all 
political  connexion  between  them,  and  the  kingdom. 
Of  Greatbritain,  was  totally  diffblved.  By  this  found 
and  decifive  policy,  the  United  Colonies  were  deliv- 
ered from  the  embarralTments,  with  which  they  had 
before  been  perplexed.  It  was  no  longer  of  any 
importance  to  them,  what  were  the  powers  and  pre- 
rogatives of  the  crown  ;  or  what  was  the  origin,  or 
extent  of  liberty,  under  the  Britifh  conftitution.  One 
queflion   only,  remained    to  be  decided  ;    and   that 

was, 
*  Firft  petition  to  Congrefs,  dated  Dorfct,  Jan.  17,  1776. 


230         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

was,  Whether  for  the  future,  they  were  to  be  con- 
quered provinces,  or  free  and  independent  Mates  ?  - 

.But  while  the  declaration  of  Independence,  clear- 
ly Hated  to  the  United  Colonies,  the  ground  on  which 
ihey  were  to  (land;  it  left  the  people  on  the  New- 
hampfhire  grants,  in  a  fituation  more  uncertain  and 
critical,  than  that,  in  which  they  had  been  before. 
Col.  Skeen  had  obtained  a  commiffion  from  the  crown, 
to  bt  governor  of  Tyconderoga,  Crown  Point,  and 
tht  adjacent  country  ;  but  to  what  extent,  was  un- 
known. Newhampfliire  had  renounced  all  political 
connexion  with  them.  The  controverfy  with  New- 
york was  reviving.  The  convention  of  that  date 
hud  unanimoufly  voted  on  Auguft  2d,  1776,  t*  That 
all  quitrents  formerly  due  to  the  king  of  Greatbritain, 
are  now  due,  and  owing  to  this  convention,  or  fuch 
future  government  as  fliall  hereafter  be  eftablilhed 
in  this  Hate."*  To  fubmit  to  the  claims  of  New. 
york,  was  to  give  up  the  whole  of  their  property, 
and  to  reduce  thernfelves  to  a  ftate  of  dependence, 
and  beggary.  To  oppofe  her  claims  and  power, 
would  probably  bring  on,  not  only  a  conteft  with 
Newyork,  but  with  the  Congrefs  alfo  :  And  to  con- 
tinue without  fome  form  of  government,  was  impof- 
fib!e. 

A  filiation  attended  with  fo  many  difficulties,  gave 
rife  to  a  variety  of  opinions.  Some  were  for  attempt- 
ing to  return  to  Newhampfliire:  Others  faw  no  oth- 
er method  of  proceeding,  but  fubmiflion  to  Newyork. 
The  more  relolute,  were  for  afluming  the  powers  of 
government,  and  hazarding  all  the  conlequences  of 
iuch  a  mealure.     To  afcertain  what   the  prevailing 

opinion 

*  In  the  grants  made  by  the  governors  of  Newhampfhire, 
the  annual  quitrents  referved  to  the  crown  on  every  hundred 
acres,  were  one  (hilling  proclamation  money,  equal  in  value  to 
<iine  pence  fterling  ;  in  the  grants  made  by  the  governors  of 
N-wyork,  .hefe  quitrents  were  raifed  to  two  (hillings  and  fijc 
pu'iice  Iterling. 


HISTORY  or  VERMONT.  fi*1 

opinion  was,  it  was  judged  neceflary  to  call  a  gener- 
al covention.  This  convention  was  called  by  cir* 
cular  letters,  from  fome  of  the  mod  influential  per- 
ftms  ;  it  confided  of  fifty  one  members,  reprefenting 
thirty  five  towns,  and  met  at  Dorfet,  July  24th,  1776. 
At  this  feflion,  the  convention  agreed  to  enter  into 
an  affociation  among  themfelves,  for  the  defence  of 
the  libeitits  of  their  country  :  But  that  they  would 
not  affociate  with  either  of  the  counties,  or  with  the 
provincial  Congrefs  of  Newyork  ;  and  that  any  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  Newhampfliire  grants,  who 
fhould  enter  into  fuch  an  affociation,  fhould  be  deem- 
ed enemies  to  the  common  caufe. 

The  fentiments  of  the  people,  were  now  very  gen- 
erally tending,  towards  a  total  feparation  from  New- 
york. On  September  the  25th,  the  convention  met 
again,  and  refolved  without  any  diffentient  vote, 
"  to  take  fuitable  meafures  as  foon  as  may  be,  to  de- 
clare the  Newhampfhire  grants,  a  free  and  feparate 
diitncV'— -  And  that  "  no  law  or  laws,  direction  or 
directions  from  the  (late  of  Newyork,  fhould  be  ac- 
cepted." 

In  January  1777,  a  general  convention  of  repre- 
sentatives from  the  towns  on  both  fides  of  the  moun- 
tains met  atWeftmintler.  The  fentiments  of  their  con- 
ftituents,  were  now,  well  known  :  And  after  a  very" 
ferious  debate  and  confultation,  the  convention  con- 
cluded that  there  was  no  other  way  of  fafety  left, 
but  to  form  themfelves  into  a  new  ftate,  and  affume 
all  the  powers  of  government.  Accordingly,  on  Jan- 
uary 16th,  having  refolved  upon  this  meafure,  they 
made  and  published  the  following  declaration  : 

"  This  convention,  whofe  members  are  duly  chof- 
en  by  the  free  voice  of  their  conftituents,  in  the  fcv- 
eral  towns  on  the  Newhampfhire  grants,  in  public 
meeting  affembled,  in  our  own  names,  and  in  behalf 
of  our  conllituent?,  Do  hereby  proclaim,  and  pub- 
licly declare,  that  the  diftrift  of  territory  comprc- 

bending, 


t$%        the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

bending,  ajnd  ufuaJly  known,  by  the  name  and  de- 
scription or  the  Newhampfhire  grants,  of  ri,;ht  ought 
to  be,  and  is  hereby  declared  forever  hereafter  to  be 
considered  as  a  free  and  independent  jurifdi6tion,  or 
ftate  ;  to  be  forever  hereafter  called,  known,  and  dif- 
tinguiflied,  by  the  name  of  Newconnefticut,  alias  Ver- 
mont :  And  that  the  inhabitants  that   at  prefent,  or 
that  may  hereafter  become   refident  within  faid  ter- 
ritory, mail  be  entitled   to  the    fame   privileges,  im- 
munities, and  enfranchifements  which  are, or  that  may 
at  any  time  hereafter  be  allowed,    to  the  inhabitants 
of  any  of  the  free  and  independent  dates  of  Ameri- 
ca :  And  that  fuch  privileges^  and  immunities,  (hall 
be  regulated  in  a  bill  of  rights,    and  by    a  form    of 
government,  to  be  eftablifhed  at  the   next  feffion  of 
this  convention."* 

Having  taken  this   decilive  flep,  they  drew  up    a 
declaration  and  petition  to  Congrefs,  in    which  they 
announce   to  that  body,  as  the  grand   repreientative 
of  the  United  States,  that   they   had  made  and  pub- 
limed  a  declaration,   "  that  they  would   at  all  times 
thereafter,  confider  thernfelves    as  a  free    and   inde- 
pendent ftate,  capable  of  regulating  their  own  inter* 
nal  police,  in  all,  and  every  refpe6r.  whatfoever;  and 
that  the  people  in  the  faid  dcfcribed  diftricl:,  had  the 
fole  exclufive  right  of  governing  themfelves,  in  fuch 
manner  and' form,  as  they,  in  their  wifdom,  mould 
choofe  ;  not   repugnant  to  any  relolves  of  the  hon- 
ourable, the  continental  Congrefs: — And  that   they 
were  at  all    times  ready,   in    conjunction  with   their 
brethren  in  the    United    States,  to    contribute    their 
full  proportion  towards  the  maintaining   the  prefent 
mft  war,  againfl.  the  fleets  and  armies  of    Greatbnt- 
ain."t     They  petition  Congrefs  that  their  declara- 
tion might  be  received,   that  the  diuri£t  therein   de~ 
leubed,  might  be   ranked  among  the  free  and    inde- 
pendent 

*  Records  of  the  Convention. 
-}  Copy,  attciled  by  J.  Fay,  cle;k« 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  233 

pendent  American  States  ;  and  delegates  therefrom^ 
be  admitted  to  a  feat  in  Congrefs.  This  declaration 
and  petition  was  figned,  and  prefented  to  Congrefs 
in  behalf  of  the  inhabitants,  by  four  of  the  moil  re- 
fpe£table  members  of  the  convention ;  Jonas  Fay% 
Thomas  Chittenden,  Heman  Allen,  and  Reuben  Jcnes. 
No  meafure  was  ever  more  neceflary,  or  more  hap- 
pily chofen,  than  this.  Newhampfhire  had  wholly 
reje£led  them.  They  never  had  fubmitted  to  the 
government  of  Newyork,  but  fteadfaftly  oppofed  her 
authority.  By  the  diffolution  of  all  connexion  with 
the  crown  of  Greatbritain,  they  concluded  they  were 
no  longer  fubjecl  to  the  claims  of  Newyork,  found- 
ed on  the  arbitrary  decifionsof  that  crown.  The  pe- 
riod was  now  come,  when  as  they  expreffed  it,  they 
were  reduced  to  a  ftate  of  nature.  Some  form  of  gov- 
ernment, muft  be  adopted.  They  had  the  fame  right 
to  aflume  the  powers  of  government,  that  the  Con- 
grefs had.  The  ftep  teemed  to  be  abfolutely  nec- 
eflary, for  the  immediate  fafety  and  protection  of 
the  people  :  And  now  was  the  time,  when  the  pow- 
ers of  government  could  be  afiumed,  with  the  greateft 
fafety  and  advantage.  To  be  irrefolute  or  timici, 
was  to  lofe  an  opportunity,  which  might  never  re- 
turn :  And  whatever  oppoiition  might  be  made  to 
their  meafures,  they  could  meet  it  with  greater  force, 
when  they  had  declared  themfelves  a  free  and  inde- 
pendent ftate,  and  knew  by  what  authority  they  act- 
ed. Every  part  of  the  United  States,  was  at  tha: 
period,  contending  againft  oppreflion  ♦  and  eveiv 
consideration  that  could  juftify  the  proceedings  of 
Congrefs,  was  a  reafon,  v/hy  the  people  of  Vermont^ 
ihould  take  that  opportunity,  effectually  to  guard 
againft;  their  former  lufferings.  Happily  for  them-, 
felves,  and  for  the  ftate,  they  adapted  that  firm  and 
temperate  policy,  which  alone  was  adequate  to  the 
object. 

Ff  CHAP, 


*34  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 


CHAP.         X. 


Proceedings  of  Newyork.  Refolvesfof  Congrefs,  Con- 
troverfy  with  Newhampfhire.  Claims  of  Newhamp- 
/hire,  Newyork,  and  Maffachufetts.  Appointment 
t>f  Commiffioners,  to  confer  with  the  Inhabitants. 
Jnterpcfition  of  Congrefs.  Conducl  of  Vermont. 
Meafures  purfued  by  Congrefs.  Further  Claims  of 
Vermont.  Proceedings  and  Views  of  the  Britifi  Gen- 
erals, and  Minifters.  Refolutions  of  Congrefs.  Pro- 
feedings  of  Vermont,  Newyork,  and  Newhampfoire, 
Advice  of  General  Wajhington.  Proceedings  of 
Vermont.  Votes  of  Congrefs.  Remarks  en  ths 
Vefgn,  and  Effecl  of  tbofe  Votes. 


X  HE  conduct  of  Vermont  in  declar- 
ing their  independence,  was  viewed  by  the  adjacent 
dates,  in  very  different  lights.  Newhampfhire  ap- 
peared willing  to  admit,  and  acknowledge  it.  In 
Maffachufetts  and  Connecticut,  the  meafure  was 
rather  applauded,  than  condemned.  But  to  New- 
york, the  conduct  of  the  people  in  attempting  to 
form  a  new  ftate,  appeared  as  a  dangerous  revival  of 
their  former  oppofition  and  rebellion  to  lawful  au- 
thority. 

The  committee  of  fafety  for  that  ftate,  were  then 
fitting.  Apprehenfive  of  the  confequences,  they 
immediately  took  up  the  matter  ;  and  by  their  direc- 
tion, the  prefident  of  the  Newyork  convention,  on 
January  20th,  1777,  gave  this  information  to. Con- 
grefs, "  I  am  diire&ed  by  the  committee  of  fafety  of 

Newyork, 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  235 

Newyork,  to  inform  Congrefs,  "  that  by  the  arts  and 
influence  of  certain  designing  men,  a  part  of  this 
ftate  hath  been  prevailed  on  to  revolt,  and  difavow 
the  authority  of  its  legiflature. — The  various  evi- 
dences and  informations  we  have  received  would 
lead  us  to  believe  that  perfons  of  great  influence  in 
fome  of  our  fifler  ftates,  have  foftered  and  fo- 
mented thefe  divifions. — But  as  thefe  informations 
tend  to  accufe  fome  members  of  your  honourable 
body,  of  being  concerned  in  this  fcheme,  decency 
obliges  us  to  fufpend  our  belief. — The  convention 
are  forry  to  obferve,  that  by  conferring  a  commif- 
lion  upon  Col.  Warner,  with  authority  to  name  the 
officers  of  a  regiment,  to  be  raifed  independently  of 
the  legiflature  of  this  ftate,  and  within  that  part  of 
it,  which  hath  lately  declared  an  independence  upon 
it,  Congrefs  hath  given  but  too  much  weight  to  the 
infinuations  of  thofe,  who  pretend  that  your  hon- 
ourable body  are  determined  to  fupport  thefe  infur- 
gents  ;  efpecially,  as  this  Col.  Warner,  hath  been 
conftantly  and  invariably  oppofed  to  the  legiflature 
of  this  ftate,  and  hath  been,  on  that  very  account, 
proclaimed  an  outlaw  by  the  late  government  there- 
of.— It  is  abfolutely  necefiary  to  recall  the  commif- 
fions  given  to  Col.  Warner,  and  the  officers  under 
him,  as  nothing  eife  will  do  juftice  to  us,  and  con- 
vince thofe  deluded  people,  that  Congrefs  have  not 
been  prevailed  on  to  aflift  in  difmembering  a  ftate, 
which  of  all  others,  has  fuffered  the  moll  in  the 
common  caufe."*  To  perfuade  Congrefs  to  engage 
in.  this  caufe,  another  application  was  made  to  that 
body,  on  March  the  lft  :  In  this  the  convention  of 
Newyork  reprefent,  that  they  depend  upon  the  juf- 
tice of  that  honourable  houfe,  to  adapt   every  wife 

and 

*  Attefted  copy  of  a  letter  from  the  Honourable  A.  Ten 
«Broek,  preftdent  of  the  convention  of  Newyork,  dated  Jan, 
«o,  1777* 


236         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

and  falutary  expedient,  to  fupprefs  the  mifchiefr 
which  mull  enfue  to  that  ftate  and  to  the  general 
confederacy,  from  the  unjuft  and  pernicious  projects 
of  fuch  of  the  inhabitants  of  Newyork,  as  merely 
from  felfifh  and  interefted  motives,  have  fomented 
the  dangerous  infurre6t.ion  :  That  Congrefs  might 
be  affured  that  the  {pirit  of  defection,  notwithftand- 
ing  all  the  arts  and  violence  of  the  feducers,  was  by 
no  means  general  :  That  the  county  of  Gloucester, 
and  a  very  great  part  of  Cumberland,  and  Charlotte 
counties,  continued  fteadfaft  in  their  allegiance  to  the 
government  of  Newyork  ;  and  that  there  was  not 
the  leaft  probability,  that  Col.  Warner  could  raife 
fuch  a  number  of  men,  as  would  be  an  objecl  of 
public  concern.* 

The  proceediugs  of  Vermont  had  now  aflumed  a 
regular  form,  and  become  an  object  of  general  at- 
tention. In  April,  a  paper  was  printed  at  Phila- 
delphia, fubfenbed  Thomas  Young,  and  addrefTed  to 
the  inhabitants  of  Vermont  :  To  this  addrefs  was 
prefixed  a  refolution,  which  Congrefs  had  pafled 
May  15,  1776,  recommending  to  the  refpective  af- 
femblies  and  conventions  of  the  United  Colonies, 
where  no  government  (ufficient  to  the  exigencies  of 
their  affairs  had  been  already  eftabliflied,  to  adopt 
fuch  government,  as  in  the  opinion  of  the  reprefen- 
tatives  of  the  people,  mould  beft  conduce  to  the 
happinefs  and  fafety  of  their  constituents.  In  the 
addrefs  to  the  inhabitants  of  Vermont,  were  thefe 
paragraphs  :  "  I  have  taken  the  minds  of  feverai 
leading  members,  in  the  honourable  the  continental 
Congrefs,  and  can  affure  you,  that  you  have  nothing 
to  do,  but  to  fend  attefted  copies  of  the  recommen- 
dation to  take  up  government  to  every  townfiiip  in 
your  diftrict,  and  invite  all  your  freeholders  and  in- 
habitants to  meet  in  their  refpective  townfhips,   and 

choofe 

*  Letter  from  A,  Ten  Broek  of  March  1,  \7J7* 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT-  237 

choofe  members  for  a  general  convention,  to  meet  at 
an  earl)'  day,  to  choofe  delegates  for  the  general 
Congrefs,  a  committee  of  fafety,  and  to  form  a  con- 
stitution for  your  ilate.  Your  friends  here  tell  me, 
that  feme  are  in  doubt,  whether  delegates  from  your 
diftrift,  would  be  admitted  into  Congrefs.  1  tell 
you  to  organize  fairly,  and  make  the  experiment,  and 
i  will  enfure  your  fuccefs,  at  the  rifk  of  my  reputa- 
tion as  a  man  of  honour  or  common  fenfe.  Indeed 
they  can  by  no  means  refufe  you  !  You  have  as 
good  a  right  to  choofe  how  you  will  be  governed, 
and  by  whom,  as  they  had."* 

Publications  and  meafures  thus  avowing  the 
caufe,  and  deCgned  to  eftablifh  the  independence  of 
Vermont,  were  beheld  by  Newyork,  with  great  in- 
dignation and  concern.  On  May  the  28th,  the 
council  of  fafety  for  that  ftate,  made  a  third  attempt 
to  engage  the  attention  of  Congrefs  :  By  their  di- 
rection, their  prefident  wrote  to  that  body,  that  a 
report  prevailed  and  daily  gained  credit,  that  the  re- 
volters  were  privately  countenanced  in  their  defigns, 
by  certain  members  of  Congrefs  ;  that  they  efleemed 
it  their  duty  to  give  them  fuch  information,  that  by 
proper  refolutions  on  the  iubjecl;,  Congrefs  might 
ccafe  to  be  injured,  by  imputations  fo  difgraceful 
and  difhonourable.  "  However  unwilling  we  may 
be  to  entertain  fufpicions  fo  difrefpe£tful  to  any 
member  of  Congrefs,  yet  the  truth  is,  that  no  incon- 
fiderable  numbers  of  the  people  of  this  flate,  do  be- 
lieve the  report  to  be  well  founded. "t 

To  bring  Congrefs  to  fome  decifion  upon  the 
matter,  on  June  23d,  one  of  the  delegates  of  New- 
yoik  laid  before  that  body,  the  printed  letter  and 
publication  of  Thomas  Young.     Congrefs  took  up 

the 

*  Printed  letter  to  the  inhabitants  of  Vermont,  April  irt 
I777,  by  T.  Young. 
t  Pierre  Van  Cortlandt's  letter  to  Congrefs,  May  28,  1777* 


238         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

the  matter,  and  ordered  the  printed  paper,  the  letters 
which  had  been  received  from  the  convention  of 
Newyork,  and  from  the  inhabitants  of  the  New- 
hampfhire  grants,  to  be  referred  to  a  committee  of 
the  whole  ;  and  after  feveral  adjournments,  on  June 
30th,  paffed  the  following  refolves  : 

"  Refoived,  That  Congrefs  is  compofed  ©f  delegates 
chofen  by,  and  reprefenting  the  communities  re- 
spectively inhabiting  the  territories  of  Newhamp- 
ihire,  Malfachufetts  Bay,  Rhodeifland  and  Provi- 
dence Plantations,  Connecticut,  Newyork,  Newjer- 
ftyt  Pennfylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia, 
Nonhcarolina,  Southcarolina,  and  Georgia,  as  they 
refpeclively  flood  at  the  time  of  its  firft  institution  ; 
that  it  was  inflituted  for  the  purpofe  of  fecuring  and 
defending  the  communities  aforefaid,  againft  the 
ufurpations,  oppreffions,  and  hoftile  invaiions  of 
Greatbritain  ;  and  therefore  it  cannot  be  intended 
that  Congrefs  by  any  of  its  proceedings  would  do, 
or  recommend,  or  countenance,  any  thing  injurious 
to  the  rights  and  juri (diction  of  the  feveral  commu- 
nities, which  it  reprefents. 

"  Refohedy  That  the  independent  government  at- 
tempted to  be  eltablifhed  by  the  people,  ftyling 
themfelves  inhabitants  of  the  Newhamplhire  grants, 
can  derive  no  countenance,  or  juftification,  from  the 
act  of  Congrefs  declaring  the  United  Colonies  to  be 
independent  of  the  crown  of  Greatbritain  ;  nor  from 
any  other  a£l,  or  refolution  of  Congrefs. 

"  Refo/ved,  That  the  petition  of  Jonas  Fay,  Thom- 
as Chittenden,  Heman  Allen,  and  Reuben  Jones,  in 
the  name  and  behalf  of  the  people,  ftyling  them- 
felves as  aforefaid,  praying  that  '  their  declaration 
that  they  would  confider  themfelves  as  a  free  and  in- 
dependent flate,  may  be  received  ;  that  the  diftricl: 
in  the  faid  petition  defcribed,  may  be  ranked  among 
the  free  and  independent  dates ;  and  that  delegates 

therefrom 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  239 

therefrom  may  be  admitted  to  feats  in  Congrefs,'  be 
difmiffed. 

"  Refolvedy  That  Congrefs  by  raifing  and  officer- 
ing the  regiment,  commanded  by  Col.  Warner, 
never  meant  to  give  any  encouragement  to  the  claim 
of  the  people  aforefaid,  to  be  confidered  as  an  inde- 
pendent (late ;  but  that  the  reafon  which  induced 
Congrefs  to  form  that  corps,  was,  that  many  officers 
of  different  ftates,  who  had  ferved  in  Canada,  and 
alledged  that  they  could  foon  raife  a  regiment,  but 
were  then  unprovided  for>  might  be  reinftated  in  the 
fervice  of  the  United  States. •" 

Having  recited  the  paragraphs  in  the  letter  from 
Thomas  Young,  which  have  been  quoted,  they  next 
refolve,  "  That  the  contents  of  the  faid  paragraphs, 
are  derogatory  to  the  honour  of  Congrefs,  are  a  grofs 
mifreprefentation  of  the  resolution  of  Congrefs  there- 
in referred  to,  and  tend  to  deceive  and  miflead  the 
people  to  whom  they  are  addreffed."* 

Thefe  refolves  were  favourable  to  the  government 
of  Newyork  :  From  their  fpirit  and  ftyle,  and  the 
manner  in  which  the  bufinefs  was  introduced,  the 
people  of  Vermont  concluded,  they  were  drawn  up 
under  the  influence  of  that  flate  ;  and  that  their  in- 
dependence muft  be  fupported,  with  the  fame  fiim- 
nefs  and  fpirit,  with  which  it  had  been  declared  : 
And  they  ferved  only  to  confirm  the  refolution  of  a 
people,  who  with  all  the  hardihood  of  antiquity, 
were  well  acquainted  with  the  nature  and  origin  of 
their  own  rights. 

During  this  period,  no  controverfy  had  arifen 
with  Newhampfhire.  That  (late  had  gone  farther 
than  any  other,  to  admit  and  acknowledge  the  inde- 
pendence of  Vermont. — On  the  6th  of  July,  1777, 
the  American  army  flationed  at  Tyconderoga,  was 
forced  to  abandon  that  important  poll  to  the  formi- 
dable 

*  Journal  of  Congrefs,  June,  1777,  p.  258,  259,  263, 


240  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

dable  army  commanded  by  General  Burgoyne.  The 
people  in  moil  of  the  towns  on  the  weft  fide  of  the 
mountains,  were  obliged  to  abandon  their  habita- 
tions, with  circumftances  of  great  diftrefs  and  con- 
fufion. 

The  convention  of  Vermont  was  then  fitting,  at 
Windfor.  Their  committee  wrote  in  the  moft  prefix- 
ing terms,*  to  the  committee  of  fafety  at  Exeter  in 
Newhampfhire,  for  afliflance  ;  informing  them  at 
the  fame  time,  if  none  mould  be  afforded,  they  muft 
immediately  retire  into  the  Newengland  Mates,  for 
fupport  and  fafety.  The  affembly  of  Newhamp- 
fhire was  immediately  called  together  :  They  put  a 
large  body  of  their  militia  under  the  command  of 
General  Stark,  and  gave  him  orders  to  <c  repair  to 
Charleftown  on  Connecticut  river  ;  there  to  confuit 
with  a  committee  of  the  Newhampfhire  grants,  re- 
fpecting  his  future  operations,  and  the  fupply  of  his 
men  with  provifions  ;  to  take  the  command  of  the 
militia,  and  march  into  the  grants  ;  to  aft  in  con- 
junction with  the  troops  of  that  new  ilate,  or  any 
other  of  the  dates,  or  of  the  United  States. "t  About 
the  fame  time,*  Mr.  Weave  prefident  of  Newhamp- 
fhire, in  behalf  of  the  council  and  affembly,  wrote  to 
Ira  Alletiy  fecretary  of  the  Mate  of  Vermont,  an- 
nouncing the  afliflance  they  were  fending  ;  the  ftyle 
and  expreflions  of  his  letter  were  addreffed  to  Ver- 
mont, as  a  free  and  fovereign,  but  a  new  flate.  From 
thefe  events  it  was  not  doubted  in  Vermont,  but  that 
Newhampfhire  had  already  acknowledged  her  inde- 
pendence ;  and  would  ufe  her  influence,  to  have  it 
acknowledged  by  Congiefs. 

But  the   conduct  of   feme  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Newhampfhire,  foon  occafioned  a  controverfy  of  a 

very 

*  J*»Jy  s. 

+  ijelknapt's  Hiftcry  of  Newhatrpfi-irr,  Vol,  IF.  413. 
+  July  19. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  241 

very  ferious  nature,  with  that  ftate.  Newhampfhire 
Was  originally  granted  as  a  province,  to  John  Ma- 
fon  ;  and  was  circumfcribed  by  a  line,  drawn  at  the 
diftance  of  fixty  miles  from  the  fea.  All  the  lands 
to  the  weflward  of  that  line,  were  properly  royal 
grants,  and  had  been  annexed  to  Newhampfnire,  by 
Force  of  royal  cornmiflions.  The  inhabitants  on  the 
eaftern  fide  of  Connecticut  river,  well  knew  what  the 
original  bounds  of  Newhampfhire  were ;  and  they 
were  defirous  to  join  the  inhabitants  on  the  weft  fide 
of  the  river,  in  fetting  up  a  new  ftate. — With  thefe 
views,  it  was  not  a  difficult  thing,  to  find  reafons  to 
juftify  their  proceedings.  They  urged,  that  the  prov- 
ince of  Newhampfhire  could  not  originally  extend 
further,  than  fixty  miles  from  the  fea  coaft  :  That  the 
additional  towns  were  annexed  to  that  ftate,  folely  by 
virtue  of  the  royal  cornmiflions  :  That  thefe  commii- 
fions  could  be  of  force,  or  operate  no  longer,  than 
while  the  power  of  the  crown  fubfifted  :  That  as  all 
royal  authority  was  done  away,  the  obligations  which 
had  annexed  them  to  the  province  of  Newhampfhire, 
was  done  away  with  it  :  And  that  it  now  belonged 
to  the  people  to  determine,  what  ftate  they  would 
join,  and  what  government  they  would  be  under.* 
Thefe  ideas. were  propagated  with  much  fuccefs,  in 
the  towns  adjoining  Connecticut  river  3  conventions 
were  holden,  and  in  the  courfe  of  a  few  months.f  a 
petition  was  prefented  in  the  name  of  fixteen  towns 
in  Newhampfhire,  announcing  "  that  they  were  not 
connected  with  any  ftate,  with  refpect  to  their  inter- 
nal police,"  and  requefting  the  ftate  of  Vermont,  to 
receive  them  into  an  union  and  confederation  with 
them. 

G  g  The 

*  Obfcrvatiotls  oa  the  right  of  jurifdi£tion  of  Newhamp- 
fhire grants:  Printed  1778.  Public  defence  of  the  right  of 
Newhampfhire  grants,  &c.     Piinted  1770. 

+  March  12,  1 778. 


242  THE  NATURAL  AND  CIVIL 

The   aflembly   of  Vermont  was  perplexed   with 
this  application.     Moll:   of  the   members  from   the 
weft  fide  of  the  mountains,  viewed  it  as  a  dangerous 
rneafure  ;  and  the  majority  of  the  aflembly,  appear- 
ed to  be  againft  receiving  any   of   the   towns  from 
Newhampihire.     The  towns  in  Vermont  which  ad- 
joined to  Connecticut  river,  were  generally  in  favour 
of  receiving   the   towns  from   Newhampihire  ;  and 
went  fo  far  as  to   propofe  withdrawing  from  their 
connexion  with   Vermont,  and   felting  up  another 
ftate.     There  was  no  method  to  preferve  their  own 
union,  but  to  refer  the  queftion   to  the  decifion   ok 
the  people  :   And  the  party  in  favour  of  the  New- 
hampihire propofals,  were  extremely   diligent  and 
aftive,  in  fecuring  a  majority  of  the  members,  againft 
the  next  meeting  of  the  aflembly.     When   the  aC- 
fembly  met,  it  was  reprefented  to  them,  that  the  in- 
habitants   of  the  towns   which   had   applied   for    a 
union    with    Vermont,  were   almoft   unanimous   in 
their  votes,  and  that  Newhampfhire,  as  a  ftate,  would 
not  object  againft  faid  towns  joining  with  Vermont.* 
A  vote  was  carried  in  favour  of  their  union  and  con- 
federation :t  And  the  aflembly  of  Vermont  refolv- 
ed  further,  That  any  other  towns  on  the  eaft  fide  of 
Connecticut  river,  might  alio  be  admitted   into   the 
union,  on  producing  a  vote  of  the   majority   of  the 
inhabitants,  or  on  their  fending  a   repre Tentative    to 
the    aflembly  of  Vermont.' — Having   thus    elfecled 
their  purpofes,  the  fixteen  towns   announced  to  the 
government  of  Newhampihire,  that  they   had  with- 
drawn from  their  jurifdi&ion,  and   wilhed   to  have 
a  divifional  line  eftablifhed,  and   a  friendly  corref- 
pondence  kept  up.£ 

Thefe 

*  Allen's  vindication  of  the  conduct  of  the  general  aflem- 
bly, &c.  page  13. 
+  June  11,  1778. 
+  June  25. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  243 

Thefe  proceedings  were  founded  upon  principles, 
which  might  introduce  endlefs  contentions  and  di- 
vifions,  among  the  United  States  ;  and  they  juftly 
proved  greatly  alarming  to  Newhampihire. 

Me/heck  JVearet  Efq;  was  at  that  time  prefident  of 
that  ftate,  a  gentleman  of  great  wifdom  and  virtue. 
In  the  name  of  the  affembly  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Chit- 
tenden governor  of  Vermont,*  claiming  the  fixteen 
towns  as  part  of  the  ftate  of  Newhampftiire.  His 
claim  was  founded  on  the  known  boundaries  of  that 
ftate,  before  the  revolution  ;  on  their  fending  dele- 
gates to  the  convention,  in  1775  ;  on  their  applying 
to  the  affembly  of  Newhampihire,  for  arms  and  am- 
munition ;  on  their  receiving  commiffions  from  the 
government,  and  having  always  acled  as  a  part  of 
it.  He  gave  information  at  the  fame  time,  that  the 
minority  in  thofe  towns,  had  claimed  protection  from 
that  ftate  ;  which  the  alfembly  of  Newhampihire, 
viewed  themfelves  as  bound  on  every  confideration, 
to  afford.  And  he  urged  the  governor  of  Vermont, 
to  exert  his  influence  with  their  alfembly,  to  diffolve 
fo  irregular  and  dangerous  a  connexion. — That  he 
might  avail  himfelf  of  the  higheft  authority  in  A- 
merica,  Mr.  IVeare  wrote  alfo  to  the  delegates  of 
that  ftate  in  Congrefs,t  urging  them  to  take  advice, 
and  procure  the  interpolation  of  Congrefs  ;  intimat- 
ing his  apprehenfions,  that  this  would  be  the  only 
method,  in  which  the  controverfy  could  be  fettled, 
without  the  effufion  of  blood,  as  all  attempts  for 
reconciliation  had  been  in  vain. 

Nor  were  the  governor  and  council  of  Vermont 
without  their  difficulties,  in  the  management  of  thefe 
affairs.  To  guide  the  movements  of  a  people,  irri- 
tated by  a  long  feries  of  injuries,  and  now  too  much 
elated  by  fuccefs,  was  a  critical  and  difficult  bufinefs. 
Aware  of  the  applications  that  would  be    made   to 

Congrefs, 
♦  Auguft  3?,  t  Auguft  19. 


*44        the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

Congrefs,  in  September  they  fent  Col.  Ethan  Allen, 
as  their  advocate  to  that  body  ;  and  to  procure  in-» 
formation,  in  what  light  their  proceedings  were  view- 
ed at  Philadelphia.  Upon  his  return  he  made  re- 
port,* that  Congrefs  was  unanimously  oppofed,  to 
their  forming  any  connexions  with  the  people  of 
Newhampfhire  :  And  that  if  thofe  proceedings  were 
difannulled,  none  of  the  members  of  Congrefs,  ex- 
cept the  delegates  from  Newyork,  would  oppofe  their 
independence. 

The  next  affembly  of  Vermont  met  in  October, 
at  Windfor.  Reprefentatives  from  ten  of  the  fix 
teen  towns,  took  their  feats  in  the  affembly.  A 
queftion  was  moved,  "  Whether  the  towns  on  the 
eafl  fide  of  Conne6ticut  river,  which  had  been  ad- 
mitted into  an  union  with  Vermont,  mould  be  ere  fl- 
ed into  a  county  by  themfelves  ?  The  vote  palled 
in  the  negative.  Finding  by  this,  and  fome  other 
votes,  that  the  affembly  declined  to  do  any  thing 
more,  to  extend  their  jurifdiclion  to  the  eafl  of  Con- 
necticut river,  the  members  from  thofe  towns  with- 
drew from  the  affembly,  and  were  followed  by  fif- 
teen of  the  reprefentatives  from  fome  of  the  towns 
in  Vermont,  adjoining  to  the  river,  with  the  deputy 
governor,  and  two  affillants.  The  affembly  of  Ver- 
mont confided  of  but  fixty  members, -two  thirds  of 
which  were  neceffary  to  make  a  houfe,  to  do  bufi- 
nefs  :  And  this,  was  juft  the  number  that  was  left, 
when  the  feceding  members  had  withdrawn.  The 
remaining  members  went  on  with  the  public  bufi- 
nef ,  and  continued  their  feffion,  until  the  bufinef's 
of  it  was  finifhed  :  But  he  referred  the  matter  to  their 
conilituents,  to  inftru£l  them  how  to  proceed  with 
regard  to  the  union  with  Newhampfhire,  at  their 
next  feffion. t — The   members  who  had  withdrawn 

themfelvec 

*  Oftober  10. 

+  Allen's  Vindication,  p,  14.  16.  22,  44. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  245 

themfelves  from  the  afiembly,  formed  into  a  con- 
vention, and  gave  an  invitation  to  the  towns  on  both 
iides  of  Connecticut  river,  to  unite,  and  to  meet  with 
them,  in  a  convention  at  Cornifh,  in  Newhampfhire, 
Dec.  9,  1778. — The  interefts  and  views  which  pro- 
duced thefe  proceedings,  were  pretty  well  underftood, 
and  proved  greatly  injurious  to  Vermont.  The  peo- 
ple on  both  fides  of  Connecticut  river,  wifhed  to 
form  a  government,  the  center  and  feat  of  which, 
fhould  be  upon  the  river.  The  people  on  the  weft 
fide  of  the  mountains,  were  averfe  to  this  plan,  and 
to  any  connexion  with  Newhampmire. 

On  December  the  9th,  the  convention  which  had 
been  called,  met  at  Cornifh,  one  of  the  fixteen  towns. 
They  agreed  to  unite,  without  any  regard  to  the 
limits  which  had  been  afligned  to  Newhampmire,  in 
j  764  ;  and  to  make  the  following  propofals  to  that 
government.  Either  to  agree  with  them  on  a  di« 
vifional  line,  or  to  fubmit  the  difpute  to  Congrefs, 
or  to  arbitrators  mutually  chofen.  If  neither  of 
thefe  propofals  mould  be  accepted,  and  they  could 
agree  with  Newhampfhire  upon  a  plan  of  govern- 
ment, they  refolved  further,  ■'  We  will  confent  that 
the  whole  of  the  grants  connect  with  Newhampfhire, 
and  become  with  them  one  entire  ftate,  as  it  was  lim- 
ited and  bounded,  before  the  fettling  of  the  laid  line 
in  1764."  Until  one  of  thefe  propofals  fhould  be 
complied  with,  they  refolved  to  trufl  in  providence, 
and  defend  themfelves.* — There  were  but  eight 
towns  from  Vermont,  which  were  reprefented  in  this 
convention  ;  and  fome  of  them  declined  to  act  in 
making  any  overtures  to  Newhampmire,  to  extend 
their  jurifdi&ion  over  the  ftate  of  Vermont.  But 
the  proceedings  of  the  convention,  ferved  to  difcov- 
er  to  the  whole  body  of  the  people,  what  had  been 
the  views  of  the  leading  men,  in  propofingthe  union 

of 
f  Allen's  Vindication,  p.  32,  33. 


246        tub  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

of  the  fixteen  towns  from  Mewhampfhire  :  It  was 
now  manifeft,  that  their  whole  aim,  had  been  to 
form  a  government,  the  center  and  feat  of  which, 
fhould  be  upon  Connecticut  river.  This  would  be 
afFe6ted,  either  by  connecting  a  considerable  part  of 
Newhampfhire,  with  Vermont  ;  or  by  breaking  up 
the  government  of  Vermont,  and  connecting  the  whole 
of  it,  with  Newhampfhire  :  The  one  or  the  other  of 
thefe  meafures,  they  were  earneft  to  effecT; ;  and  ei- 
ther of  them  would  probably  have  formed  a  ftate,  the 
metropolis  of  which,  muft  have  been  upon  the  river 
which  divides  the  two  ftates, — To  get  rid  of  a  con- 
nexion, which  had  occafioned  fo  much  trouble  and 
danger,  the  aflfembly  of  Vermont,  on  Feb.  12,  1779, 
voted  to  dififolve  the  union,  which  had  fubfifted  be- 
tween them,  and  the  towns  in  Newhampfhire  ;  and 
immediately  communicated  their  refolves  to  that 
government.*  Encouraged  by  thefe  divifions,  the 
afTembly  of  Newhampfhire  was  perfuaded  by  fome 
of  her  leading  members,  to  claim  the  whole  tra&  of 
country,  which  belonged  to  her  before  the  royal  de- 
termination in  1764:  Accordingly  that  ftate  put 
into  Congrefs,  a  claim  to  the  whole  territory  of  Ver- 
mont. Newyork  took  the  fame  ftep,  and  put  in  her 
claim  to  the  whole  of  the  lands.  As  Newhampfhire 
had  not  the  leaft  pretence,  upon  any  principle  what- 
ever, to  make  fuch  a  claim  it  was  not  doubted  in 
Vermont,  but  that  intrigues  had  been  formed  by  the 
leading  men  in  thofe  two  flates,  to  divide  Vermont 
between  them.  The  range  of  mountains,  which 
runs  through  the  ftate,  would  afford  a  natural  line, 
for  fuch  a  divifion  :  And  this  meafure  would  unite 
the  two  ftates  of  Newhampfhire  and  Newyork  j  and 
put  an  end  to  all  future  controverfy,  with  the  peo- 
ple of  Vermont;  either  refpecting  their  limits,  the 
validity  of  their  grants,  or  the  powers  of  government 

which 
*  i779»    Jun?  c4« 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  247 

which  they  had  affumed.  And  if  thefe  two  dates 
could  be  united,  there  was  a  fair  project  that  the 
reft  would  leave  them  to  fettle  the  affairs  of  Vermont, 
which  began  to  bear  a  very  ferious  afpeft,  and  might 
prove  troublefome  to  Congrefs. — The  other  ftates- 
had  not  as  yet  concerned  themfelves,  about  thefe 
controverfies ;  but  Maffachufetts  now  interpofed. 
Whether  aiming  to  difappoint  the  views^f  New- 
hampfhire  and  Newyork,  or  in  earneft  to  fecure  a 
part  of  the  controverted  lands,  that  Mate  alfo  put  in 
a  claim  to  a  large  part  of  Vermont :  And  her  claim 
had  a  much  better  appearance,  than  that  of  New- 
hampfliire  :  For  although  the  line  between  Maffa. 
chufetts  and  Newbampihire  might  be  efteemed  to 
be  fettled,  yet  the  line  between  Maffachufetts  and 
Newyork  had  never  been  determined. 

While  thefe  controverfies  had  been  carried  on  with 
Nevvharnpfhife,  the  debate  with  Newyork  had  not  at 
all  fubfided.  In  a  letter  of  July  7th,  1778,  Mr. 
Clinton,  governor  of  Newyork,  wrote  to  one  of  his 
friends  in  Vermont,  that  he  "would  flillas  on  a.former 
occafion,  earneflly  recommend  a  firm  and  prudent 
refiftance  to  the  draughting  of  men,  railing  taxes, 
and  the  exercife  of  every  aft  of  government,  under 
the  ideal  Vermont  Mate  ;  and  in  fuch  towns,  where 
our  friends  are  fufficiently  powerful  for  the  purpofe, 
1  would  advife  the  entering  into  affociation,  for  the 
mutual  defence  of  their  perfons  and  eftates  againfl: 
this  ufurpation."*  In  a  letter  of  July  8th,  he  warmly 
urged  Congrefs  to  come  to  fome  decifion  on  their 
controverfy  with  Vermont ;  blamed  the  inhabitants 
for  the  violence  of  their  proceedings,  affirmed  that  it 
would  foon  bring  on  a  civil  war,  and  that  all  the 
grievances  of  the  people  of  Vermont  had  fuffered, 
arofe  from  the  former  government  of  Newyork,  and 
not  from  the  prefeat.t 

In 

*  Copy  of  a  letter  from  governor  Clinton,  to  Pelitiah  Fitcb^V, 
■f  Atteftcd  copy. 


£48         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

In  1779,  the  controverfy   with   Newyork  bore    a 
more  hoflile  appearance.     There  were   feveral  per- 
fons  in  the  foutheafl  part  of  the  flatc,  then  called  the 
county  of    Cumberland  by  Newyork,  who   were  at- 
tached to  the  authority  of  that  ftate,  and  oppcfcd  the 
government  of   Vermont.     To  fome  of  them,   gov- 
ernor Clinton  had  given  commiffions.      They   avert- 
ed that  they  had  a  regiment,  of  about  five   hundred 
men  ;  and  that  a  committee  of  the  county,  was  alfo 
oppofed  to  the  authority  of  Vermont.     The  govern- 
ment of  Vermont  found  it  necelTary,  to  put  an  end 
to  thefe  hoftile  afTociations  ;    and  Col.    Ethan  Allen 
was  directed   to  raife   a  part  of  the    militia,  for  that 
purpofe.     Upon  this  intelligence,  a  Colonel  bearing 
a  commiffion  under   the  government   of   Newyork, 
wrote  to  governor  Clinton   for  his  advice   and  direc- 
tion, fuggefting  the  necelfity  of  having  the  militia  of 
Albany  held  in  readinefs  to  attack  any  armed  force, 
that  mould  gather  with  (hat  defign  ;  and  that  it  would 
be  an  eafy    thing  to  get  intelligence,    by   employing 
the  enemies  of  Vermont,  in  their  own  towns,  to  give 
information.*     In   anfwer  to    this   application,    the 
governor  of  Newyork  recommended  in  general,  firm- 
nefs  and  prudence,  and  in  no   infhnce  to    acknow- 
ledge the  authority  of   Vermont,  unlefs  where  there 
was  no  alternative  left  between  fubmiffion  and  inev- 
itable ruin  :   He  aifured  them,  at  the  fame  time,  that 
if  any  attempt  was  made  by  Vermont  to  reduce  them 
by  force  of  arms,  he  would  inflantly  iflue  his  orders 
to  the  militia,  who  were  properly  equipped,  and  who 
would  be  led  againft  the  enemies  of  the  flatc,- where- 
ever  they  might  happen  to  be.t 

Alaimcd  with   Ihefe   profpedls,  Mr.  Clinton  wrote 
to   the  prefident  of  -Congrcfs,  May    the    18th,   that 

matters 

*  Patt-n Ton's  letter  to   Governor  Clinton,  of  May  5,  1779: 
and  Mil  ot's  petition  of  May  4,  1779. 

+  . Clinton's  letter  to  .'i.  H'npVqf  MaSj  »1>  J7  3- 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  249 

tnatters  were  fad  approaching  to  a  very  ferious  cri- 
fis,  which  nothing  but  the  immediate  interpofitiori 
of  Congrefs,  could  poflibly  prevent ;  that  he  daily 
expected  he  fhould  be  obliged  to  order  out  a  force, 
for  the  defence  of  thofe  who  adhered  to  Newyoik  ; 
that  the  wifdom  of  Congrefs  would  fugged  to  them, 
what  would  be  the  confequence  of  iubmitting  the 
controverfy,  efpecially  at  that  juncture,  to  the  deci- 
fion  of  the  fword  ;  but  that  juftice4  the  faith  of  gov* 
eminent,  the  peace  and  fafety  of  fociety,  would  not 
permit  them,  to  continue  any  longer  paflive  fpctta- 
tors  of  the  violence  committed  on  their  fellow  citi- 
zens.* Thefe  letters,  and  fundry  other  papers  re- 
lating to  the  difputes  with  Newhampfhire,  were  laid 
before  Congrefs,  May  29th,  1779^  and  were  referred 
to  a  committee  of  the  whole.  On  June  lit,  C01  = 
grefs  refolved,  "  that  a  committee  be  appointed  to 
repair  to  the  inhabitants  of  a  certain  dtdrict,  known 
by  the  name  of  the  Newhampfhire  grants,  and  in- 
quire into  the  reafons  why  they  refufe  to  continue 
citizens  of  the  refpe6live  dates,  which  heretofore  ex- 
ercifed  jurisdiction  over  the  laid  diftricl:.  And  that 
they  take  every  prudent  meafure  to  promote  an  am- 
icable fettlement  of  all  differences,  and  prevent  di- 
vifions  and  animofities,  fo  prejudicial  to  the  United 
States."f 

While  the  governor  of  Newyork  was  taking  thefe 
fneafures  with  the  party  that  adhered  to  him  in  Ver- 
mont, and  with  Congrefs,  Alien  marched  with  an 
armed  force,  and  made  prifoners  of  the  Colonel, 
and  militia  officers,  who  were  a&ing  under  the  au- 
thority of  Newyork.  Complaint  was  immediately 
made  to  governor  Clinton,  with  an  earned  recjueft, 
that  he  would  take  the  mod  fpeedy  and  effectual 
meafures  for  their  relief. £     On  June  the   ^rh,    Mr, 

H  h  C  lift  tin 

*  Clinton's  letter  to  Congrefs,  of  May  18,  1779. 
+  Journal  of  Congrefs,  June  1,  177.9,  p.  237. 

Minot'*  letter  to  governor  Chnion,  ot  May  25,  17-9. 


Sr5Q  THE  NATURAL  AND  CIVIL 

Clinton  wrote  again  to  Congrefs,  informing  trrera 
what  had  happened,  difapproving  of  their  meafures, 
and  particularly  of  the  appointment  of  a  committee 
to  confer  with  the  inhabitants  j  and  wifhing  their 
journey  might  be  poftponed,  until  the  legiflatm  e  of 
.Newyork  fliould  be  convened,  and  take  the  reiolu- 
tions  of  Congrefs  under  confederation.  On  the 
i6th,  Congrefs  refolved  that  the  officers  who  had 
been  thus  reflrained  of  their  liberty,  ought  to  be  imme- 
diately liberated  ;  and  that  their  committee  who 
were  appointed  to  confer  with  the  inhabitants  fhould 
be  directed  to  make  inquiry  into  the  matters  and 
things  contained  in  governor  Clinton's  letters  ;  and 
that  all  further  proceedings  be  poftponed,  until  they 
fhould  report.* 

Five  commiflioners  were  appointed  to  repair  to 
Vermont  :  Of  thefe  but  two,  Dr.  Witherfpoon,  and 
Mr.  Atle,  attended.  Thefe  gentlemen  repaired  to 
Bennington,  in  June  ;  made  many  inquiries,  and 
had  feveral  conferences  with  the  friends  of  Vermont, 
and  with  others  who  were  in  the  intereft  of  New- 
york.  They  propofed  feveral  queftions  to  the  gov- 
ernor of  Vermont,  to  which  he  returned  written  an- 
fwers.  Their  aim  feems  to  have  been,  to  bring 
about  a  reconciliation  between  the  parties.  Upon 
their  return  they  made  a  report  to  Congrefs,  July 
13th  ;  but  which  evidently  denoted,  that  no  part  of 
the  bufinefs  on  which  they  were  fent,  had  been  ef- 
feaed.t 

Four  different  claims  were  now  before  Congrefs, 
to  the  fame  tract  of  country  ;  and  the  controverfy 
had  become  fo  intricate,  and  warm,  that  very  ferious 
confequences  were  juftly  to  be  feared.  It  became 
neceffary  for  CongreCs  to  interpofe  ;  and  as  all  par- 
ties 

*  Journal  of  Congrefs,  June  16,  1779,  p.  259,  260. 
i  Account  of  the  proceedings  of  Mr.  Wuhcifpoon,  and 
%lr.  Atie, 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  .251 

ties  had  appealed  to  that  body,  they  could  no  longer 
avoid  coming  to   fome  refolutions   upon  a   matter, 
which  feemed  effentially  to  concern  the  union  of  the 
flates.     Accordingly  on  September  24,  1779,   Con- 
grefs,  among  other  refolves,  paffed  the  following  : 
'!  Refolved  unanimoufly,  That  it  be,  and  hereby  is 
mod  earneflly  recommended,  to  the  dates  of  New- 
hampfhiie,  Maflachufeits  Bay,  and  Newyork,  forth- 
with to  pafs  laws,  exprefsly  authorising  Congrefs,  to 
hear  and  determine   all  differences  between  them, 
relative  to   their  refpe&ive  boundaries.— -Refolved 
unanimoufly,  That  Congrefs  will  on  the  firft  day  of 
February  next,  proceed  without  delay,   to  hear  and 
examine  into  the  difputes  and  differences  relative  to 
jurifdi&ion  aforefaid,  between  the  faid   three   flates 
refpe&ively,  or  fuch  of  them  as  fhall   pafs  the  laws 
beforementioned  on  the  one  part,  and  the  people  of 
the  diftricT:  aforefaid,  who  claim  to  be  a  feparate  ju- 
rifdiction  on  the  other,  and  after  a  full  and  fair  hear- 
ing, will  decide  and  determine  the  fame  according  to 
equity. — Refolved  unanimoufly,  That  it  is  the  duty 
of  the  people  of  the  diftricl  aforefaid,  who  deny  the 
jurifdi&ion  of  all  the  aforenamed   dates,    to  abflain 
in  the  mean  time,  from  exercifing  any  power  over 
any  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  faid  didrift,  who  pro- 
fefs  themfelves  to  be  citizens  of,  or  to  owe  allegiance 
to  any  or  either  of  the  faid  dates,  but  that  none  of 
the  towns,  either  on  the  ead  or  wed  fide  of  Connec- 
ticut river,  be  considered  as  included  within  the  faid 
didritt,  but  fuch  as  have  hitherto  a&ually  joined  in 
denying  the  jurisdiction  of  either  of  faid  dates,   and 
have  affumed  a  feparate  jurifdi&ion,  which  they  call 
the  date  of  Vermont.— And  further,    That   in  the 
opinion  of  Congrefs,  the  faid  three  flates  aforenamed, 
ought  in  the  mean  time  to  fufpend  executing  their 
laws  over  any  of  the  inhabitants  of  faid  didricT:,  ex- 
cept fuch  of  them,  >as  fhall  profefs  allegiance  to,  and 
csnfefs  the  jurifditt.ion  of  the  fame  refpeclively.— 

Refolved 


|£|  the  NATURAL  amd  CIVIL 

Refolved  unanimoufly,  That  in  the  opinion  of  Con- 
grefs, no  unappropriated  lands  or  cftates,  which  are 
or  may  be  adjudged  forfeited  or  cdnfifcated,  lying  in 
laid  diftricl,  ought  until  the  final  decifion  of  Con- 
grefs  in  the  premifes,  to  be  granted  or  fold."* 

From  cnele  relolutions  it  was  apparent,  that  the 
views  of  Congrefs  were  to  evade  any  determination, 
and  to  pacify  and  quiet  all  parties  for  the  prefent  ; 
and  that  it  was  of  much  more  importance,  in  their 
view,  to  preferve  the  union  and  afFe6tion  of  the  free 
ftates,  than  that  of  Vermont.  At  a  time  when  the 
fate  of  America  depended  upon  preferving  the  union 
of  the  Mates,  and  all  might  have  been  loft  by  the 
diiaffe&ion  of  any  one,  perhaps  this  evafive  policy 
was  the  beit.  It  feems  to  have  quieted  all  parties 
hut  Vermont.  The  ftates  of  Newhampfhire,  and 
Newyork,  palled  the  acts  which  Congrefs  had  called 
for.  MaiTachufetts  did  not,  and  probably  with  a 
view  to  prevent  the  district  of  Vermont  from  being 
facrificed  by  either,  or  both  of  the  other  ftates. 

It  was  impoflible  that  Vermont  fhoulcf  comply 
wifh  the  refoJves  of  Congrefs.  To  have  four  fepa- 
Tate  jurifdi&ions  exilling  at  the  fame  time,  in  the 
fame  territory,  as  the  refolutions  recommended, 
would  at  any  time  have  been  abfurd  and  impoffible  ; 
leaft  of  all  was  it  to  be  admitted  or  attempted,  after 
the  people  had  declared  themfelves  to  be  a  free  and 
independent  Rate,  affumed  the  powers  of  govern- 
ment, and  exercifed  them  in  all  cafes,  and  in  every 
part  of  the  ftate.  They  had  already  formed  their 
conftitutton,  enacted  a  code  of  laws,  erected  courts 
of  jultice,  and  fully  exercifed  all  the  powers  of  gov- 
ernment. The  plan  of  four  feparate  jurifdi&ioris, 
which  Congrefs  propofed,  was  incompatible  with 
any  ftate  of  fociety  ;  and  the  more  dangerous,  as 
Newyork  was  conftantly   aiming  to  break   up  the 

government 

*  Journal  of  Congrefs,  September  24,  1779. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  253 

government  of  Vermont,  by  granting  commiflions  te> 
her  adherents,  encouraging  informers,  and  promot- 
ing difafiFe&ed  perfons,  in  every  part  of  the  territo- 
ry ;  and  at  the  fame  time,  denied  their  titles  to  their 
lands,  and  all  the  public  acts  of  the  ftate. 

Nothing  remained  for  Vermont  in  this  fituation, 
but  to  take  a  decifive  part  ;  and  fupport  with  firrn- 
nefs  and  refolution,  the  independence  which  her 
reprefentatives  had  declared,  by  the  defire  of  the 
people.  Her  rulers  did  not  prove  deficient  in  ref- 
olulion  :  Well  acquainted  with  their  own  rights  and 
interelts,  they  determined  not  to  facrifice  them,  ei- 
ther to  the  intrigues  of  the  adjacent  dates,  or  to  the 
policy  of  Congrefs.  The  governor  and  council 
publiilied  an  appeal  to  the  candid  and  impartial 
world,*  in  which  they  declare  that  "  they  could  not 
view  themfelves  as  holden  either  in  the  fight  of  God 
or  man,  to  fubrnit  to  the  execution  of  a  plan,  which 
they  had  reafon  to  believe  was  commenced  by 
neighbouring  itates  :  That  the  liberties  and  privi- 
leges of  the  ftate  of  Vermont,  by  faid  resolutions, 
are  to  be  fufpended  upon  the  arbitrament  and  final 
determination  of  Congrefs,  when  in  their  opinion 
they  were  things  too  facred  ever  to  be  arbitrated 
upon  at  all  ;  and  what  they  were  bound  to  defend^ 
at  every  rifle  :  That  the  Congrefs  of  the  United 
States  had  no  right  to  intermeddle  in  the  internal 
police,  and  government  of  Vermont  :  That  the  ftate 
exifted  independent  of  any  of  the  thirteen  United 
States,  and  was  not  accountable  to  them,  or  to  their 
reprefentatives,  for  liberty,  the  gift  of  the  beneficent 
Creator  :  That  the  ftate  of  Vermont  was  not  repre- 
fented  in  Congrefs,  and  could  not  fubmit  to  refolu- 
tions  pafled  without  their  confent,  or  even  knowl- 
edge, and  which  put  every  thing  that  was  valuable 

to 

*  Drawn  up  by  Stephen  R,  Bradley,   Efq;  published  Dec* 
»?;  J779» 


254         thb  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

to  them,  at  ftake  :  That  there  appeared  a  manifeft 
inequality,  not  to  fay  predetermination,  that  Con- 
grcis  mould  requeft  of  their  conftituents  power  to 
judge  and  determine  in  the  caufe,  and  never  afk  the 
con  lent  of  thoufands,  whofe  all  was  at  flake  :  They/ 
alfo  declared  that  they  were,  and  ever  had  been 
ready  to  bear  their  proportion  of  the  burden  and 
expenfe  of  the  war  with  Greatbritain,  from  its  fir  ft 
commencement,  whenever  they  were  admitted  into 
the  union  with  the  other  dates  :  But  they  were  not 
To  loft  to  all  fQnCet  and  honour,  that  after  four  years 
war  with  Britain,  in  which  they  had  expended  fo 
much  blood  and  treafure,  that  they  fhould  now  give 
up  every  thing  worth  fighting  for,  the  right  of  mak- 
ing their  pwn  laws,  and  choofing  their  own  form  of 
government,  to  the  arbitrament  and  determination 
of  any  man,  or  body  of  men,  under  heaven." 
-  It  feems  to  have  been  the  defire  and  expectation, 
of  all  parties,  that  Congrefs  fhould  take  up  the  mat- 
ter, as  they  had  propofed,  on  February  1,  1780. 
Vermont  had  now  acquired  fuch  numbers,  popular- 
ity, and  power,  that  much  was  to  be  expected  from 
having  her  claims  thoroughly  understood,  and  con- 
sidered by  the  United  States.  But  inftead  of  being 
decided,  the  matter  was  not  taken  up  at  all,  on  the 
id  of  February  ;  and  on  March  21ft,  it  was  order- 
ed by  Congrefs  that  the  matter  be   poflponed,    nine 

■,  exclufive  of  thofe  who  were  parties  in  the 
queftion,  not  being  reprefented.*  On  June  2d, 
Congrefs  refolved  that  the  proceedings  of  the  people 
of  the  Newhampfhirc  grants  were  highly  unwarrant- 
able, and  fubverfive  of  the  peace  and  welfare  of  the 
United  States  ;  and  that  they  be  ftrictly  required  to 
fo  shear  from  any  acts  of  authority  civil  or  military, 

thofe  of  the  people,  who  profefled  allegiance  to 

other 

*  Journal  oF  Congrcf>,  March  21,  1780,  p.  48,  49,  . 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  255 

other  ftates  :  And  on  June  the  9th,  they  refolved 
to  defer  the  matter  to  the  fecond  Tuefday  in  Sep- 
tember.*-— Upon  the  receipt  of  thefe  refolves,  the 
governor  of  Vermont,  by  the  advice  of  his  council, 
replied,  that  "  however  Congrefs  might  view  thofe 
refolutions,  they  were  confidered  by  the  people  of 
Vermont,  as  being  in  their  nature  fubverfive  of  the 
natural  right  which  they  had  to  liberty  and  inde- 
pendence, as  well  as  incompatible  with  the  princi- 
ples on  which  Congrefs  grounded  their  own  right  to 
independence,  and  had  a  natural  and  direct  tenden- 
cy to  endanger  the  liberties  of  America  ;  that  Ver- 
mont being  a  free  and  independent  ftate,  had  denied 
the  authority  of  Congrefs  to  judge  of  their  jurifdic- 
tion  ;  that  as  they  were  not  included  in  the  thirteen 
United  States,  if  neceflitated  to  it,  they  were  at  lib- 
erty to  offer  or  accept  terms  of  ceffation  Of  hoftili- 
ties  with  Greatbritain,  without  the  approbation  of 
any  other  man,  01  body  of  men  ;  for,  on  provifo  that 
neither  Congrefs,  nor  the  legillatures  of  thofe  ftates 
which  they  reprefent,  will  fupport  Vermont  in  her 
independence,  but  devote  her  to  the  ufurped  gov- 
ernment of  any  other  power,  fhe  had  not  the  mod 
diftant  motive  to  continue  hoftilities  with  Greatbrit- 
ain, and  maintain  an  important  frontier,  for  the  ben- 
efit of  the  United  States,  and  for  no  other  reward 
than  the  ungrateful  one,  of  being  enflaved  by  them  ; 
but  notwithstanding  the  ufurpations  and  injuflice  of 
neighbouring  governments  towards  Vermont,  and 
the  late  refolutions  of  Congrefs,  from  a  principle  of 
virtue,  and  clofe  attachment  to  the  carufe  of  liberty, 
as  well  as  from  a  thorough  examination  of  their  own 
policy,  they  were  induced  once  more  to  offer  union 
with  tbe  United  States  of  America,  of  which  Con- 
grefs were  the  legal  reprefentative  body."f 

In 

*  Journal  of  Congrefs,  March  4i,  1780,  p.  81,  82.  84. 

i  Gov,  Chittenden's  letter  to  Congrefs,  of  July  25th,  1780, 


256         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

In  September,  there  feems  to  have  been  a  mbrfc 
ferious  attempt,  to  bring  the  contelt  to  fome  deci- 
fion.  The  claims  of  Newhampfhire,  and  Newyork, 
were  put  in  ;  and  both  thefe  flates  pleaded  that 
Vermont  had  no  right  to  independence,  but  belong- 
ed to  them.  The  agents  of  Vermont  were  alfo  pref- 
ent,*  but  were  not  confidered  or  treated  by  Con- 
grefs,  as  the  agents  or  representatives  of  any  date, 
or  of  a  people  inverted  with  legiflative  authority. 
They  announced  their  buGinefs  to  Congrefs,  and  re- 
quelled  that  when  any  debates  came  before  Congrefs,, 
which  might  afFec~l  the  rights,  the  fovereignty,  or  in- 
dependence of  the  flate  of  Vermont,  they  might  be 
admitted  to  be  prefent.  On  September  19th,  they 
received  a  notification  to  attend  Congrefs  that  day, 
on  the  hearing  of  the  queftion  refpecting  the  jurif. 
di£lion  of  the  Newhampfhire  grants.  On  that  day, 
and  the  next,  the  agents  from  Newyoik  exhibited 
their  evidence  to  fliow  that  the  people  on  the  New- 
hampfhire grants,  belonged  to  them,  and  had  no 
right  to  a  feparate  and  independent  jurifdidlion. 
The  queftion  refpedling  the  right  to  jurifdictionj 
Vermont  had  always  refufed  to  fubmit  to  the  deter- 
mination of  Congrefs  :  And  the  agents  were  alarm- 
ed, to  find  by  the  mode  of  proceeding,  that  Congiefs 
was  admitting  evidence  to  decide  this  queftion,  with- 
out admitting  Vermont  as  one  of  the  parties  ;  or 
confidering  her  agents  in  any  other  character,  than 
that  of  private  perfons.  They  eftcemed  it  thtir 
duty,  to  proteft  againfl  the  whole  proceeding  ;  and 
on  September  22d,  they  put  in  a  remonftrance  to 
Congrefs  :  They  declare  they  can  no  longer  fit  as 
idle  fpectitcrs,  without  betraying  the  truft  repofed 
in  them,  and  doing  violence  to  their  own  feelings  ; 
that  by  the  mode  of  trial  which  was  adopted,  the 
flate  ol  Vermont  could  have    no  hearing,   without 

denying 

*  The  Iloncutable  fra  Allen  and  Stephen  R.  Bradley. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  257 

denying  their  own  exiftence,  and  that  they  would  noc 
take  on  themfelves  that  humility  and  felfabafement, 
as  to  lofe  their  political  life  in  order  to  find  it  j  they 
declared  their  readinefs  to  bear  a  full  proportion  in 
all  the  expenfes  of  the  American  war,  until  it  fhould 
be  ended,  and  their  willingnefs  that  one  or  more  of 
the  legiflatures  of  the  independent  dates,  fhould  in- 
terpofe  as  mediators,  and  fettle  the  difpute  j  but  rep- 
robate every  idea  of  Congrefs  fitting,  as  a  court  of 
judicature,  to  determine  the  difpute  by  virtue  of  au- 
thority given  them,  by  the  aft  or  acts  of  the  ftate  or 
ftates,  which  made  but  one  party  ;  they  conclude 
with  obferving,  that  if  the  matter  is  thus  purfued, 
they  (land  ready  to  appeal  to  God  and  the  world, 
who  muft  be  accountable  for  the  awful  confequences 
that  may  enfue.* — Having  heard  the  evidence  on  the 
part  of  Newhampfhire,  on  September  27th,  Congrefs 
refolved  that  the  further  confideration  of  the  fubject 
fhould  be  poftponed.f 

At  no  time  had  the  fpirit  of  parties  run  higher, 
than  at  this  period.  During  the  whole  of  this  trial, 
it  does  not  appear  that  either  of  the  contending  par- 
ties, had  any  ideas  of  conciliatory  meafures  ;  all  feem 
to  have  been  determined  to  effect  their  purpofes  : 
And  although  Vermont  was  not  admitted  to  appear 
as  one  of  the  parties  before  Congrefs,  her  expecta- 
tions and  profpects,  had  at  no  time  been  fo  high. 
She  well  understood  the  ground,  on  which  fheftocd; 
and  it  was  generally  believed  in  the  other  ftates,  thai: 
fome  of  her  leading  men  would  incline  to  join  with 
Canada,  and  make  the  befi:  terms  they  could  with 
the  Britifh  government,  if  no  alternative  was  held  out 
to  them,  but  fubmiffion  to  the  government  of  New- 
I  i  york. 

*  Remonftrance  of  Ira  Allen  and    Stephen  R.  Bradley  to 
Congrefs,  September  22,  1780. 

+  Journal  of  Congrefs.  September  13.  19,  2c.    zj,  1780,  p. 

j8*§ — 197, 


25^        thb  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

york.  In  this  flate  of  the  parties  it  was  as  danger- 
ous to  the  American  caufe,  to  decide  againft  Ver- 
mont, as  againft  Newhampfhire,  or  Newyork.  Con* 
grefs  felt,  and  wifely  endeavoured  to  avoid  the  dif- 
ficulty :  A  queftion  was  made,  whether  Congrefs 
had  any  power  to  form  a  new  ftate,  within  the  lim- 
its of  the  union. — Thofe  who  remember  the  viru- 
lence of  thefe  parties,  and  the  precarious  fituation 
of  the  American  conteft  at  that  time,  will  not  won- 
der that  Congrefs  found  reafons,  to  avoid  coming  to 
any  decifion  at  that  period  ;  for  no  decifion  could 
frave  been  made,  that  would  not  have  proved  high- 
ly irritating  to  fome  of  thofe  ftates,  already  too  much, 
inflamed,  by  the  violence,  and  duration  of  the  con- 
troverfy. 

Difappointed  in  her  expectations  of  admiSon 
into  the  federal  union,  and  alarmed  by  the  meafurea 
that  were  purfued  by  Newhamplhire  and  Newyoik, 
Vermont  now  endeavoured  to  increafe  her  own  in- 
ternal flrength,  by  purfuing  the  fame  meafures,.  that 
had  been  adopted  by  thofe  ftates,  of  claiming  jurif- 
di&ion. — Mod  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  towns  in 
the  weftern  parts  of  Newhampfhire,  were  defirous 
of  being  |hnexed  to  the  government  of  Vermont  : 
There  were  others,  who  wiftied  to  fupport  the  New- 
hampfhire claim,  and  aimed  to  extend  her  jurifdic- 
tion  over  the  whole  of  Vermont.  A  convention 
was  propofed,  and  letters  were  fent  by  feveral  influ- 
ential men  in  the  intereft  of  Newhampfliire,  inviting 
fthe  weftern  towns  to  fend  reprefentatives,  to  attend  a 
convention  at  Charlcftown.  Th^convention  washeld 
January  iSth,  1781  j  and  confided  of  representatives 
irom  forty  three  towns.  To  the  difappointment  of 
thofe  who  had  propofed  the  mcafure,  a  large  major- 
ity of  the  convention,  appeared  to  be  in  favour  of 
joining  with  the  government  of  Vermont.  A  com- 
mittee was  appointed  to  confer  with  her  aflembly, 
on  that  fubjeci  ;  And  on  February  10th,  the  com- 
mittee 


HISTORY  o?  VERMONT.  259 

mittee  informed  the  aflembly,  then  fitting  at  Wind- 
for,  that   "  the  convention  of  the    Newhampfhira 
towns,  was  defirous  of  being  united  with  Vermont, 
in  one  feparate  independent  government,  upon  fuch 
principles  as  mould  be  mutually  thought  the  moft 
equitable  and  beneficial  to  the  whole."     In  confe- 
rence of  this  application,  the  legiflature  refolved, 
on  February  14th,  that  "  in  order  to  quiet  the  pref- 
ent  disturbances  on  the  two  (ides  of  the  river  (Con- 
necticut) and  the  better  to  enable  the  inhabitants  on 
the  two  (ides  of  faid  river  to  defend  their  frontier, 
the  legiflature  of  this  ftate,   do  lay  a  jurifdiElional 
claim  to  all  the  lands  whatever,  eaft  of  Connecticut 
river,  north  of  the  Maflachufetts,  weft  of  the  Ma  fori 
line,  and  fouth  of  latitude  450  ;  and  that  they  do 
not  exercife  jurifdiction  for  the  time  being.'  *     The 
convention  of  the  Newhampfhire  towns,  was   then 
fitting  at  Cornifh,  on  the  oppofite  fide  of  the  river  ; 
and  on  February   2 2d,   the  articles  of  union  were 
agreed  upon,  and  confirmed  ;  and  the  affembly   of 
Vermont  refolved,  that  they  fhould  be  held  facred.* 
A  petition  had  alfo  been  received  from  a  number 
of  the  inhabitants  in  the  adjacent  parts  of  Newyork, 
praying  that  Vermont  would  afford  them  'protection 
againft  the  enemy  in  Canada,  and  receive  them  into 
union  with  her,  that  their  forces  might  be  mutually 
joined  for  the  defence  of  the  frontiers  ;  informing  at 
the  fame  time,  that  if  their  petition  was  rejected, 
they  muft  remove  with  their  families  and  effe&s,  in- 
to the  interiour  parts  of  the  country  for  fafety.  This 
petition  of  the  inhabitants,  the  neceffity  of  defend- 
ing the  frontiers,  and  the  meafures   Newyork  were 
purfuing  to  fubdue  Vermont,  were  affigned  as   rea- 
ibns  by  the   legiflature,  why   Vermont  ought  to   re- 
ceive thofe  inhabitants,  into  her  union  :  According- 
ly on  Feb.  14th,  it  was   refolved,  "that  the  legifla- 
ture 
v*  Journal  Qf  the  affembly  of  Vermont,  Vol,  I.  p.  356, 


s6o        to  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

ture  of  this  ftate,  do  lay  a  jurifdi&ional  claim,  to  all 
the  land  fituate  north  of  the  north  line  of  the  itate 
of  Maflfachufetts,  and  extending  the  lame  to  Hud- 
ion's  river  ;  the  eaft  of  the  center  of  the  deepeft  chan- 
nel of  laid  river,  to  the  head  thereof  ;  from  thence 
eaft  of  a  north  line,  being  extended  to  latitude 
45°  ;  and  fouth  of  the  fame  line,  including  all  the 
lands  and  waters  to  the  place  where  this  itate  now 
exercile  jurifdicTion. — And  not  to  exercife  juritdic- 
tion  for  the  time  being."* 

Thus,  while  Newhampfhire  and  Newyork  were 
extending  their  claims  over  the  whole  territory  of 
Vermont,  Vermont  adopted  the  fame  policy  ;  and  in 
conformity  to  the  petition  of  the  inhabitants,  extend- 
ed her  claim  over  a  large  part  of  the  territory  of  both 
thefe  Hates. 

Great  fuccefs  attended  this  policy  :  Not  only  the 
iixteen  towns  in  Newhampfhire  which  had  former- 
ly joined,  but  thole  in  Vermont  which  had  been  dif- 
afFecTed  upon  the  diMolution  of  the  former  union, 
and  thofe  that  had  been  attached  to  Newyork,  im- 
mediately joined  in  the  meafure.  Mod  of  the  towns 
in  the  adjacent  counties  of  Chefhire,  and  Grafton, 
in  Newhampfhire,  declared  for  the  union  :  And  at 
a  feffion  of  the  alTembly  of  Vermont  in  April,  thirty 
five  towns  in  the  weflern  parts  of  Newhampfhire, 
were  reprefented. — The  adjacent  fettlements  in  New- 
york generally  embraced  the  fame  meafures,  and 
ieveral  petitions  were  received  from  their  inhabitants 
at  this  feffion  of  the  alTembly,  requefling  the  legif- 
lature  of  Vermont,  to  exercife  jurifdiclion  over  them 
without  any  further  delay.  A  committee  was  ap- 
pointed by  the  alTembly,  to  confer  with  a  conven- 
tion of  thofe  diftricTs  ;  and  on  May  15th,  articles  of 
union  were  agreed  to,  by  the  reprefentatives  of 
twelve  diflricTs  in  Newyork,  and  the  committee  from 

Vermont. 
*  Journal  of  the  alTembly  of  Vermont,  Vol.  I,  Feb,  141  178^ 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  261 

Vermont.  On  the  i6ih  of  June,  thefe  articles  were 
confirmed  by  thclegiflature,  and  reprefentatives  from 
ten  of  the  dilliicts  took  their  feats  in  the  aflembly  of 
Vermont.* 

Many  circumftances  had  combined,  to  produce 
this  union  of  the  people,  in  favour  of  Vermont ;  and 
one  of  a  lingular  nature,  had  ferved  to  reconcile  thofe, 
who  had  been  unfriendly  to  the  caufe  of  America; 
it  was  generally  believed  that  negotiations,  were  at 
this  period,  carried  on  between  fome  of  the  leading 
men  in  Vermont,  and  the  Biitifh  generals  in  Cana- 
da, and  Newyork.  This  report  ferved  to  engage  the 
adherents  to  Britifh  government,  to  efpoufe  the  meaf- 
ures  of  the  new  flate  :  And  iuch  was  the  increafe  of 
numbers,  popularity,  and  power,  which  Vermont 
had  now  acquired,  that  (he  had  in  fact  nothing  to 
fear  from  the  power,  or  from  the  policy  of  her  op- 
pofers  :  And  notwithilanding  the  refolves  of  Con- 
grefs,  the  aflembly  proceeded  to  make  grants  of  their 
lands,  without  paying  any  regard  to  the  grants  which 
had  been  made  by  Newyork;  thofe  only  excepted, 
which  had  been  made  in  confirmation  of  the  former 
grants  from  Newhampfhire. 

From  theie  contefls  refpecting  Vermont,  the  Brit- 
ifh generals  and  minifters  conceived  high  expecta- 
tions, that  they  mould  be  able  to  derive  great  ad- 
vantages. Unacquainted  with  the  feelings,  the  views, 
or  the  fpirit  of  a  people,  contending  for  freedom, 
they  calculated  upon  the  fyflem  of  corruption  ;  and 
had  no  doubt  but  they  (hould  find  a  people  in  Ver- 
mont, that  they  could  feduce  from  their  attachment 
to  the  American  caufe,  and  unite  to  the  Britifh  gov- 
ernment. With  this  view  they  entered  upon  meaf- 
ures,  to  perfuade  Vermont  to  become  a  Britifh  prov- 
ince. 

The 
*  Journal  of  the  aflembly  of  Vermont,  Vol,  I,  June  16,  1781. 


262  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

The  wifh  and  aim  of  the  Britifh  general  in  New- 
york,  was  firft  announced  in  a  letter  from  Col.  Bev. 
Robinfon,  to  Ethan  Allen,  at  that  time  a  Colonel 
in  the  American  fervice.  The  letter  was  dated  New- 
york,  March,  30th,  J780;  and  delivered  to  Allen  in 
the  Itreet  at  Arlington,  in  July,  by  a  Britifh.  foldier 
in  the  habit  of  an  American  farmer.  In  this  letter 
Robinfon  began  the  bulinefs,  thus,  "  lam  now  un- 
dertaking a  taflc,  which  I  hope  you  will  receive  with 
the  fame  good  intention,  that  inclines  me  to  make  it. 
I  have  often  been  informed  that  you,  and  mod  of 
the  inhabitants  of  Vermont,  are  oppofed  to  the  wild 
and  chimerical  fcheme  of  the  Americans,  in  attempt' 
ing  to  feparate  this  continent  from  Greatbritain,  and 
to  eftablifh  an  independent  (late  of  their  own  ;  and 
that  you  would  willingly  aflift  in  uniting  America 
again  to  Greatbritain,  and  reftoring  that  happy  con- 
flitution  we  have  fo  wantonly  and  unadvifedly  de- 
flroyed.  If  I  have  been  rightly  informed,  and  thefe 
fhould  be  your  fentiments  and  inclination,  I  beg  you 
will  communicate  to  me,  without  referve,  whatever 
propofals  you  would  wifh  to  make  to  the  command- 
er in  chief;  and  I  hereby  promife  that  I  will  faith- 
fully lay  them  before  him,  according  to  your  direc- 
tions, and  flatter  myfelf,  1  can  do  it  to  as  good  effect 
as  any  perfon  whatever.  I  can  make  no  propofals 
to  you,  until  I  know  your  fentiments,  but  think  up- 
on your  taking  an  active  part,  and  embodying  the 
inhabitants  of  Vermont  in  favour  of  the  crown  of 
England,  to  a£i  as  the  commander  in  chief  fhall  di- 
rect, that  you  may  obtain  a  feparate  government, 
under  the  king  and  conflitution  of  England,  and  the 
men,  formed  into  regiments  under  fuch  officers  as 
you  fin II  recommend,  be  on  the  fame  footing  as  all 
the  provincial  corps  are. — If  you  fhould  think  prop- 
er to  fend  a  friend  of  your  own,  here,  with  propofals 
to  the  general,  he  (hall  be  protected,  and  well  treat- 
ed here,  and  allowed  to  return  whenever  he  pleaf- 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  26*3 

cs."* — On  the  receipt  of  this  letter,  Allen  immedi- 
ately communicated  it  to  the  governor,  and  a  num- 
ber of  the  principal  gentlemen  in  Vermont ;  who  a- 
greed  in  opinion,  that  it  was  mod  prudent  not  to 
return  any  anfwer,  but  to  let  the  matter  pafs  into 
oblivion. 

On  Feb.  2d,  1781,  Robinfon  wrote  another  letter 
to  Allen,  including  a  copy  of  the  former,  which  he 
fuppofed  had  been  mifcarried,  as  he  had  not  receiv- 
ed any  anfwer.  In  this  he  writes,  "  The  frequent 
accounts  we  have  had  for  three  months  paft,  from 
your  part  of  the  country,  confirms  me  in  the  opin- 
ion I  had  of  your  inclination  to  join  the  king's  caufe, 
and  to  aifift  in  reftoring  America,  to  her  former 
peaceable  and  happy  conftitution.  This  induces 
me  to  make  another  trial,  in  fending  this  to  you  ; 
efpeciaiiy  as  1  can  now  write  with  more  authority, 
and  allure  you,  that  you  may  obtain  the  terms  men- 
tioned in  the'  above  letter,  provided  you,  and  the 
people  of  Vermont  take  a  decifive  and  active  part 
with  us."t — He  requefts  an  anfwer,  and  that  fome 
method  might  be  pointed  out,  for  carrying  on  a  cor- 
refpondence  for  the  future ;  and  information,  in  what 
manner  the  people  of  Vermont  could  be  the  moft 
ferviceable  to  the  Britifh  government,  "  either  by  act- 
ing with  the  northern  army,  or  to  meet  and  join  an 
army  from  Newyork." 

Allen  returned  no  anfwer  to  either  of  thefe  letters, 
but  on  March  9th,  1781,  inclofed  them  in  a  letter 
to  Congrefs,  informing  them  of  all  the  circumflances 
which  had  attended  the  bulinefs.  In  his  letter  to 
that  body,  he  made  feveral  obfervations,  juftifying 
the  conduct,  of  Vermont,  afferting  her  right  to  inde- 
pendence, and  exprefiing  his  determinate  refolution, 
to  do  every  thing  in  his  power  to  eftablifh  it.     Con- 

fcious 

*  Copy  of  Robinfon's  letter,  by  E,  Allen. 

t  Copy  of  Robinfon's  letter  of  Feb,  2,  1781,  by  E,  Allen, 


264         thr  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

fcious  of  his  own  integrity,  and  fenfible  that  his  ao* 
tivity  and  fufferings  in  che  caufe  of  his  country,  were 
known  to  all  America,  he  wrote  in  this  llyle  ;  "  I 
am  confident  that  Congrefs  will  not  difpute  my  fin- 
cere  attachment  to  the  caufc  of  my  country,  though 
I  do  not  hefitate  to  fay,  I  am  fully  grounded  in  opin- 
ion, that  Vermont  has  an  indubitable  right  to  agree 
on  terms  of  a  ceffation  of  hollilities  with  Greatbritain, 
provided  the  United  States  perfift  in  rejecting  her 
application  for  a  union  with  them  :  For  Vermont, 
of  all  people  would  be  the  moft  miferable,  were  fhe 
obliged  to  defend  the  independence  of  the  United 
claiming  States,  and  they,  at  the  fame  time,  at  full 
liberty  to  overturn,  and  ruin  the  independence  of 
Vermont.  I  am  perfuaded,  when  Congrefs  confid- 
cr  the  circumftances  of  this  ftate,  they  will  be  more 
furprized  that  1  have  tranfmitted  them  the  inclofed 
letters,  than  that  I  have  kept  them  in  cuftody  fo 
long  ;  for  I  am  as  refolutely  determined  to  defend  the 
independence  of  Vermont,  as  Congrefs  are,  that  of 
the  United  States  ;  and  rather  than  fail,  will  retire 
with  hardy  Green  Mountain  Boys,  into  the  defolate 
caverns  of  the  mountains,  and  wage  war  with  hu- 
man nature  at  large."* 

An  event  took  place  in  the  fpving  of  the  year  178c, 
tv'hich  furnifhed  the  Biitifli  with  an  opportunity,  to 
make  a  (imtlar  attempt  from  Canada.  A  number 
of  men  had  been  made  prifoners  in  a  defcent,  which 
the  Biitifli  made  upon  Royalton,  in  the  month  of 
May.  Their  friends  applied  to  governor  Chittenden 
to  fend  a  fLg  into  Canada,  to  negociate  their  releafe, 
or  exchange.  The  governor  complied  with  their 
requelt,  and  in  the  month  of  July,  a  flag  was  lent 
with  a  letter  to  the  commandm*  officer  in  Canada. 
In  the  fall,  the  Britifh  came  up  Lake  Champlain,  in 
great  force:  The  commanding  officer  brought  a  very 

favourable 

*E.  Allen's  letter  to  the  pieRJcnt  of  Congrefs,  March  9th,  1781. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  i&$ 

Favourable  anfwer  from  general  Haldimand,  to  Gov- 
ernor Chittenden's  letter;  and  fent  a  flag  to  Ethan 
Allen,  then  a  brigadiergeneral,  and  commanding 
officer  in  Vermont,  propoling  a  ceiTation  of  fibftilf- 
ties  with  Vermont,  during  a  negociation  for  the  ex- 
change of  prifoners.  Alien  agreed  to  the  propofal, 
upon  condition  that  it  fhould  extend  to  the  adja- 
cent frontiers  of  Newyork.  The  Britifti  officer  ap- 
peared to  be  unwilling  to  treat  with  any  part  of  A- 
merica,  but  Vermont  ;  but  finally  agreed  to  every- 
thing, which  Allen  propofed. 

Before  the  enemy  retired  into  their  winter  quar- 
ters, Colonel  Ira  Allen,  and  Major  Jofeph  Fay, 
were  appointed  by  the  governor  of  Vermont,  com- 
miffioyners  to  negociate  the  propofed  exchange  of 
prifoners.  They  proceeded  to  treat  with  the  Brit- 
iffa  agents,  Captain  [.  Sherwood  and  George  Smyth, 
on  this  fubjecl:.  The  Britiffi  agents  availed  them- 
felves  of  this  opportunity,  to  explain  their  views,  to 
make  their  propofals,  and  to  offer  as  complete  an 
eftablifhment  for  Vermont,  from  the  royal  authority, 
as  fhould  be  defired.  The  cornmitTioners  from  Ver- 
mont  treated  the  propofals  with  affability,  and  good 
humour  ;  and  though  they  avoided  bringing  any 
thing  to  a  decifion,  the  Britifh  concluded,  they  were 
in  a  fair  away  to  effecl;  their  purpofes  ;  and  J  he 
campaign  ended,  without  any  further  hoflilitics  to 
Vermont. 

The  next  year,  the  Britiflh  entered  upon  the  bu  - 
finefs,  with  high  expectations  of  fuccefs  ;  and  it  \\f«& 
the  intereft  of  Vermont,  not  to  undeceive  then  ,. 
Newyork  had  withdrawn  their  troops,  from  the  pbfc 
at  Skeenfborough  ;  all  the  continental  troops,  bad. 
been  ordered  out  of  the  territory  ;  and  the  adjacent 
Hates,  did  not  afford  them  any  affiftance.  The  peo- 
ple of  Vermont  were  expofed  to  the  whole  force  of 
the  enemy  in  Canada,  and  had  neither  magazines, 
money,  or  an  army,  to  oppofe  to  the  enemy  at  thy 
K  k  northward, 


&66  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

northward,  who  were  feven  thoufand  fhong.  No 
way  of  fafety  remained  for  Vermont,  but  to  endeav- 
our to  effect  that  by  policy,  which  could  not  be  done 
by  power.  The  cabinet  council  concluded,  that  they 
were  defignedly  forfaken  by  the  continent,  to  force 
them  into  a  fubmiffion  to  Newyork  ;  and  that  it  was 
clearly  their  duty,  to  provide  for  the  fafety  of  the 
people,  in  the  only  way  that  remained,  by  manag- 
ing the  Britiih  attempts  to  corrupt  them,  to  their 
own  advantage.* 

On  May  ill,  Colonel  Ira  Allen  was  fent  to  Can- 
ada, with  a  commiffion  to  negociate  the  exchange  of 
prifoners.  The  Britifh  agents  concluded,  that  the 
day  of  their  complete  fuccefs,  was  at  hand  :  They 
complied  with  every  thing  which  Allen  required  ; 
and  urged  inceffantly  to  have  Vermont  declare  itfelf 
a  Britifh  province  ;  with  affurances,  that  every  thing 
fhe  could  afk  for  mould  be  granted  by  the  Britifli 
generals,  and  confirmed  by  the  king,  in  the  molt 
amole  manner.  Colonel  Allen  was  fully  equal  to 
the  bufinefs,  which  had  been  en  t  rutted  to  him  ;  and 
both  he,  and  his  employers,  were  among  the  firmeft 
friends  to  the  independence  of  Vermont,  and  of 
America.  With  a  lingular  talent  at  negociation,  he 
fuffered  the  Britifh  agents  to  deceive  themfelves  with 
an  idea  of  their  own  fuccefs,  and  completely  effect- 
ed his  own  views,  in  leading  the  enemy  into  an 
agreement,  that  no  hoftilities  fhould  be  commenced 
againft  the  Hate  of  Vermont. — In  July,  M.ijor  jo- 
feph  Fay  was  fent  to  the  enemy  on  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  and  completed  an  exchange  of  prifoners  : 
And  in  September,  Allen  and  Fay,  had  another  con- 
ference with  the  Britifh  agents  ;  which  like  the 
former,  left  fhe  Britifh  in  high  expectations  of  mak- 
ing Vermont  a  Britifh  province  ;  and  procured  to 

Vermont 

*  Governor  Chitfenderv^ettcr  to  General  Walkin&tor,  of 
November  14th,  1 7S 1 .      ^r 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  267 

Vermont  the  fofid  advantages,  that  the  enemy  avoid- 
ed all  hoftilities  againft  her,  and  returned  all  her  in- 
habitants, which  had  been  taken  prifoners. 

On  October  19th,  1781,  Lord  Cornwallis  furren- 
dered  with  his  army  to  General  Wafliington.     When 
the  news  of  this  important  event  arrived,  the  gener- 
al aflembly  of  Vermont  were  fitting  at  Charleftown. 
The  enemy  had  come  up  the  lake  with  a  large  force, 
and  were  then  at  Tyconderoga.     They  had  con- 
cluded, that  their  bufinefs  was  fo  far  effected   with 
Vermont,  that  they  might  make  an  open  proclama- 
tion of  their  defigns- and  offers.     Their  agents  had 
accordingly  brought  with  them,  a  number  of  printed 
proclamations,  announcing  the   royal  offers  to  the 
people  of  Vermont,  and  inviting  them  to  unite,  and 
become  very  happy,  as  a  royal  province,   under  the 
king's  government.     The  Britifh  agents  fent  on  their 
letters  to    Charleftown,    announcing   the    meafutes 
they  were  purfuing,  and  propofing   to  publiih   and 
difperfe  their  proclamations,  immediately  among  the 
people.     They  were  told  in  anfwer,  that  the  news 
of  CornwalhVs  furrender,  would  render  fuch  a  Hep 
extremely  dangerous,  and  was  the  fure  way  to  pre- 
vent all  profpe£l  of  fuccefs  •  and   that   they  mult 
wait,  until  time  fhould  determine,  what  was  practi- 
cable and   prudent. — Mortified   by    the   difafter  of 
Cornwallis,  but  comforted  with  groundlefs  expecta- 
tions and  hopes,  they  returned  in  a  peaceable   man- 
ner down  the  lake,   and  went   into   winter   quarters, 
without  having  done  any  injury  to  Vermont,  through 
the  whole  campaign. 

In  the  winter  of  1782,  the  enemy  in  Canada, 
were  extremely  impatient  to  know,  what  effecl;  the 
furrender  of  Cornwallis  had  produced  on  the  minds 
of  the  people  of  Vermont.  In  February  and  in 
April,  the  Britilh  agents  wrote  in  the  mod  preffing 
terms,  for  information.  Their  anxiety  and  views 
will  beft  appear,  from  the  flyle  of  their  letters  :  The 

following 


sC8         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

following  extract,  is  from  a  letter  from  one  of  the 
Britifh  agents,  dated  28ih  February  1782,  "  My 
anxiety  to  hear  from  you,  induced  me  to  apply  to 
his  excellency  [General  llaldimandj  for  leave  to 
fend  ihe  bearer,  with  this ;  which  having  obtained, 
I  eameftlv  requeft  you  to  fend  me  in  the  mod  can- 
did, unreferved  manner,  the  prefent  withes -and  in- 
tentions, of  the  people,  and  leading  men  of  your 
jftate,  refpecting  our  former  negociations  ;  and  what 
crTeci  the  late  cataftrophe  of  Lord  Cornwallis,  has 
on  them. — Will  it  not  be  well  to  confider,  the 
many  chances  and  viciffiiudes  of  war  ?  However 
brilliant  the  laft  campaign  may  appear,  the  next  may 
wear  a  very  different  alpecx  :  Add  to  this,  the  great 
probability  of  your  being  ruined,  by  your  haughty 
neighbours,  elated  by  (what  they  call)  a  fignal  vic- 
tory ;  and  I  hope  you  will  fee  as  I  do,  that  it  is 
more  than  ever  your  intereft,  to  unite  yourfelves 
with  thole,  who  wifli  to  make  you  a  happy  and  free 
government.  Will  there  be  a  proper  time  to  fend 
ihe  proclamations  ?  I  repeat  my  requeft,  that  you 
•will  tell  me,  without  referve,  what  may  be  expected 
in  future  " 

On  the  22d  of  April,  the  Lritifh  agents  write  in 
this  ftyle,  "  In  confidence,  we  take  this  opportunity 
to  acquaint  you,  by  the  authority  of  his  Excellency 
General  Haldimand,  that  he  is  ftill  inclined  to  treat 
amicably  with  the  people  of  Vermont  ;  and  thefe 
Jiis  generous  and  humane  inclinations,  are  now  fec- 
onded  by  much  flronger  powers  from  his  Majefty, 
than  he  has  hitherto  enjoyed  for  that  purpofe. — We 
do  in  confidence',  officially  allure  you,  that  every  ar- 
ticle propofed  to  you  in  his  excellency's  former  of- 
fer, as  well  as  the  confirmation  of  the  eaft  and  weft 
unions,  in  their  utmoft  limits,  will  be  amply  and 
punctually  complied  with. — We  hope,  your  anfwer 
may  be  fuch,  as  to  unburden  our  anxious  minds." 
Extremely  fearful  about  the  event,  and  impatient  at 

not 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  269 

not  receiving  an  anfwer,  on  April  30th,  they  wrote 
again,  an,d  carried  their  offers  and  promifes  to  a^ftill 
greater  extent  :  "  His  excellency  has  never  loft  fight 
of  his  ilrft  object  ;  and  I  am  happy  to  be  able  in 
this,  to  inform  you,  that  the  general  has  lately  re- 
ceived by  way  of  Halifax,  full  powers  from  the  king 

to  eflablifh    V 1    government,   including    the 

full  extent  of  the  eafl  and  weft  unions,  with  every 
privilege  and  immunity,  formerly  proffered  to  you  ; 
and  he  is  likewife  fully  authorized,  as  well  as  fin- 
cerely  inclined,  to  provide  amply  for  ****#,  and 
to  make  *  #  *  *-  *  brigadiergeneral  in  the  line, 
##*####**  *  field,  officers,  with  fuch  other  re- 
wards, as  your  fincerity,  and  good  fervices  in  bring- 
ing about  the  revolution,  may  in  future  merit.  In 
fhort,  the  general  is  veiled  with  full  powers,  to  make 
fuch  rewards,  as  he  fhall  judge  proper,  to  all  thofe, 
who  diftinguifh  themfelves,  in  promoting  the  happy 
union  :  And  as  his  excellency  has  the  greatefl  con- 
fidence in  you,  and  *  *  *  *  *,  much  will  depend  on 
your  recommendations." 

In  July,  Colonel  Ira  Allen  was  fent  again  into 
Canada,  with  a  letter  from  the  governor  of  Vermont, 
to  General  Haldimand,  rcquefling  the  releafe  of  two 
officers,  belonging  to  Vermont,  who  were  then  prif- 
oners  in  Canada.  The  Britifh  agents  were  uncom- 
monly defirous,  of  bringing  their  negociations  with 
Vermont,  to  an  immediate  decifion.  All  the  arts  of 
negociation  were  employed,  on  the  one  hand,  to 
perfuade  Vermont,  to  declare  herfelf  a  Britifh  prov- 
ince ;  and,  on  the  other,  to  avoid  this  ilep,  without 
bringing  on  a  renewal  of  hoflilities.  A  fecret  treaty 
was  offered,  and  much  urged  :  And  in  the  event, 
Haldimand  agreed  to  continue  the  fufpenlion  of 
hoflilities  ;  and  wrote  a  very  friendly  letter  to  Gov- 
ernor Chittenden,  fully  complying  with  his  requeft 
of  liberating  the  prifoners,  and  announcing  his  pa- 
cific dilpofition  towards  Vermont,  in  this  unequivo- 
cal 


270  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

cal  manner  :  "  You  may  reft  aflured  that  I  fhall 
give  fuel)  orders,  as  will  effectually  prevent  hofliii- 
ties  or  any  kind,  being  exercifed  in  the  diftricT:  of 
Vermont,  until  fuch  time  as  a  breach  on  your  part, 
cr  fome  general  event,  may  make  the  contrary  my 
duty.  And  you  have  my  authority,  to  promulgate, 
in  fuch  manner,  as  you  fhall  think  lit,  this  my  inten- 
tion to  the  people  of  the  (aid  dirTrici,  that  they  may, 
without  any  apprebenfion,  continue  to  encourage 
and  promote  the  fettlement  and  cultivation  of  that 
new  country,  to  the  intereft  and  happinefs  of  them- 
felves,  and  their  pcfterity."* 

With  this,  year,  the  war,  and  the  negociations, 
came  to  an  end  ;  leaving  favourable  impreflions  on 
the  government  of  Canada,  towards  Vermont.  Th£ 
Jaft  letter  the  Britifh  agents  wrote  upon  the  bufinefs, 
was  on  March  25th,  1783  ;  before  the  news  of  the 
peace,  was  officially  known,  or  fully  believed  in 
Canada.  Their  views  and  fentiments,  at  that  pe- 
riod, were  thus  expreffed,  "  I  am  commanded  to  ac- 
quaint you,  that  actuated  from  the  beginning,  by  a 
uncere  defire  of  ferving  you,  and  your  people,  as 
well  as  of  promoting  the  royal  caule,  by  reuniting 
you  with  the  mother  country,  his  excellency  never 
loft  an  opportunity  of  reprefenting  every  circum- 
ftari.Ce  that  could  be  advanced  in  your  favour,  to  the 
king's  mimflers,  in  the  hope  of  accomplishing  a  rec- 
onciliation.— His  excellency  will  continue  by  fuch 
reprefentations,  to  do  all  in  his  power,  to  ferve  you, 
but  what  eJTec"l  it  may  have,  at  this  late  period,  is 
very  uncertain.  While  his  excellency  fincerely  re- 
grets the  happy  moment,  which  it  is  much  to  be 
feared,  cannot  be  recalled,  of  reftoring  to  you  the 
bleflings  of  the  Uritifh  government,  and  views  with 
concern  the  fatal  confequences   approaching,   which 

he 

*  Haldimand's  letter  to  Governor  Chittenden,  datej  Que- 
bec, 8-ih  Auguft,  1782. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  271 

he  has  fo  long,  and  fo  frequently  predicted,  from 
your  procraftination,  he  derives  fome  fatisfaftion 
from  a  confcioufnefs  of  not  having  omitted  a  circum- 
ftance,  which  could  tend  to  your  perfuafion,  and 
adoption  of  his  defired  purpofe.  In  the  prefent 
uncertain  ftate  of  affairs,  uninformed  as  his  excel- 
lency is,  of  what  is  doing,  or  perhaps  done,  in  a  gen- 
eral accommodation,  he  does  not  think  fit,  until  the 
refult  mall  be  known,  to  give  any  opinion,  which 
may  influence  you,  perhaps  to  the  prejudice  of  your 
interefts,  or  that  might  interfere  with  the  views  of 
government.  If  the  report  now  prevailing,  has  any 
foundation,  a  very  fliort  time  will  determine  the  fate 
of  Vermont. — Should  any  thing  favourable  prefent., 
you  may  Hill  depend  on  his  excellency's  utmoft  en- 
deavours, for  your  falvation." 

Thus  terminated  a  controverfy,  which  occafioned 
many  and  various  conjectures,  at  the  time  when  it 
was  carried  on.  On  the  part  of  the  Britifh,  it  con- 
fided of  conflant  attempts  and  endeavours  to  per- 
fuade  the  leading  men  of  Vermont,  to  renounce  their 
allegiance  to  the  ftates  of  America,  and  become  a 
Britifh  province.  On  the  part  of  the  gentlemen  of 
Vermont,  the  correfpondence  confifted  of  evafive, 
ambiguous,  general  anfwers  and  propofals  ;  calculat- 
ed, not  to  deftroy  the  Britifh  hopes  of  feduclion,  but 
carefully  avoiding  any  engagements  or  meafures,  that 
could  be  conftrued  to  be  an  aft.  of  the  government  ; 
And  it  had  for  its  object,  a  ceffation  of  hoftilities,  at 
a  time  when  the  ftate  of  Vermont,  deferted  by  the 
continent,  and  unable  to  defend  herfelf,  lay  at  the 
mercy  of  the  enemy  in  Canada. 

Eight  perfons  only  in  Vermont,  were  in  the  fecret 
of  this  correfpondence.  Each  of  them,  were  known 
to  be  among  the  moft  confirmed  friends,  to  the  A- 
merican  caufe.  They  had  avowed  their  fentimentSj 
and  embraced  the  caufe  of  their  country,  from  the 
beginning  of  the  American  war  :  They  had  differed 

feverely* 


9.rz  the.  NATURAL  an*  CIVIL 

feverely,  often  borne  arms,  and  done  every  (lung  in 
their  power,  to  defend  the  independence  of  the 
ftates  :  And  through  the  whole  of  this  correfpon- 
dence,  they  gave  the  moll  decifive  proofs,  that  they 
could  not  be  bought,  or  brided,  by  any  offers  of 
wealth  or  honour. — But  fo  odious  were  the  Britifli 
proceedings  and  government,  at  that  time,  to  the 
people  of  America,  that  it  was  with  difficulty,  the 
people  of  Vermont  could  be  kept  quiet,  under  the 
idea  of  a  correfpondence  carried  on  with  the  Britifh, 
though  known  to  be  defigned  for  their  protection. 
Once  or  twice,  there  were  lmall  infurreclions,  to  de-r 
mand  explanations  :  And  nothing  but  the  well 
known,  and  ftrong  attachment  of  the  gentlemen  con- 
cerned, to  the  independence  of  Vermont  and  of  A- 
merica,  could  have  preferved  them  from  open  vio- 
lence, and  destruction. 

It  may  be  doubted,  how  far  fuch  a  meafure  was 
justifiable,  in  that,  or  in  any  other  (late  of  things. 
On  the  one  hand,  it  may  be  faid,  when  the  fafety  of 
all  America  was  in  question,  and  in  much  danger, 
nothing  ought  to  have  been  done  to  encourage  the 
enemy,  that  they  mould  be  able  to  divide,  and  thus 
fubdue  the' continent.  On  the  other  hand,  it  may 
be  urged,  that  when  thirty  thoufand  people  were  de- 
ferted  by  the  Congrefs,  and  become  the  objects  of 
the  intiigues  and  policy  of  the  adjacent  ftates,  it  wa s 
as  justifiable  and  neceffaVy  for  them,  to  provide  for 
their  fafety,  as  it  was  for  the  reft  of  the  continent. — 
If  there  was  no  other  alternative  for  the  people  of 
Vermont,  than  to  be  divided,  fubdued,  and  delivered 
over  to  the  power  of  their  ancient  enemies  ;  their 
leaders  will  not  be  blamed,  for  taking  neceiTary  and 
adequate  measures,  to  prevent  fuch  an  evil.  In  fuch 
a  fituation,  it  was  fcarcely  poffi'ule  for  the  people  of 
Vermont  to  believe,  that  they  could  be  under  any 
moral  obligation,  to  facrifice  themfelves,  to  procure 
independence   ior    thofe,    who  by  the   act   of  their 

reprefentatives, 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  273 

reprefentatives,  had  rejected  them  from  their  confed- 
eration. 

But  whatever  may  be  thought  refpecting  the  pro- 
priety of  fuch  policy,  the  event  (hewed,  that  the  gen- 
tlemen of  Vermont  had  formed  a  found  judgment, 
with  regard  to  the  effect.  Flattered  with  the  prof- 
peel,  that  they  fhould  draw  off  a  confiderable  part  of 
the  continent,  to  their  government  and  meafures,  the 
Britifh  carefully  avoided  all  hoftilities  againft  Ver- 
mont, reftored  her  prifoners,  forbade  their  troops  to 
enter  or  attack  her  territory,  and  confidered  the  peo- 
ple rather  in  the  light  of  friends*  than  enemies. 
Thus  while  the  Britifh  generals  were  fondly  imag- 
ining that  they  were  deceiving*  corrupting,  and  de- 
ducing the  people  of  Vermont,  by  their  fuperiour 
arts,  addrefs,  and  intrigues  ;  the  wifer  policy  of  eight 
honeft  farmers,  in  rhe  mofl  uncultivated  part  of  A- 
merica,  difarmed  their  northern  troops,  kept  them 
quiet  and  inoffenfive  during  three  campaigns,  affifr.- 
ed  in  fubduing  Cornwallis,  protected  the  northern 
frontiers,  and  finally  faved  a  date. 

Not  only  the  Britifh  generals,  but  fo  much  was 
the  Britifh  government  deceived  by  thefe  appear- 
ances, that  the  minifters  flatt-ered  themfelves,  that 
they  had  nearly  effected  the  defection  of  Vermont 
from  the  American  caufe,  and  drawn  them  over  to 
the  Britifh  intereft.  Lord  George  Germain  was  at 
that  time  minifler  of  ftate,  for  the  American  depart- 
ment. A  letter  which  he  wrote  to  Sir  Henry  Clin- 
ton, commander  of  the  Britifh  troops  in  Newyork, 
was  intercepted  and  carried  into  Philadelphia.  The 
letter  was  dated  Whitehall,  February  7,  1781,  in 
which  he  wrote  thus,  "  The  return  of  the  people  of 
Vermont  to  their  allegiance,  is  an  event  of  the  ut- 
moft  importance  to  the  king's  affairs ;  and  at  this  time 
if  the  French  and  Wafhington  really  meditate  an  ir- 
ruption into  Canada,  may  be  confidered  as  oppofing 
an  unftj.-mountable  bar  to  the  attempt.  General  Haj- 
L  1  dimand, 


274         tub  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

dinnnd,  who  ha^the  fame  inflru&ions  with  you  to 
draw  over  thofe  people,  and  give  them  fupport,  will> 
I  doubt  not,  pufh  up  a  body  of  troops,  to  aft  in 
conjunction  with  them,  to  (ecure  all  the  avenues, 
through  their  country  into  Canada;  and  when  the 
feafon  admits,,  take  poifeffion  of  the  upper  parts  of 
the  Hudfon's  and  Connecticut  rivers,  and  cut  off 
the  communication  between  Albany  and  the  Mo- 
hawks country.  How  far  they  may  be  able  to  extend 
themfelves  fouthward,  or  eaftward,  mud  depend 
on  their  numbers,  and  the  difpofition  of  the  inhabit- 
ants." 

This  letter  was  publifhed  in  the  Pennfylvania 
Packet,  of  Aug.  4th,  1781.  Nothing  could  have 
been  better  fuited  to  promote  the  interefts  of  Ver- 
mont, than  the  ftyle,  and  publication  of  this  letter. 
The  people  of  the  United  States,  had  now  complete 
evidence  that  the  Bmifh  generals  in  Newyork  and 
Canada,  had  orders  to  receive  and  fupport  the  peo- 
ple of  Vermont,  and  that  the  Britifh  miniftry  were 
perfuaded  of  their  difpofition  to  join  the  Bn'tifh  gov- 
ernment. They  faw  at  once,  the  effect,  this  mult 
have  upon  the  American  war,-  and  they  knew  at  the 
fame  time,  that  nothing  was  wanting  to  prevent  it, 
but  to  admit  Vermont  into  the  union  of  the  Rates. 
The  public  opinion  was  now  decidedly  in  favour  of 
this  meafure:  And  it  was  found  that  th?  leaders  of 
Vermont,  were  fully  equal  to  the  bufirtefs  they  had 
undertaken ;  and  while  they  had  acled  with  great 
fpirit  and  firmnefs,  in  every  part  of  the  American 
war,  they  had  difcovered  the  fame  activity  and  in- 
trepidity, in  every  part  of  the  contefl  refpecting  the 
independence  of  their  own  Hate.  No  policj',  it  was 
every  where  urged,  could  be  more  dangerous,  than 
to  hazard  the  fuccefs  of  the  American  caufc,  upon 
a  difpute  with  a  people,  whofe  exertions  had  fully 
fhown  that  they  deferved  all  the  bleflings  of  freedom, 
to  as  great  an  extent  as  any  of  their  neighbours ;  and 

whof=J 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  275 

whofe  ability  and  enterprife  would  not  fail  to  fecure 
it,  in  one  form  /or  another.  What  gave  weight  to 
the  public  opinion,  was  the  general  belief  that  the 
commander  of  the  American  forces,  was  fully  of  the 
fame  opinion. 

The  Congrefs  of  the   United  States   immediately 
took  up  the   matter,  and  formed    their  refolves  in    a 
ftyle  very  different  from  what    they   had  done,    the 
year  before.     Their   refolves    were  officially    trans- 
mitted to  the  legislature  of   Vermont,    and    were   in 
the  following  words :  '*  By  the  United  States  in  Con- 
grefs   aflembled,    Auguft   7,    1781.       Whereas    the 
flates  of  Newhampfhire  and  Newyork  have  Submitted 
to    Congrefs,    the  decifiorT  of  the  difputes    between 
them,  and  the  people  inhabiting  the  Newhampfhire 
grants,  on  the  weft  fide  of   Connecticut  river,  called 
the  flate   of  Vermont,  concerning  their   refpe&ive 
claims  of  jurifdiclion  over  the  faid  territory,  and  have 
been  heard  thereon;   and  whereas  the   people  afore- 
faid  claim  and  exercife  the  powers  of  a  fovereign  in- 
dependent ftate,  and  have  requefted  to  be    admitted 
into  the  federal  union  of  the  United  States  in  Ame- 
rica ;  in  order  thereto,  and  that  they   may  have    an 
opportunity  to  be  heard  in  vindication  of  their  faid 
claim ;  Refolved,    That   a  committee  of  five  be  ap- 
pointed to   confer  with    fuch    perfon  or  perfons,   as 
may  be   appointed  by   the   people  refiding   on   the 
Newhampfhire  grants,  on  the  weft  fide  of  Connecti- 
cut river,  or  by  their  reprefentative  body,  refpecting 
their  claim  to  be  an  independent  ftate  ;  and  on  what 
terms  it  may  be  proper  to  admit  them  into  the  fed- 
eral union  of  thefe  ftates,  in  cafe  the  United  States  in 
Congrefs  afTembled  fhall  determine  to  recognize  their 
independence,  and  thereon  to  make  report. — And  it 
is  hereby  further  recommended  to  the  people  of  the 
territory  aforefajd,  or  their   reprefentative    body,  to 
appoint  an  agent,  or   agents    to  repair   immediately 
£0  Philadelphia  with  full  powers  and  inftru&ions  to 

confer 


276        the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

confer  with  the  faid  committee,  on  the  matters  afore- 
faid,  and  on  behalf  of  the  faid  people  to  agree  upon, 
and  ratify  terms  and  articles  of  union  and  confeder- 
ation with  the  United  States  of  America,  in  cafe  they 
ihall  be  admitted  into  the  union.  And  (he  faid 
committee  are  hereby  inftru&ed  to  give  notice  to  the 
agents  of  the  dates  of  Newhampfhire  and  Newyork, 
to  be  prefent  at  the  conference  aforefaid. 

"  Augufl  20,  1781. — Refolved,  That  it  be  an  in- 
difpenlable  preliminary,  to  the  recognition  of  the 
independence  of  the  people,  inhabiting  the  territory 
called  Vermont,  and  their  admiffion  into  the  federal 
union,  that  they  explicitly  relinquifh  all  demands  of 
lands,  or  jurifdiflion,  on  the  eaft  fide  of  the  weft 
bank  of  Connecticut  river,  and  on  the  weft  fide  of  a 
line  beginning  at  the  northweft  coiner  of  the  ftate 
of  Miiffachufetts,  thence  running  twenty  miles  eaft 
of  Hudfon's  river,  lo  far  as  faid  river  runs  northeaft- 
eily  in  its  general  courfe,  then  by  the  weft  bounds 
or  the  townfhips  granted  by  the  late  government  of 
Newhampfhire,  to  the  river  running  from  South  bay 
to  Lake  Champlain,  thence  along  the  faid  river  to 
JLake  Champlain,  thence  along  the  waters  of  Lake 
Champlain  to  the  latitude  forty  five  degrees  north, 
excepting  a  neck  of  land,  between  Miffiikoy  bay,  and 
the  waters  or  Lake  Champlain."* 

With  thefe  refolves  of  Congrefs,  a  verbal  meflage 
was  fent  by  General  Walhington  to  Governor  Chit- 
tenden, defiring  to  know  what  were  the  real  defigns, 
views,  and  intentions  of  the  people  of  Vermont  : 
Whether  they  would  be  fatisfied  with  the  indepen- 
dence, propofed  by  Congrefs  ;  or  had  it  ferioully  in 
contemplation,  to  join  with  the  enemy,  and  become 
a  Britifh  province.  The  governor  returned  an  un- 
equivocal, and  decifive  anfwer.  That  there  were  no 
people  on  the  continent,  more  attached  to  the  caufe 

of 
*  Journal  of  Congrers,  Aug.  7th,  and  20th,  1781,  p,  i66t  tyQ^ 


HISTORY  op  VERMONT.  277 

of  America,  than  the  people  of  Vermont;  but  that 
they  were  fully  determined,  not  to  be  put  under  the 
government  of  Newyork,  that  they  would  oppofe 
this  by  force  of  arms,  and  would  join  with  the  Brit- 
ifh  in  Canada,  rather  than  to  fubmit  to  that  govern- 
ment.* 

In  October,  the  general  aflfembly  of  Vermont,  met 
at  Charleftown  in  Newhampihire,  The  refolutions 
of  Congrefs  were  laid  before  them  ;  but  although  the 
refolves  held  out  all  that  Vermont  had  at  firft  claim- 
ed, or  had  ever  expected  to  obtain,  they  did  not 
produce  a  full  confidence  in  Congrefs ;  nor  did  they 
fall  in  with  the  views  of  thofe  towns,  which  had  join- 
ed Vermont,  from  iNewhampfhire,  and  Newyork. 
When  they  had  been  debated,  the  aftembly  voted, 
October  the  19th,  that  they  could  not  comply  with 
the  refolutions  of  Congrefs,  of  Auguft  the  20th, 
without  destroying  the  foundation  of  the  univerfal 
harmony  and  agreement,  that  fubfifted  in  the  Mate, 
and  a  violation  of  folemn  compact  entered  into  by 
articles  of  union  and  confederation  ;  that  they  would 
remain  firm  in  the  principles,  on  which  the  ftate  had 
firft  alTumed  government,  and  hold  the  articles  of 
union,  which  connected  each  part  of  the  ftate  with 
the  other,  inviolate  ;  that  they  would  not  fubmit  the 
queftion  of  their  independence,  to  the  arbitrament 
of  any  power  ;  but  that  they  were  willing  and  ready 
to  refer  the  queftion  of  their  jurifdictional  boundary 
with  Newhampihire,  and  Newyork,  to  commiflion- 
ers  mutually  chofen  ;  and  when  they  fhould  be  ad- 
mitted into  the  American  union,  they  would  fubmit 
any  fuch  difputes  to  Congrefs. t 

The  refolves  of  Congrefs,  though  they  had  not 
been  accepted  by  Vermont,  wereconfidered  by  New- 
york, 

*  Governor  Chittenden's  letter  to  General  Wafhington,  of 
Nov.  14,  1781. 
f  Journal  of  Congrefs,  April  4,  1782,  p.  326—329. 


278         thb  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

yoik,  as  a  virtual  determination  of  her  claims.  The 
legiflature  of  that  ftate,  on  the  15th  and  19th,  of 
November,  palled  a  number  of  refolutions,  and  a 
folemn  proteft,  againft  the  proceedings  of  Congrefs. 
Having  ftated  their  claims,  and  related  fome  of  the 
former  proceedings  of  Congrefs  relative  to  the-  con- 
troverfy,  they  refolved,  that  the  legiflature  of  that 
ilate,  was  greatly  alarmed  at  the  evident  intention  of 
Congrefs,  from  political  expedience^  to  eftabliffi  an 
arbitrary  boundary,  which  excluded  from  that  ftate, 
a  great  part  of  its  territory  ;  that  it  was  the  fenfe  of 
the  legiftaturt,  that  Congrefs  had  not  any  authority, 
by  the  articles  of  confederation,  to  intermeddle  with 
the  former  territorial  extent  of  jurifdi&ion  or  prop- 
erty, of  either  of  the  United  States,  except  in  cafes 
of  difpute  between  two  or  more  of  the  ftates  in  the 
union,  nor  to  admit  into  the  union,  even  any  Britifti 
colony  except  Canada,  without  the  c«nfent  of  nine 
dates,  nor  any  other  ftate  whatsoever,  nor  above  all 
to  create  a  new  ftate  by  difmembering  one  of  the 
thirteen  United  Sates,  without  their  univerfal  con- 
fent  ;  that  in  cafe  of  any  attempt  of  Congrefs  to  car- 
ry into  execution  their  acts  of  the  7th  and  20th  of 
Auguft,  the  legiflature  were  bound  in  duty  to  their 
constituents,  to  declare  the  fame  an  aflumption  of 
power,  and  a  manifeft  infraction  of  the  articles  of 
confederation,  and  do  therefore  folemnly  protejl  a- 
gainft  the  fame  ;  that  a  copy  of  thejr  refolutions  be 
tranfmitted  to  Congrefs,  and  their  delegates  expreff- 
ly  directed  and  required  to  enter  their  diflent  on  ev- 
ery Hep,  which  may  be  taken  in  and  towards  carry- 
ing the  faid  acts  of  Congrefs  into  execution.* 

Anxious  for  the  fafety  of  Vermont,  and  wifhing  to 
avail  himfelf  of  every  meafure  to  promote  it,  on 
Nov.  14th,  Governor  Chittenden  wrote  to  General 
Washington,  on  the  fubjeft,  explaining  to  him  their 

fituation, 

*  Jourt}*!  of  Congrefs,  April  4,  1782,  p.  329—334, 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT,  279 

Situation,  difficulties,  and  views.  In  this  letter,  the 
governor  placed  great  confidence  in  the  general,  and 
gave  him  an  account  of  the  tranfactions  with  the  en- 
emy ;  and  aligned  the  reafon,  "  Vermont  drove  to 
defperation,  by  the  injuftice  of  thofe  who  fhould 
have  been  her  friends,  was  obliged  to  adopt  policy 
in  the  room  of  power  ;*'  and  with  regard  to  the  laft 
reiblution  of  Congrefs,  he  afcribed  them  to  their 
true  caufe,  not  the  influence  of  their  friends,  but  the 
power  of  their  enemies  ;  "  Lord  George  Germain's 
letter  wrought  on  Congrefs,  and  procured  that  from 
them,  which  the  public  virtue  of  this  people  could 
not  obtain." 

While  thefe  tran factions  were  taking  place,  new 
fcenes  of  difficulty,  and  of  danger,  were  opening  in 
the  eaftern  and  weftern  unions.  The  fheriffof  one 
of  the  counties  of  Newhampfhire,  which  hacl  joined 
with  Vermont,  wrote  to  Governor  Chittenden,  thaE 
there  was  a  high'  probability,  that  the  government 
of  Newhampfhire  were  about  taking  coercive  meaf- 
ures,  to  compel  the  citizens  who  had  joined  with 
Vermont,  to  fubmit  to  the  laws  and  authority  of 
Newhampfhire.  The  governor,  on  December  14th, 
wrote  to  General  Paine,  at  that  time  lieutenantgov- 
ernor  of  the  flate,  to  call  on  the  militia  eafl  of  the 
green  mountains,  and  aflifl  the  fheriff  in  the  execu- 
tion of  the  laws,  and  to  defend  the  citizens  againfl 
any  infult  ;  and  if  Newhampfhire  fhould  make  an 
attack  with  an  armed  force,  to  repel  force  by  force. 
Mr.  Paine  fent  a  copy  of  the  orders  which  he  had 
received,  to  the  prefident  of  Newhampfhire,  and 
wrote  that  if  Newhampfhire  began  hoflilities,  he 
fhould  execute  the  orders  he  had  received,  and  did 
not  doubt  but  that  the  people  would  fupport  him, 
with  their  moil  fpirited  exertions,  and  that  New- 
hampfhire muft  be  accountable  for  the  confequences.* 

With 

*  Mr.  Pain's  letter  toPtefidcRt  Weare,  Dec,  M.trSi. 


28o         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

With  this  letter,  commiflioners  were  fent  to  the 
general  afiqmbly  of  Newhampfhire,  to  endeav- 
our to  accomodate  matters,  and  prevent  the  effufion 
of  blood*. 

At  the  fame  time  the  troops  of  Newyork  were  in 
motion  to  fupprefs  the  proceedings  of  their  citizens, 
who  had  formed  an  union  with  Vermont.  On  De- 
cember 18th,  their  commander,  Brigadiergeneral 
Ganfevoort,  wrote  to  the  commanding  officer  of  the 
troops  from  Vermont,  that  in  purfuance  of  a  law  of 
Newyork,  he  had  been  detached  with  a  part  of  his 
brigade  to  fupprefs  an  infurreclion  of  fome  of  the  in- 
habitants of  Schaticook,  and  Hooiac  ;  that  he  was 
arrived  to  aid  the  fheriffof  the  county,  to  apprehend 
the  infurgents  j  and  was  informed  that  a  large  body 
of  troops  from  the  grants,  were  marching  in  force, 
with  artillery  j  but  before  he  proceeded  any  further, 
he  wifhed  to  be  informed  what  was  the  object  of 
their  movement  into  the  interiour  parts  of  that  ftate, 
and  by  what  authority. t — Colonel  Walbridge  com- 
mandant of  the  troops  from  Vermont",  vvote  in  an- 
fwer,  that  the  object  of  their  movement,  was  to  pro- 
tect thofe  of  the  inhabitants,  who  in  confequence  of 
the  union,  profefTed  allegiance  to  the  ftate  of  Ver- 
mont ;  that  he  wifhed  conciliatory  methods  might 
be  adopted,  but  if  thofe  perfons  who  profeiTed  to  bs 
citizens  of  Vermonr,  fhould  be  imprifoned,  and  their 
property  deftroyed,  he  was  not  to  be  anfwerable  for 
the  confequences.+ 

All  parties  feem  to  have  been  ferioufiy  alarmed; 
at  thefe  profpects  of  a  civil  war  :  And  happily  for 
themfclvcs,  they  had  all.  of  them,  more  moderation 
and  wifdom,  than  to  proceed  to  hoftilities.  Reflect- 
ing  on  the  war  with  Greatbritain,    in  which   their 

country 

*  Crnrral  Roger  Eno«,  Ira  Allen,  and  William  Page, 
•t  P.  Ganfevoort's  letter,  of  December  i8,  1781. 
_£  E.  Walbridgc's  letter,  of  December  17,  1701, 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  28* 

country  was  Co  deeply  engaged,  they  feem  to  have 
been  fully  convinced  that  no  differences  among  the 
dates,  ought  to  be  fuffered  to  produce  a  war  among 
themfelves. 

A  controverfy  To  full  of  mifchief  and  danger  to  the 
United  Stares,  gave  much  concern  to  the  commander 
in  chief  of  the  American  army.     Aware  of  the  ex- 
tremes to  which  all  parties  were  tending,  on  January 
ift,  1782,  he  returned  an  anfwer  to  Governor  Chit- 
tenden's  letter,   in  which  were  thefe  expreffions  ; 
"  It  is  not  my  bufinefs,  neither  do   I   think  it   nec- 
effary  now,  to  difcufs  the  origin  of  the  right   of  a 
number  of  inhabitants  to  that  traft  of  country,"  for- 
merly diftinguifhed  by  the  name  of  the  Newhamp- 
fhire  grants,  and  now  known  by  that  of  Vermont. 
I  will  take  it  for  granted  that  their  right  was  good, 
becaufe  Congrefs,  by  their  refolve  of  the  7th  of  Au- 
guft,  imply  it ;  and  by  that  of  the  21  ft,   are   willing 
fully  to  confirm  it,  provided  the  new  ftate  is  confin- 
ed to  certain  defcribed  bounds.      It   appears   there- 
fore, to  me,  that  the  difpute  of  boundary  is  the  on- 
ly one  that  exifts,  and  that  being  removed  all  other 
difficulties  would  be  removed  alfo,   and  the   matter 
terminated  to  the  fatisfaction  of  all   parties.— .You, 
have  nothing  to  do  but  withdraw  your  jurifdi&ion, 
to  the  confines  of  your  old  limits,  and  obtain  an  ac- 
knowledgement of  independence    and   fovereignty, 
under  the  refolve  of  the  2 1  ft  of  Auguft,  for  fo  much 
territory  as  does  not  interfere  with   the   ancient  ef- 
tabliftied  bounds  of  Newyork,   Newhampfhire,  and 
MafTachufetts. — In  my  private  opinion,  while  it  be- 
hoves the  delegates  to  do  ample  juftice  to  a  body  of 
people    fufficiently   refpedtable   by  their  numbeis, 
and  entitled  by  other  claims  to  be  admitted  into  that 
confederation,  it  becomes  them  alfo  to  attend  to  the 
interefts  of  their  conftituents,    and   fee,  that   under 
the  appearance  of  juftice  to  one,  they  do  not  mate- 
M  m  riallv 


£8a  the  NATURAL  and  CIVTL 

xially  injure  the  rights  of  others.     I  am  apt  to  thinS 
this  is  the  prevailing  opinion  of  CongtLfc." 

It  is  only  among  a  free  people,  that  wifdom  and 
virtue  can  have  their  full  effects.  The  fortitude, 
the  wifdom,  the  difinterellednefs,  with  which  JVafo- 
itjgton  had  conducted  the  affairs  of  the  war,  through 
one  continued  fcene  of  hardfhip  and  danger,  had 
given  him  an  influence  over  the  minds  or  the  people, 
which  no  man  in  America,  ever  had  before.  It  was 
not  merely  becaufe  he  had  proved  the  fuccefsful  de- 
fender of  his  country,  and  the  greateft  general  that 
had  ever  appeared  in  America,  but  it  was  the  fteadi- 
nefs  of  his  integrity  and  virtue,  which  gave  him  fuch 
an  influence  over  the  minds  of  men  :  And  while  the 
politicians  were  every  where  ftriving  for  popularity 
and  power,  the  molt  honourable  and  important  of 
all  chitinctibns,  was  referred  for  him  ;  a  preeminence 
in  the  dominion  of  reafon,  wifdom,  and  virtue. 

The  alterably  of  Vermont  met  in  February,  at 
Bennington.  The  letter  from  the  general  was  laid 
Ixfore  them,  and  it  produced  thole  effects  which  the 
general  feems  to  have  intended  :  It  corrected  the 
errors  of  the  government  of  Vermont,  and  produced 
a  confidence  in  the  refolves  of  Congrefs,  thus  rec- 
ommended by  the  opinion  and  advice  of  Wafhing- 
ton.  After  a  full  debate  upon  the  matter,  the  af- 
""mbly  refolved   to    comply    with    the    preliminary, 

1l        ned  of  them.     Their  proceedings- were   m  this 
requ. 

[?V™  *'    f    ^'rwczt,  in  General  Afttebfy,  Feb.  22,  1782. 

ot&teoj.      ■-       nrner;dation  of  the  grand  committee, 
"  The  recon   *jiv-iJ-  o  » 

r.\  cu     o  "cehVflcy  the   governor,   the   hon- 

rnnfifhnff  of  his  eA  *-Ui1--     >  ft     r  ■  ,    . 

conmuxig"  fJl     reprefcntatives  of  the 

nnrable  the  council,   ..nu  w  1  . 

ouraoic  I"*-  »      rrtnfr.* -ration  the    resolutions 

people,  on  taking  into  conlicv 

of  Congrefs  refpeaing  this   il 

Auguft  lad,  being  read,  is  as  i 

fenfe  of  this  committee,  Congr 

of  kuguit  laft,  m  guaranteeing  to  the  tote  of  New- 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  zSg 

york  and  Newhampfhire  refpectively,  all  the  territory 
without  certain  limits  therein  expreffed,  has  eventu- 
ally determined  the  boundaries  of  this  flate.  And 
whereas  it  appears  to  this  committee,  conliftent  with 
the  Spirit,  true  intent,  and  meaning  of  the  articles  of 
union  entered  into  by  this  flate,  with  the  inhabitants 
of  a  certain  diftrict  of  country,  on  the  eaft  tide  of 
the  weft  banks  of  Connecticut  river,  and  on  the  weft 
fide  of  a  line  twenty  miles  eaft  of  Hudfon's  river, 
which  articles  of  union  were  executed  on  the  25th 
day  of  February,  and  the  15th  day  of  June  laft,  that 
Congrefs  Should  confider  and  determine  the  boun- 
dary lines  of  the  ftate  :  It  is  recommended  to  the 
Jegiflature  of  this  ftate,  to  pafs  resolutions,  declaring 
their  acquiefcence  in,  and  acceflion  to  the  determin- 
ation made  by  Congrefs  of  the  boundary  lines -be- 
tween the  ftates  of  NewhampGiire  and  Newyork  re- 
fpectively, and  this  ftate,  as  they  are  in  faid  refolu- 
tions  defined  and  defcribed.  And  alfo,  exprefsly 
relinquishing  all  claims  to,  and  jurisdiction  over,  the 
faid  diftricts  of  territory  without  faid  boundary  lines, 
and  the  inhabitants  thereon  refiding. 

Confiding  in  the  faith  and  wifdom  of  Congrefs,  that 
they  will  immediately  enter  on  meafures,  to  carry 
into  effect  the  other  matters  in  the  faid  leSolution 
contained,  and  fettle  the  fame  on  equitable  terms, 
whereby  this  ftate  may  be  received  into  and  have  and 
enjoy  all  the  protection,  rights,  and  advantages,  of  a 
federal  union  with  the  United  States  of  America,  as 
a  free,  independent,  and  fovereign  ftate,  as  is  held 
forth  to  us,  in  and  by  the  faid  refolutions  : 

cc  And  that  the  legiflature  caufe   official  informa- 
tion of  their  refolutions,   to  be   immediately   trans- 
mitted to  the  Congrefs  of  the  United  States,  and   to 
the  ftates  of  Newhampfhire  and  Newyork  refpectively. 
"  Whereupon  refolved, 

"  That  the  foregoing  recommendation  be  compli- 
ed with,  and  that  the  weft  banks  of  Connecticut  riv- 
er, 


284         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

er,  and  a  line  beginning  at  the  northweft  corner  of 
the  ftate  of  Maffachufetts,  from  thence  northward 
twenty  miles  eaft  of  Hudfon's  river,  as  fpecified  in 
the  refolutions  of  Congrefs  in  Auguft;  lad,  be  con- 
sidered as  the  eafl  and  well  boundaries  of  this  Hate. 
That  this  affembly  do  hereby  relinquim  all  claims 
and  demands  to,  and  right  of  junfdiction  in  and  over 
any  and  every  diflri£t  of  territory,  without  laid 
boundary  lines.  That  authentic  copies  of  this  ref- 
olution  be  forthwith  officially  tranfmitted  to  Con- 
grefs,  and  to  the  Hates  of  Newhampfhire,  and  New- 
york  refpefitively." 

Thus  was  diffolved  an  union  which  had  been  con- 
stantly acquiring  numbers,  extent,  popularity,  and 
power,  from  its  fir  ft  formation  :  Which,  it  was  gen- 
erally believed  had  prevented  the  divifion  of  Ver- 
mont, by  Newhampfhire  and  Newyqrk  ;  and  which 
if  it  had  been  continued,  would  probably  have  ex- 
tended much  further  into  thofe  Hates.  It  was  not 
without  a  ftruggle,  that  the  meafure  could  be  effect- 
ed ;  and  it  was  not  without  refentment,  that  the 
members  from  the  towns  in  Newhampfhire  and  New- 
york, found  themfelves  excluded  from  a  feat  or  a 
vote  in  the  affembly,  with  which  they  had  been  con- 
nected by  articles  of  union  and  confederation,  which 
they  fuppofed  would  have  been  perpetual. 

Having  thus  fully  complied  with  the  refolves  of 
Congrefs,  the  affembly  concluded  that  all  difficulties 
relating  to  their  admiffion  into  the  confederation  of 
the  flates,  were  removed.  They  proceeded*  to 
choofe  four  agents  and  delegates,  to  reprefent  the 
ilate  of  Vermont  in  Congrefs  ;  and  requefted  the 
governor  to  commiflion  them  with  plenary  power?, 
to  negociate  the  admiffion  of  Vermont,  into  the  con- 
federation of  the  United  States  ;  and  when  the  ftate 
was  admitted,  two  of  the  agents  were  empowered  to 

take 
*  February  28, 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  285 

take  their  feats,  and  reprefent  Vermont  in  Congrefs. 
The  agents  were  accordingly  commiffioned,  "  to  ne- 
gociate  and  complete  on  the  part  of  Vermont,  the 
admiffion  thereof  into  the  federal  union  with  the 
United  States  of  Northamerica.  And  in  behalf  of 
the  ftate,  to  fubfcnbe  articles  of  perpetual  union  and 
confederation  therewith." 

While  the  afiembly  of  Vermont  was  thus  em- 
ployed in  effecting  a  compliance  with  the  refolves  of 
Coi.  iie(s,  warm  debates  had  taken  place  in  that  af- 
fembly,  rel peeling  the  meafures  that  ought  to  be 
purfued  with  Vermont.  The  refufal  of  the  legifla- 
ture  in  October,  to  comply  with  the  refolve  Con- 
grefs had  palled  on  Auguft  2C^h,  was  viewed  in  a 
Very  unfavourable  light.  On  March  1  ft,  it  waspro- 
pofed  in  Congrefs  to  pafs  a  refolve,  that  if  within 
one  month  from  the  time  in  which  the  refolve  fhould 
be  communicated  to  Thomas  Chittenden,  the  in- 
habitants of  Vermont  mould  comply  with  the  re- 
folves  of  Auguft  7th  and  20th,  1781,  they  mould  be 
immediately  admitted  into  the  union,  but  if  they 
fhould  refufe  this,  and  did  not  defift  from  attempt- 
ing to  exercife  jurifdi&ion  over  the  lands  guaranteed 
to  Newhampfhtre,  and  Newyork,  Congrefs  would 
confider  luch  neglecl  or  refufal,  as  a  manifefl  indica- 
tion of  defigns  hoflile  to  the  United  States,  and  that 
all  the  pretentions  and  applications  of  the  faid  in- 
habitants, heretofore  made  for  admiffion  into  the 
federal  union,  were  fallacious  and  deludve  ;  and 
that  thereupon  the  forces  of  the  United  States,  fhould 
be  employed  againft  the  inhabitants,  and  Congrefs 
would  confider  all  the  lands  within  the  territory  to 
the  eaflward  of  the  ridge  of  mountains,  as  guaranteed 
to  Newhampfhire  ;  and  all  the  lands  to  the  weft- 
ward  of  faid  line,  as  guaranteed  to  Newyork  ;  and 
that  the  commander  in  chief  of  the  armies  of  the 
United  States,  do  without  delay  or  further  order 
carry  thefe  refolutions  into  full  execution. — But  af- 
ter 


286  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

ter  warm  debates,  and  repeated  trials,  a  vote  could 
not  be  obtained  to  adopt  thefe  refolutions,  and  the 
matter  iubfided.* 

The  reientment  Congrefs  difcovered,  at  Vermont's 
refu&ng  to  agree  with  her  refolves,  was  but  of  a  fliort 
duration.  In  a  few  days  the  agents  arrived  at  Phi- 
ladelphia, and  on  March  31ft,  officially  laid  before 
that  body,  the  compliance  of  the  legiflature  of  Ver- 
mont, with  their  refolutions  of  the  7th  and  20th  of 
Augnft. 

The  matter  was  referred  by  Congrefs,  to  a  com- 
mittee of  five  of  their  members.  On  the  17th  of 
April,  the  committee  made  the  following  report, 
"  In  the  fenle  of  your  committee,  the  people  of  the 
faid  difti  i£t  by  the  laft  recited  aft,  have  fully  com- 
. plied  with  the  flipulation  made  and  required  of 
them,  in  the  refolutions  of  the  20th  and  2 ill  of  Au- 
gufr,  as  preliminary  to  a  recognition  of  their  fover- 
eignty,  and  independence,  and  admifiion  into  the 
federal  union  of  the  Mates.  And  that  the  condition- 
al promife,  and  engagement  of  Congrefs  of  fuch 
recognition,  and  admifiion,  is  thereby  become  abso- 
lute and  vecejj'ary  to  be  performed.  Your  commit- 
tee therefore  iubmit  the  following  resolution  : 

"  That  the  diftriclt  or  territory  called  Vermont,  as 
defined  and  limited  in  the  refolutions  of  Congrefs 
of  the  Both  and  21ft  of  Auguft,  1781,  be,  and  it  is 
hereby  recognized,  and  acknowledged  by  the  name 
of  the  date  of  Vermont,  as  freet  fovereign,  and  in- 
dependent ;  and  that  a  committee  be  appointed  to 
treat  and  confer  with  the  agents  and  delegates  from 
laid  (late,  upon  the  terms  and  mode  of  the  admifiion 
of  the  faid  (late  into  the  federal  union." — When 
this  report  was  read  in  Congrefs,  a  motion  was  made 
?.nd  feconded,  that  the  firfl  Tuefday  in  October  next 
be  afiigned  for  the  conhderation  of  the  report  :   The 

vote 
*  journal  of  Corgref>.  March  i,  1782,  p,  298—305. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  287 

vote  patted  in  the  negative.  A  motion  was  then 
made  and  fecondcd,  that  the  third  Tuefday  in.  June 
next,  be  affigned  for  the  consideration  of  the  report : 
The  vote  was  again  in  the  negative.  A  motion  was 
then  made  and  feconded,  that  Monday  next  be  af- 
figned for  the  confederation  of  the  report  ;  and  the 
vote  was  alfo  found  in  the  negative,  for  the  third 
time.* 

From  thefe  votes  it  was  apparent,  that  Congrefs 
had  again  adopted  their  former  policy  of  evasion, 
and  did  not  mean  to  come  to  any  decifion  upon  the 
affairs  of  Vermont.  Having  no  profpect  of  fuccefs 
iri  their  agency,  the  agents  concluded  their  bufinefs,t 
with  a  letter  to  the  prefident  of  Congrefs,  represent- 
ing that  Vermont,  in  confequence  of  the  faith  which 
Congrefs  had  pledged  to  them,  had  been  prevailed 
upon  to  comply  with  their  refolutions,  in  the  moft 
ample  manner  ;  that  they  were  difappointed  by  the 
unexpected  delay  of  Congrefs,  in  not  executing  on 
their  part,  the  intent  and  fpirit  of  the  refolve  ;  that 
Vermont  was  now  reduced  to  a  critical  {ituarion,  by 
calling  off  a  confiderable  part  of  her  ftrength,  in  be- 
ing expofed  as  a  forlorn  hope,  to  the  main  force  of 
the  enemy  in  Canada,  and  deftitute  of  the  aid  of  the 
United  States  ;  which  made  them  urgent  that  un- 
necefTary  delay  might  not  deprive  them,  of  the  benefit 
of  the  confederation;  and  that  they  mould  expect 
to  be  officially  acquainted,  when  their  attendance 
would  be  neceffary.^ 

The  proceedings  of  Congrefs,  ought  to  be  treated 
with  all  the  refpecl;,  which  is  due  to   government, 
and  with  all  the  candour  that  is  due  to   the  imper- 
fection of  man.      But  when  every  reafonable  allow- 
ance 

*  Extract  from  the  minutes  of  Congrefs,  of  April  17,  1  y&2j, 
+  April  19. 

t  Copy  of  the  letter  from  the  Hon.  Jonas  Fay,  Mofes  RobiT> 
fon,  and  Ifaac  Tiebanor. 


288  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

ance  is  made,  their  conduct  in  this  affair,  cannot  be 
confidered  in  any  other,  than  an  unfavou 
There  could  be  no  neceffity  of  evafive   i  a 

period,  when  the  public  feniime   t  • 
cifion  of  a  queflion,  which   had   aire 
fo  much  trouble  and  danger.      Th<  Con- 

grefs  had  paMed  on  Auguft  7th,    an  1  781, 

could  not  be  underftood  in  any  other  fe  in  as 

a  conditional  engagement  or  promife  on  1  ie  paTt  of 
Congrefs.  The  condition  had  been  fully  *~ornplied 
with.  In  that  ftage  of  the  bufinefs,  to  reiblve  their 
own  engagements  info  nothing,  had  nor  the  appear- 
ance of  wifdom  and  found  policy,  bur  of  art,  cun- 
ning, and  littlenefs.  Their  own  faith  and  honour, 
and  what  ought  to  have  been  infinitely  dear  to  them, 
the  honour  of  their  general,  required  the  mod  un- 
equivocal and  pun6r.ua!  performance  of  what  they 
had  virtually  engaged,  and  led  the  people  of  Ver- 
mont to  confide  in. — Nor  would  the  agents  of  Ver- 
mont have  been  wrong,  if  they  had  expreffed  in 
terms  more  ftrong  and  decifivc,  their  indignation  at 
the  public  trifling  of  a  bodv,  whofe  public  meafures 
ought  to  have  been  matked,  in  every  inftance,  with 
the  ftrifieft  faith,  the  greatefl  integrity,  and  the  mod 
delicate  fenfe  of  honour. 

When  the  lafl  refolutions  of  Congrefs  became 
known  in  Vermont,  the  general  opinion  was,  that 
the  affembly  had  been  duped  by  the  finelTe  of  Con- 
grefs, to  bring  themfelves  into  a  Mate  more  weak,  and 
dangerous  than  they  had  been  before  :  And  that  there 
would  be  no  fafety,  in  being  guided  by  refolutions, 
which  might  be  formed,  and  changed,  arnidfl  the  in- 
trigues and  cabals  of  parties.  Both  the  people  and 
the  aiTcmbly  of  Vermont,  feem  to  have  been  deter- 
mined by  the  meafures  of  Congrefs,  to  maintain 
fheir  own  independence,  to  adhere  to  the  boundaries 
to  which  they  had  agreed,  and  to  defend  themfelvcs 
by  force  againfl.  any  body  of  men  who  fhould  en- 
deavour 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  289 

deavour  to  diffolve,  or  to  difturb  their  government  ; 
and  not  to  make  any  further  folicitations  to  Con- 
grefs,  to  receive  them  into  the  confederation.  But 
that  no  blame  might  be  laid  upon  them,  or  any  de- 
ficiency be  found  in  their  proceedings,  the  general 
affembly  at  their  annual  feflion  in  October,  again 
appointed  agents  with  full  powers  and  inftru6Uons> 
to  negociate  and  complete  the  admiflion  of  Vermont 
into  the  union  of  the  ilates, 


tf A  CHAP. 


290.        this  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 


CHAP.         XL 


Dijlurhances  in  Vermont.  Refohtions  of  Cor.gnfs. 
Remonjirances  againft  the  Proceedings  of  Congrefs. 
Peace  with  Greatbritain.  Diftnclination  of  Ver~ 
mont  to  an  Union  with  the  Confederated  States, 
New  Federal  Conftitution.  Propofals  of  Newyork. 
Settlement  of  the  Controverfy  with  that  State.  A& 
mif/ion  of  Vermont  into  the  Federal  Union.  Polit- 
ical Effecls  of  thefe  C.ont  rover  fie  s. 


_N  the  internal  government  of  ta- 
flate,  Vermont  had  met  with  good  fuccefs.  The 
people  were  not  fully  united  in  the  meafure,  when 
the  powers  of  government  were  fir  ft  aflumed.  Some 
were  upon  principle,  attached  to  the  government  of 
Newyork.  Thofe  who  were  of  a  timid  conftitution, 
were  fearful  of  the  confequences.  Thofe  who  wifh- 
ed  to  be  free  from  the  reftraints  of  law  and  govern- 
ment, were  clamorous  about  tyranny  and  oppreftlon. 
Several  of  thefe  fought  protection  from  Newyoik, 
avowed  their  allegiance  to  that  ftate,  and  received 
commiflions  for  civil  and  military  offices,  under  that 
government  ;  and  were  extremely  active  to  eppofe, 
and  difturb  the  government  of  Vermont.  Notwith- 
standing thefe  attempts,  the  government  of  Vermont 
had  been  conftantly  gaining  flrength,  not  only 
among  the  people  who  were  already  fettled  in  the 
territory,  but  by  the  acceflion  of  large  numbers  of 

people 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  zgx 

people  from  other  dates,  but  chiefly  from  Connecti- 
cut. The  new  fettlers  were  almoft  univerfally,  in 
favour  of  the  proceedings  of  the  government,;  and 
were  adding  much  every  year,  to  its  ftrength,  num- 
bers, and  unanimity.  With  thefe  profpefts  the  legis- 
lature judged  that  a  general  aft  of  amnefty,  in  favour 
of  thofe  who  had  been  in  opposition  to  government, 
might  be  of  ufe  to  reconcile  and  quiet  thofe,  who 
were  now  fully  convinced,  that  nothing  could  be 
carried  againfl  the  government,  by  force  and  oppo- 
sition. Accordingly  in  February,  1781,  the  legifla- 
ture  paffed  a  general  aft  of  amnefty,  in  favour  of 
fuch  perfons  within  the  ftate,  as  had  previoufly  made 
opposition  to  its  authority.  Upon  this  judicious 
extenfion  of  lenity,  all  opposition  to  the  internal 
government  of  Vermont,  had  ceafed  for  more  than 
a  year  ;  and  all  parties  within  the  ftate,  feemed  to 
acquiefce  in  the  fupport  of  government. 

Congrefs  had  withdrawn  all  the  continental  troops, 
and  left  the  inhabitants  to  take  care  of  themfelves. 
In  their  expofed  Situation,  it  became  necetfary  to 
raife  a  body  of  troops,  for  the  defence  of  the  fron- 
tiers. The  legislature  ordered  them  to  be  raifed 
from  the  feveral  towns,  in  the  ftate,  in  proportion  to 
the  number  of  their  inhabitants.  There  were  fome 
perfons  in  the  foutheafterly  parts  of  the  ftate,  who 
oppofed  the  railing  and  payment  of  thefe  men.  The 
governor  of  Newyork  by  letters  to  them,  and  other- 
wife,  interfered  in  the  bufinefs.  To  fome  of  thefe 
difaffefted  perfons  he  gave  civil  and  military  com- 
mifJions,  and  encouraged  them  with  the  profpeft,  or 
promife  of  Support  and  protection.*  Made  info- 
ient  by  this  profpeft  of  fupport  and  diftinftion  from 
the  government  of  Newyork,  fome  of  thefe  difaffeft- 
ed perfons,  had  the  effrontery  to  attempt  toexercile 
the  laws  of  Newyork,  over  the  citizens  of  Vermont, 

in 
*  RernOnftrance  of  the  Council  of  Vermont,  p.  :$, 


sg2         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

in  avowed  contempt  and  defiance  of  her  authority. 
Infolence  fo  audacious,  admitted  of  no  other  treat- 
ment, than  the  punifhment,  which  civil  laws  affign 
to  fuch  crimes.  Lenient  meafures  proved  in  vain, 
and  the  government  of  Vermont  ordered  a  military 
force  to  be  fent  to  aflifl  the  fheriffof  the  county  of 
"Windham,  and  to  protect  the  courts  of  juflice  again  ft 
an  armed  violence  and  oppofition.  Five  of  the  mod 
obnoxious  of  the  criminals  were  banifhed,  and  fun- 
dry  others  were  amerced  in  pecuniary  fines,  accord- 
ing to  the  cuftomary  and  due  forms  of  law.  The 
offenders  had  been  guilty  of  that  avowed  and  armed 
oppofition  to  law  and  government,  which  in  every 
country  is  denominated  trealon  and  rebellion.  But 
great  care  was  taken  to  avoid  the  effufion  of  blood, 
and  to  have  the  punifhment  of  the  offenders  extend- 
ed no  further  than  was  necefTary,  to  preferve  the  in- 
dependence and  fafety  of  the  ftate. 

Diiappointed  in  their  views  and  expe&ations  of 
producing  an  infurre&ion  in  Vermont,  checked  and 
xeflrained  by  the  proceedings  of  her  courts,  nothing 
xemained  for  them  but  to  leek  fupport  and  rewaid 
from  the  government,  under  whole  authority  they 
pretended  to  haveacted.  But  it  was  not  in  the  pow- 
er of  Newyork,  to  afford  them  fuch  relief  as  they 
"svifhed :  Neither  her  power,  or  policy,  her  promi fes, 
or  her  threatenings,  would  have  had  the  leaft  effe6i 
upon  the  people,  or  the  government  of  Vermont. 
[Nothing  remained  but  an  appeal  to  Congrefs.  Com- 
plaint was  made  to  that  body,  that  their  relolutions 
of  Sept.  24,  1779,  and  of  June  2,  1780,  were  pub- 
licly violated;  and  that  Vermont  had  proceeded  to 
exercife  jurifdi&ion  over  the  perfons  and  properties 
of  fundry  perfons,  who  profeffed  themfelves  to  be 
fubject-totheftateof  Newyork.  Congrefs  took  up  the 
complaint,  and  referred  it  to  a  committee.  On  No- 
vember the  14th,  the  committee  reported,  "  that  the 
jneafures  complained  of,  were   probably  occafioned 

by 


HISTORY  op  VERMONT.  293 

by  the  ftate  of  Newyork  having  lately  iffued  com- 
mi/Iions,  both  civil  and  military,  to  perfons  refident 
in  the  diftric~t  calied  Vermont :"  And  that  it  be 
recommended  to  Newyork,  to  revoke  all  the  com- 
miffions  which  they  had  iffued  iince  the  month  of 
May  ;  that  it  be  recommended  to  the  inhabitants  to 
make  full  fatisfaclion  to  the  perfons,  who  had  fuffer- 
ed  damages  ;  and  that  it  be  recommended  to  New- 
york, and  to  the  people  exercifing  government  in 
Vermont,  to  adhere  to  the  refolutions  of  Congrefs, 
of  Sept.  24th,  until  a  decifion  (hould  be  had  upon 
their  affairs.  But  after  feveral  attempts,  a  vote  could 
not  be  obtained  in  favour  of  thefe  refolves,  and  the 
matter  was  adjourned.* 

On  December  the  5^1,  the  bufinefs  was  taken  up 
again  ;  and  Congrefs,  in  (lead  of  proceeding  to  fulfil 
■r  own  engagements  to  Vermont,  was  led  by  an 
ill  judged  policy,  to  embrace  the  caufe  of  the  crimi- 
nals, and  to  pafs  refolutions  full  of  cenfure  and 
threatening,  again  ft  the  proceedings  of  the  ftate. 
Their  refolves  were  in  this  ftyle  : 

"  By  the  United  Stales  in  Congrefs  affembled,  Dec. 
5,  1782.  Whereas  it  appears  to  Congrels  by  au- 
thentic documents,  that  the  people  inhabiting  the 
diflricl;  of  country,  on  the  weft  fide  of  Connecticut 
river,  commonly  called  the  Newhampihire  grants, 
and  claiming  to  be  an  independent  ftate,  in  contempt 
of  the  authority  of  Congrefs,  and  in  dire 61;  violation 
of  their  refolutions  of  the  24th  of  September,  1779, 
and  of  the  2d  of  June,  1780,  did,  in-  the  month  of 
September  lair,  proceed  to  exercife  jurifdiclion  over 
the  perlons  and  properties  of  fundry  inhabitants  of 
the  faid  diftricl,  profeffing  themfelves  to  be  the  fub- 
jecls  of,  and  to  owe  allegiance  to  the  ftate  of  New- 
york ;  by  means  whereof  divers  of  them  have  been 
condemned  to  banifhment,  not   to  return  on  pain  of 

death 
f  Journal  of  Congrefs,  Nov,  14,  1782, 


'  294         ™*  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

death  and  confifcatioq  of  eftate,  and  others  have  been 
fined  in  large  fums,  and  otherwife  deprived  of  prop- 
erty. Therefore,  Refolved,  That  the  faid  acts  and 
proceedings  of  the  laid  people,  being  highly  derog- 
atory to  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  and 
dangerous  to  the  confederacy,  require  the  immedi- 
ate and  decided  interpolation  of  Congrefs,  for  the 
prote6lion  and  relief  of  fuch  as  have  fuffered  by 
them,  and  for  preferving  peace  in  the  faid  diftric~t, 
until  a  decifion  fhall  be  had  of  the  controverfy  rel- 
ative to  the  jurifdi&ion  of  the  fame. 

"  That  the  people  inhabiting  the  faid  diftriffc 
claiming  to  be  independent,  be,  and  they  are  hereby 
required  without  delay  to  make  full  and  ample  ref- 
titution  to  Timothy  Church,  Timothy  Phelps,  Hen- 
ry Evans,  William  Shattuck,  and  fuch  other?;,  as 
have  been  condemned  to  banifhment  and  confisca- 
tion of  eftates,  or  have  otherwife  been  deprived  of 
property,  fince  the  firlt  day  of  September  iaft,  for 
the  damages  they  have  fuftained  by  the  acts  and 
proceedings  aforefaid,  and  that  they  be  not  molefted 
ra  their  perfons  or  properties,  on  their  return  to  their 
habitations  in  the  faid  diftricl;. 

41  That  the  United  States  will  take  effecluil  meaf- 
ures  to  enforce  a  compliance  with  the  aforefaid  res- 
olutions, in  cafe  the  fame  fliall  bedifobeyed  by  the  peo- 
ple of   the  laid  dtftricV* 

The  peopleof  Vermont  were  already  prejudiced  a- 
gainft  the  proceedings  of  Congrefs;  thefe  relolutions 
could  not  fail  to  impair,  all  that  remained,  of  reverence 
and  refpeCl.  The  governor  and  council  fent  a  fpirited 
remonflrance  to  Congrefs  againft  thefe  resolutions.* 
In  this  remonflrance  Congrefs  was  reminded  of  their 
folemn  engagements  to  the  ftate  of  Vermont,  in  their 
public  a£ts  of  Augufl/th,  and  21ft,  1781,  which  had 
btcn  fully  complied  with   on   the  part   of  the  ftate^ 

but 

*  Jan-  9>  J783» 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  295 

I*ut  which  Congrefs  had  refufed  or  neglecled  to  ful-» 
ill :  They  were  told  that  by  their  own  articles  of 
confederation,  they  had  no  right  to  interfere,  or  med- 
dle with  the  internal  police  of  any  of  the  United 
States  ;  and  leaft  of  all  with  that  of  Vermont,  from 
which  they  had  not  received  any  delegated  authori- 
ty whatever  :  That  Vermont  had  as  good  a  right  to 
independence,  as  Congrefs  ;  and  as  much  authority 
to  pafs  refolutions  prefcribing  meafures  to  Congrefr, 
as  Congrefs  had  to  prefcribe  meafures,  directing  them 
to  receive  the  banifhed,  and  make  reftitution  to- 
criminals  of  the  property  which  had  been  taken  from 
them  by  due  courfe  of  law,  for  their  crimes  againft 
the  laws  and  authority  of  the  Hate  :  They  were  re- 
minded that  they  were  purfuing  the  fame  meafures 
againft  Vermont,  which  Britain  had  ufed  againft  the 
American  Colonies,  and  which  it  had  been  judged 
neceffary  to  oppofe  at  every  rife  and  hazard  :  Thab 
their  proceedings  tended  to  make  the  liberty  and 
natural  rights  of  mankind  a  mere  bubble,  and  the 
fport  of  Hate  politicians  :  That  it  was  of  no  impor- 
tance to  America  to  pull  down  arbitrary  power  in> 
one  form,  that  they  might  eftablifh  it  in  another  1 
That  the  inhabitants  of  Vermont  had  lived  in  a  ftate 
of  independence  from  the  firft  fettlement  of  the 
country,  and  could  not  now  fubmit  to  be  refolved 
out  of  it  by  the  influence  which  Newyork,  their  old 
adverlary,  had  in  Congrefs  :  That  they  were  in  full 
poiTeffion  of  freedom,  and  would  remain  independ- 
ent, notwithftanding  all  the  power  and  artifice  of 
Newyork  :  That  they  had  no  controverfy  with  the 
United  States,  complexly  confidered ;  but  were  at 
all  times  ready  and  able  to  vindicate  their  rights  and 
liberties, .againft  the  ufurpations  of  the  ftate  of  New- 
york. 

With  regard  to  that  part  of  the  refolves,  which 
declared  "  the  proceedings  of  Vermont  to  be  derog- 
atory to  the   authority   of  the   United   States,  and 

dangerous- 


2g6  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

dangerous  to  the  confederacy,  and  fuch  as  required 
the  immediate  interpolation  of  Congrcfs  to  relieve 
the  fufferers,  and  preferve  peace,"  they  anfvvev,  That 
it  appears  like  a  paradox  to  affei  t  that  the  exercife  of 
civil  law  in  Vermont  fliould  be  derogatory  to  the 
authority,  or  dangerous  to  the  confederacy  of  the 
United  States  ;  or  that  the  interpolation  of  Congrefs, 
would  be  the  means  of  eftablifhing  peace  in  the  ftate. 
Law,  jufiice,  and  order,  they  alien  were  eflablifhed 
in  Vermont,  before  Congrefs  palled  their  late  reso- 
lutions ;  what  difcord  they  would  occafion,  time 
would  determine  :  But  that  it  was  the  general  opin* 
ion  that  a  ratification  of  their  ftipulated  agreement^ 
would  have  had  a  more  falutary  tendency  to  pro- 
mote peace,  than  their  late  refolutions. 

As  to  the  requifition  that  "  the  Mate  without  delay 
make  full  and  ample  reftitution  to  thofe  who  had 
been  condemned  to  baniflhment  and  confifcation  of 
eftate,"  they  obferve,  That  Congrefs  has  been  fo 
mutable  in  their  refolutions  refpecting  Vermont, 
that  it  is  impoffible  to  know  on  what  ground  to  find 
them,  or  what  they  defign  next.  At  one  time  they 
guarantee  to  the  Rates  of  NewhampfliireandNewyork, 
their  lands  to  certain  defcribed  limits,  leaving  a  place 
for  the  exiftence  of  the  Mate  of  Vermont.  ;  the  next 
thing  Vermont  hears  from  them,  is,  they  are  within 
thefe  limits  controlling  the  internal  government  of 
the  flate.  Again,  they  prefcribe  preliminaries  of 
confederation,  and  when  complied  with  on  the  part 
of  the  flate,  they  unreafonably  procraftinate  the  rat- 
ification. 

To  that  part  of  the  refolves  in  which  the  flate  was 
threatened,  **  that  the  United  States  would  take  ef- 
fectual meafures  to  enforce  a  compliance  with  their 
refolutions,  in  cafe  they  mould  be  difobeyed  by  the 
people  of  faid  diftricV  they  return  for  anfwer,  That 
the  flate  would  appeal  to  the  juflice  of  his  excellen- 
cy   General  Wa&ingtdb  .:  and  as   the   general   and 

mofl 


HISTORY  op  VERMONT.  297 

moft  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  contiguous  dates,  were 
in  favour  of  the  independence  of  Vermont,  it  would 
be  more  prudent  for  Congrefs  to  refer  the  fertlement 
of  this  difpute  to  theftatesof  Newyork  and  Vermont* 
than  to  embroil  the  confederacy  wich  it. — But  fup- 
pofing  Congrefs  had  a  judicial  authority  to  controul 
the  internal  police  of  the  ftate,  the  ftate  had  a  right 
to  be  heard  in  its  defence  :  That  the  proceedings  of 
Congrefs  were  wholly  unjuftifiable,  upon  their  own. 
principles  ;  and  that  coming  to  a  decifion  of  fo  im- 
portant a  matter,  ex  parte,  and  without  any  notice  to 
the  ftate,  was  illegal,  and  contrary  to  the  law  of  na- 
ture and  nations. — The  remonftrance  was  concluded 
with  foliciting  a  federal  union  with  the  United  States, 
agreeable  to  their  preliminary  agreement,  which  their 
committee  had  reported,  was  i{  become  abjolute  and 
necejfary  on  their  part  to  be  performed  j"  and  from 
which,  they  were  allured,  Vermont  would  not  recede. 

The  affembly  met  in  the  month  of  February,  and 
fent  their  remonftrance  to  Congrefs.  Like  that  of 
the  governor  and  council,  this  was  alfo  plain,  fpirit- 
ed,  and  decifive  ;  announcing  to  Congrefs  in  thS 
plaincft  terms,  that  they  fhould  not  intermeddle  in 
the  internal  affairs  of  government  ;  and  that  they 
were  fully  refolved,  to  maintain  their  independence. 

The  effect  produced  by  thefe  acts  of  Concrete; 
was  in  evtry  refpect  different,  from  what  that  body 
feem  to  have  expected.  Inftead  of  being  awed  into 
fubmiflion,  the  people  and  government  of  Vermont 
concluded  they  were  produced  by  the  influence  of 
Newyork;  and  determined  that  they  never  fiiouM 
be  executed.  The  evafive,  irrefolute,  contradictory 
acts  of  Congrefs,  had  nearly  deftroyed  all  the  faith 
and  confidence,  which  the  people  of  Vermont  had 
repofed  in  that  body  :  And  it  was  generally  thought 
it  would  not  be  beft,  to  have  any  connexion  with 
them  ;  but  only  to  keep  up  the  cuftom  and  form  of 
O  o  choofmg 


2tj$s  THE    NATURAL    AND    CIVIL 

choofing  delegates  every  year,  to  reprefent  the  (late 
of  Vermont. 

The  war  with  Greatbritain,  had  proved  greatly 
diftrefling  to  every  part  of  the  United  States  ;  but 
it  had  ferved  to  eftablilh  an  union  among  the  peo- 
ple of  America,  which  could  not  have  been  fo  firm- 
ly cemented,  but  by  the  profpecl  of  common  danger. 
This  appearance  was  now  come  to  an  end.  On 
January  the  20th,  1783,  the  preliminary  articles  of 
peace  were  ligned  by  the  miniflers  of  the  king  of 
Greatbritain,  and  the  United  States  of  America, 
In  this  treaty  the  former  colonies  were  acknowledg- 
ed to  be  free,  fovereign,  and  independent  ftates. 
By  putting  an  end  to  the  war,  this  treaty  put  an  end 
to  the  embarrafl'ments  of  Congrefs,  and  to  all  the 
fears  of  the  people  o!  Vermont.  An  union  with  the 
confederation,  was  no  longer  a  matter  of  immediate 
and  urgent  neceffity.  The  (late  had  now  no  exter- 
nal enemies  to  oppofe,.  or  any  body  of  troops  to  be 
railed,  or  kept  in  pay.  Weary  of  fo  long  and  dif- 
treffing  a  war,  all  parties  wifhed  for  the  repofe  and 
tranquillity  of  peace  ;  and  were  heartily  deftrous  of 
dropping  all  occafions  of  controverfy  and  debate. — 
The  bufinefs  of  Congrefs  however,  became  mors 
and  more  embarraLQng.  Their  currency  had  failed, 
their  revenues  were  exJiaufted,  their  armies  were  dif- 
iatisfied  and  unpaid,  the  debts  they  had  contracted 
were  unfunded,  the  public  creditors  were  every 
where  full  of  complaints  againJt  their  proceedings, 
and  they  had  no  refources  to  anfwer  the  demands 
that  were  perpetually  made  upon  them.  Few  of 
the  dates  paid  much  regard  to  their  refolutions,  and 
it  was  now  fully  evident  that  their  powers  were  in- 
adequate to  the  public  bufinefs  of  the  United  States, 
and  that  the  articles  of  union  and  confederation 
were  eflentully  defective.  Without  power  to  re- 
lieve themfelves  under  thefe  embarralfments,  the 
Congrefs  was  daily  finking  into  a  ftate  of  insignifi- 
cance 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  299 

■cance  and  contempt  ;  and  the  public  affairs  of  the 
union  were  conftantly  becoming  more  and  more  em- 
barrafled  with  weaknefs,  diforder,  the  want  of  wif- 
dom,  credit,  and  power. 

In  fuch  a  ftate  of  things,  an  admiffion   into   the 
confederacy  of  the  ftates,  ceafed  to  be   an   object   of 
any  importance,  or  even  defire.     Vermont  was  hap- 
py in  being  free  from  the  load   of  debt,    which    lay 
Upon  the  United  States  ;  and  was  not  perplexed  by 
the  conftant  calls  of  Congrefs,   to  raife  the  neceifary 
fums  of  money.     The  legislature  had  acquired  wif- 
dom  and  experience  in  governing  the  people,    from 
the  difficulties  in  which  they  had  been  engaged.     It 
had  not  been  in  their  power  to  contract  very   large 
debts,  nor  was  it  neceflary  or  practicable   to   lmpoie 
heavy  taxes  upon  the  people.     The  ftate  had  a  large 
quantity  of  valuable  lands  to  difpofe  of  ;  and   pur- 
chafers,  and  fettlers  were  conftantly  coming  in   from 
all  the  Newengland  ftates. — Thus,  by  one  of   thofe 
fudden  tranfitions  which  are  common  to   human  af- 
fairs, from  the  mod  diftreiled   and  perplexed   ftate, 
the  condition  and  profpect  of  the  people  of  Vermont, 
became  at  once  more  eafy  and  flattering   than   thofe 
of  their  neighbours.      Encouraged  by  the   mildnefs 
of  the  government,  the  fmallnefs  of  the   taxes,  the 
fertility  and  cheapnefs  of   the  lands,   large  additions 
were  annually  made  to  their  numbers  and  property, 
by  the  acceffion  of  inhabitants  from   other  ftates. — 
There  was  nothing  therefore  in  the  public  affairs  of 
the  United  States,  or  in  thofe  of  Vermont,  that  could 
lead  the  inhabitants  any  longer  to  wifh  for  an  admif- 
fion into  the  confederation.     The  body  of  the  peo- 
ple felt  that  they  were  in  a  better  fituation,  than  the 
people  in  the  neighbouring  ftates  :  And   it   was   the 
general  inclination  and  defire  not  to  be   connected 
with  the  union,  if  it  could  be  decently  avoided. 

In  this  fituation  things  remained,  until  feveral  of 
the  leading  men  in  the  United  States,  became  alarm- 

ed 


3oo  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL  ' 

ed  with  the  operation  and  tendency  of  public  af- 
fairs. Statefmen  of  ability  and  information  law 
that  the  powers  inverted  in  Congrefs,  were  in  effect, 
only  the  powers  of  a  diplomatic  body  ;  and  wholly 
inadequate  to  the  purpolcs  of  federal  government  : 
And  that  the  liberties,  the  lafety,  and  the  union  of 
America,  could  not  be  preferved,  unleis  an  adequate 
and  efficient  government  could  be  eftablithed  in  the 
United  States.  Virginia  had  the  honour  to  lead,  in 
the  lirft  avowed  oppofition  to  the  Britiih  king  and 
parliament  :  And  fhe  wsts  the  fir  ft  that  attempted  to 
call  a  convention  of  the  dates-,  to  form  a  new  fed- 
eral conftitution.  The  meafure  was  crowned  with 
that  fuccefs,  which  might  be  expected  from  the  de- 
liberate confultations  of  a  free  and  uncorrupted  peo- 
ple, aiming  to  fecure  the  public  fafety.  A  new  fed- 
eral conftitution  was  adopted  by  the  people  of  A- 
raerica  :  And  a  new  Congrefs,  fuinifhed  with  com- 
petent powers,   met  in  the  city  of  Newyork,   March 

3d»  3789- 

Like  the  other  citizens  of  America,  the  people  of 

Vermont  were  anxious  to  know,  what  would  be  the 
policy  and  proceedings  of  the  federal  government. 
Their  intereft  had  not  been  much  promoted  by  the 
meafures  of  the  Congrefs,  with  whom  they  had  for- 
merly tranfacted  buliiiefs.  But  there  was  now  a 
general  expectation  among  the  people,  that  fome- 
thing  wifer  and  better,  was  to  take  place  :  But  they 
had  learned  from  experience,  that  there  was  no  oth- 
er way  to  judge  with  certainty,  of  the  excellency  of 
any  conftitution,  or  government,  but  by  the  good 
which  it  did  to  the  people.  In  the  courfe  of  one  or 
two  feffions,  they  found  the  federal  government  had 
been  labouring  to  reftore  the  public  credit,  to  do 
juftice  to  the  public  creditors,  to  provide  for  the 
payment  of  the  public  debt,  and  to  eftablifh  a  fyt- 
tem  of  equal  law  and  juftice,  in  every  part  of  the 
federal  government.     Meafures  thus  marked  with 

wifdom 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  301 

wifdom  and  juftice,  ferved  to  abate  the  fears  thac 
many  had  entertained,  and  to  conciliate  the  minds 
of  the  people  to  federal  (entiments  :  And  the  prof- 
peel:  teemed  favourable,  thac  every  part  of  the  A- 
inerican  ftates  might  be  brought  to  act.  with  union 
and  vigour,  in  fupport  of  the  federal  fyftcm. 

But  the  iincnnt  difficulty  with  Newyork,  was  not 
yet  removed.  That  ftate  had  indeed  given  up  all 
piolpecT:,  and  probably  all  defire,  of  fubduing  Ver- 
mont by  force,  or  by  policy  ;  and  well  knew  that 
Vermont  was,  and  would  remain,  a  free  and  inde- 
pendent ftate.  But  large  tracTs  of  land  had  been 
granted  by  the  governors  to  individuals  :  Thefe 
tracts  of  lands,  by  means  of  the  increafing  fettlements 
and  profperity  of  Vermont,  were  become  greatly 
valuable.  The  government  of  Vermont  hitd  uni- 
formly refufed  to  acknowledge  the  validity  of  thefe 
grants,  or  fubmit  to  any  of  the  legiflative  acts  of 
Newyork,  and  had  made  new  grants  of  all  thofe 
tracls  of  land  :  And  was  unalterably  fixed  in  refuf- 
ing  to  admit  the  legality  of  any  legiflative  act  of 
Newyork,  which  related  to  the  territory  of  Vermont, 
The  grantees  under  Newyork,  were  conftantly  com- 
plaining of  the  injuries  that  were  done  to  them,  in 
not  being  permitted  to  take  poiTeffion  of  their  prop- 
erty ;  and  of  the  injuftice  that  would  be  eftabli fried, 
if  the  government  of  Newyork  mould  fuffer  their 
lands  to  be  thus  taken  from  them  without  an  equiv- 
alent. Much  pains  had  been  taken  to  compromise 
the  difficulty,  but  without  coming  to  any  ger 
agreement  :  And  the  government  of  Newyork  did 
not  conceive  any  very  ftrong  obligation  lay  upon 
them,  to  refund  that  to  individuals,  which  the  ftate 
had  no  hand  in  granting  ;  but  which  was  (imply  an 
act  of  the  crown  of  Greatbritain,  executed  by  the 
will  of  the  royal  governor  ;  generally  for  his  perfonal 
profit,  always  for  the  benefit  of  his  particular  friends, 

but 


3©2  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

but  never  for  any  emolument  to  the  government  or 
people. 

A  courfe  of  events  at  length  occurred,  which  ren- 
dered the  views  of  Newyork,  more  favourable  to- 
wards Vermont.  Difputes  relative  to  the  perma- 
nent feat  of  the  federal  government,  ran  high  in 
Congrefs.  After  repeated  trials,  the  decifion  fome- 
times  feli  in  favour  of  remaining  at  Newyork,  and 
Sometimes  in  favour  of  removing  to  Philadelphia  ; 
and  it  was  finally  carried  in  favour  of  Philadelphia, 
by  a  very  final  1  majority.  Kentucky,  it  was  fore- 
ieen,  would  loon  be  admitted  into  the  federal  union  : 
And  Virginia,  to  whofe  territory  it  belonged,  with 
great  dignity  and  honour,  inftead  of  oppofing,  was 
aiming  to  promote  that  event.  The  reprefentation 
from  the  eaftern  flates,  was  diminifhed  of  its  juft 
proportion,  by  the  exclufion  of  Vermont  ;  and  this 
had  already  proved  to  the  difadvantage  of  Newyotk. 
If  their  old  controverfy  could  be  fettled,  it  was  ap- 
parent that  the  interefts  and  influence  of  thefe  ftates, 
would  in  almoft  every  inftance  coincide. — The  pub- 
lic fentiment  called  loudly,  for  the  fame  meafure. 
To  what  purpofe,  it  was  faid,  is  Vermont  kept  out 
of  the  union  ? — Is  it  not  in  the  full  and  complete 
polieffion  of  independence  j  and  as  well  regulated 
and  governed  as  the  other  flates  ? — And  fhall  the 
federal  union  throughout  the  whole  territory,  be  ob- 
fliucled,  and  rendered  incomplete,  by  the  ancient 
and  endlefs  controverfy,  between  Newyork  and  Ver- 
mont ? 

Newyork  wifhed  with  the  refl  of  America,  to  have 
the  federal  union  completed  :  And  without  calling 
to  view  the  former  occafions  of  contention,  paffed 
an  a6t,  July  15,  1789,  appointing commiffioners  with 
full  powers  to  acknowledge  the  independence  of 
Vermont,  and  to  fettle  all  matters  of  controverfy 
with  the  ftate.  On  Oclober  the  23d,  1789,  the  le- 
gi  fid  tare  of  Vermont  appointed  commiffioners  on 

their 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  303 

tJieif  part,  to  treat  with  thofe  of  Newyork,  with  pow- 
ers to  adjuft,  and  finally  determine,  every  thing 
which  obflru£fced  the  union  of  Vermont  with  the 
United  States.— -The  commiflioners  from  both  ftates, 
were  themfelves  very  defirous  to  have  Vermont 
brought  into  the  federal  union.  The  only  point  of 
difficulty  and  debate,  related  to  a  compenfation  for 
the  lands  claimed  by  the  citizens  of  Newyork,  which 
had  been  regranted  by  the  government  of  Vermont. 
After  two  or  three  meetings  of  the  commiflioners, 
the  matter  was  brought  to  an  equitable  and  arnica- 
ble  agreement. 

October  the  7th,  1790,  "  the  commiflioners  for 
Ne.wyork  by  virtue  of  the  powers  to  them  granted 
for  that  purpofe,  declared  the  confent  of  the  legifla- 
ture  of  Newyork,  that  the  ftate  of  Vermont  be  ad- 
mitted into  the  union  of  the  United  States  of  Amer- 
ica j  and  that  immediately  upon  fuch  admiflion,  all 
claims  of  jurifdiclion  of  the  (late  of  Newyork,  with- 
in the  ftate  of  Vermont,  fhall  ceafe  ;  and  thenceforth 
the  perpetual  boundary  line  between  the  ftate  of 
Newyork,  and  the  ftate  of  Vermont  fhall  be"  as  was 
then  holden  and  poflefled  by  Vermont,  that  is,  the 
weft  lines  of  the  moft  weftern  towns  which  had  been 
granted  by  Newbampfhire,  and  the  middle  channel 
of  Lake  Champlain.* — With  regard  to  the  lands 
which  had  been  granted  by  Newyork,  "  the  faid 
commiflioners  by  virtue  of  the  powers  to  them 
granted,  declare  the  will  of  the  legiflature  of  New- 
york, that  if  the  legiflature  of  the  ftate  of  Vermont 
fhould,  on  or  before  the  firft  day  of  January,  1792, 
declare  that  on  or  before  the  firft  day  of  June,  1794, 
the  faid  ftate  of  Vermont  would  pay  the  ftate  of 
Newyork,  the  fum  of  thirty  thoufand  dollars,  that 
immediately  from  fuch  declaration  by  the  legiflature 
of  the  ftate  of  Vermont,  all  rights  and  titles  to  lands 
within  the  ftate  of  Vermont,  under  grants  from  the 
government  of  the  colony  of  Newyork,  or  from  the 

ftate 


go4  the  NATURAL,  and  CIVIL 

ftate  of  Newyork,  fhould  ccafe,"  thofe  excepted, 
which  had  been  made  in  confirmation  of  the  grants 
of  Newhampihire. 

This  propofal  and  declaration  being  laid  before 
the  legiflature  of  Vermont,  they  very  readily  agreed 
to  the  plan,  which  had  been  concerted  bv  the  com- 
miflioners  from  both  dates  ;  and  on  October  28, 
1790,  palTed  an  act.  directing  the  treafurer  of  the 
ftate,  to  pay  the  fum  of  thirty  thoufand  dollars  to 
the  ftate  of  Newyork,  at  the  time  propofed  ;  adopt- 
ing the  weflern  line,  as  the  perpetual  boundary  be- 
tween the  two  Hates  ;  and  declaring  all  the  grants,, 
charters,  and  patents  of  land,  lying  within  the  ftate 
of  Vermont,  made  by  or  under  the  late  colony  of 
Newyork,  to  be  null  and  void,  thofe  only  excepted 
which  had  been  made  in  confirmation  of  the  grants 
from  Newhampihire. 

In  this  amicable  manner,  was  terminated  a  con- 
troverfy,  which  had  been  carried  on  with  great  ani- 
rnoiity  for  twenty  lix  years.  Both  fides  were  weary 
of  the  contcft,  and  happily  for  them,  the  general 
ftate  of  America  led  to  moderation,  equity,  and 
wifdom  :  And  this  feems  to  have  been  the  only  pe- 
riod, in  which  the  matter  could  have  been  adjufted 
to  the  fatisfaction  of  all  parties. 

The  difficulties  with  Newyork  being  thus  remov- 
ed, 1  he  allembly  of  Vermont  proceeded  to  call  a  con- 
vention of  the  people,  to  take  into  confederation  the 
expediency  of  joining  the  federal  union.  The  con- 
vention met  at  Bennington,  January  6,  1791.  The 
members  were  not  all  agreed  in  the  expediency  of 
being  connected  with  the  thirteen  flatts  :  And  it 
vas  doubted  whether  a  majority  of  the  people,  were 
the  meafurc.  Several  members  of  the  conven- 
tion wiflied  to  defer  the  confederation  of  the  quef- 
tion,  to  a  more  diflant  period.  It  was  urged  on  the 
other  hand,  that  the  faiety,  the  intereft,  and  the 
honour  of  Vermont,  would  be  effentially  promoted 

by 


HISTORY  op  VERMONT.  305 

by  joining  the  union  of  the  other  flares  j  and  that 
this  was  the  precife  time,  when  it  might  be  done 
without  difficulty,  or  oppofition.  A  large  majority 
of  the  members  were  convinced  that  the  matter  could 
not  be  put  off  any  longer  ;  and  after  a  debate  of 
three  days,  the  queftion  was  carried  in  the  affirma- 
tive, by  a  majority  of  one  hundred  and  five  to  two. 
This  being  the  only  bufinefs  for  which  the  conven- 
tion had  been  called,  it  was  diffolved  January  11th. 

The  general  affembly  of  Vermont  met  at  Ben- 
nington, January  the  10th.  On  the  18th,  they 
made  choice  of  the  Honourable  Nathaniel  Cbipman^ 
and  Lewis  R  Morris^  Efqj  their  commiflioners  to  at- 
tend Congrefs,  and  negociate  the  admiffion  of  the 
flate  into  the  union  of  the  confederated  ftates  of 
America.  The  commiflioners  repaired  to  Philadel- 
phia, and  laid  before  the  prefident  of  the  United 
States,  the  ads  of  the  Convention  and  legiflature  of 
Vermont  ;  and  on  February  18th,  1791,  the  admif- 
fion of  Vermont  was  completed,  by  an  acl:  of  Con- 
grefs, without  any  dibite,  or  one  dilTentient  vote. 
By  this  event  all  theconiroverfies  refpeciing  Vermont, 
were  brought  to  a  conclufion  :  She  v/as  to  take  her 
feat  in  Congrefs,  March  4,  1791  ;  and  the  federal 
union  was  completed,  in  every  part  of  the  Uiiited 
States  of  America. 

The  violence  and  duration  of  the  controverfie?,  in 
which  Vermont  was  lo  long  engaged,  proved  unfa- 
vourable to  thcftate  of  fociety  in  that,  and  in  the  ac*« 
jacent  ftates.  During  the  fir  ft  part  of  their  co, 
with  Newyork,  there  was  not  any  fettled  form  of 
government  in  Vermont.  The  people  tran  faded 
their  bufinefs,  by  the  meetings  of  towns  and  planta- 
tions ;  by  committees, leaders,  and  officers,  appointed 
and  fubmitted  to,  by  general  confent.  The  opposi- 
tion to  Newyork  was  one  continued  fcene  of  vio- 
lence, and'the  minds  of  the  fettlers^  were  conflai 
!ed  by  the  moft  uncomfortable  paffions  :  But  a 
Pp  general 


305        the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

general  fear  of  the  final  iflue,  prevented  both  parties 
from  proceeding  to  bloodfhed.  But  in  one  inftance, 
was  there  any  perfon  (lain,  in  this  quarrel.  In  March 
1775,  during  the  feflion  of  a  court  holden  under  the 
authority  of  Newyorkat  Weftminfter,  one  man  was 
(hot  through  the  body  in  the  court  houfe.  But  if 
gave  fuch  a  general  alarm,  that  both  parties  were 
more  cautious  to  avoid  the  extremes  of  irregularity. 
In  this  ftage  of  the  controverfy,  the  fettlernent  of  the 
country  was  much  prevented  by  the  contrary  claims 
which  fubfifted,  and  the  violences  they  produced. — » 
In  the  latter  part  of  the  year,  1781,  the  controverfy 
with  Newhampfhire  bore  a  very  ferious  afpeft. 
Cheftei  field  in  that  ftate,  was  one  of  the  towns  which 
had  joined  with  Vermont  ;  but  fome  of  the  inhabit- 
ants ftill  adhered  to  the  jurifdi&ion  of  Newhamp- 
fhire. A  conftable  under  the  authority  of  Vermont, 
went  to  ferve  a  writ  upon  one  of  the  inhabitants  of 
that  town.  His  authority  was  denied,  and  an  offi- 
cer, under  the  authority  of  Newhampfhire,  rnterpof- 
ed.  In  the  courfe  of  the  conteft.tbe  NevrhampibiiG 
officer  with  one  or  two  of  his  adherents,  were  im- 
prisoned by  the  officer  from  Vermont.  Orders  were 
given  by  the  government  of  NeVhampfhinei  to  raifc 
the  foffe  comitatus,  and  liberate  the  imprifoned  fher- 
iff  by  force.  The  governor  and  council  of  Vermont 
fent  three  agents  to  Exeter,  to  endeavour  to  corn- 
promil'e  the  matter  with  the  government  of  Ne\v- 
hampfhire.  One  of  thefe  was  a  fheriifof  Vermont  : 
By  way  of  retaliation,  he  was  immediately  imprifon- 
ed at  Exeter.  Alarmed  with  this  approach  to  hoi- 
tilities,  both  governments  were  obliged  to  interpofe 
to  prevent  more  violent  meafures,  which  threatened 
to  break  out  into  a  civil  war.— In  1784,  the  fecreta- 
ry  of  Vermont  was  arrcfled  in  the  city  ofNcwyork, 
or  account  of  his  political  conduft  in  Vermont: 
The  matter  be:^;  laid  before  the  general  affemblv  of 
the  ilatc,  they  unanimoufly  reiblved  that  fuch  land? 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  307 

in  the  territory  of  Vermont,  as  belonged  to  the  citi- 
zens of  Newyorlc,  mould  be  fold,  until  money  enough 
was  railed  from  their  fales,  to  make  full  reftitution 
to  their  fecretary  for  all  the  charges  and  damages 
which  might  accrue,  from  his  arrelt  in  Newyork. 

Thefe  violences  were  unfavourable  to  the  fettle- 
ment  of  the  country  ;  they  tended  to  keep  the  minds 
of  the  people,  in  a  flate  of  irritation  ;  and  had  an 
ill  effeft  on  the  flate  of  fociety.  But  it  is  worthy  of 
remark,  how  extremely  unwilling  the  people  of  A- 
rnerica  were,  to  proceed  to  war  with  one  another. 
In  their  higheft  ftate  of  provocation  and  refentment, 
they  abhorred  the  idea  of  killing  and  flaughteriag 
each  other.  Unufed  to  the  practices  of  rebellion, 
murder,  and  aflalTination,  when  they  were  exafperated 
with  the  highefl  fenfe  of  injuries,  they  had  no  inten- 
tion or  idea  of  kindling  a  civil  war  in  their  coun- 
try, of  deflroying  thofe  who  oppofed  them,  or  of 
ftaining  the  American  fyftem  of  freedom,  with  blood 
and  (laughter.  So  far  from  this,  that  amid  ft  a  vio- 
lent oppofition  to  one  another,  they  were  all  agreed, 
that  the  war  fhould  be  carried  on  with  unceafing 
vigour  againft  Greatbritain  ;  but  that  no  other  vvar 
fhould  be  permitted  to  exifl  in  the  country. 

But  although  all  parties  had  cautioufly  avoided 
enkindling  a  civil  war  in  their  country,  they  had 
been  hurried  into  great  miflakes  and  errors.  The 
people  of  Vermont  had  no  idea  of  oppofing  the 
government  of  Newyork,  until  the  governor  and 
council  of  that  province  had  proceeded  to  make  new 
grants  of  their  lands,  which  they  had  bought  under 
the  royal  grants,  and  fubdued  by  extreme  labour  and 
hardfhip.  To  relinquifh  all  their  property,  to  re- 
duce themfelves  and  families  to  a  ftate  of  beggary, 
and  fubmit  to  have  all  the  profit  of  the  labour  and 
fufFerings  of  their  whole  lives  wantonly  taken  from 
them,  and  given  to  others  ;  there  was  an  infolence 
and  cruelty  in  this  kind  of  oppreffion,  to  which  they 

ought 


3o8        the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

ought  not  to  have  fubmitted,  fo  long  as  it  was  in 
their  power  to  prevent  it.  Inftead  of  being  foften- 
ed,  the  iniquity  of  this  oppreffion  was  increafed,  by 
its  being  committed  under  the  oftentatious  authori- 
ty of  the  king,  the  law,  and  the  government  of  New- 
york.  The  iettlers  certainly  did  right  in  oppofing 
iucli  pretentions,  and  proceedings.  They  felt  with 
an  irrefiftible  evidence,  that  the  natural  rights,  of 
men,  were  of  an  higher  original,  and  of  a  more  fa- 
cred  authority,  than  the  variable  decifions  of  a  Brit- 
ain king,  or  the  rapacious  views  of  a  provincial  gov- 
ernor, and  council  :  Such  oppofition  to  thefe  pro- 
ceedings, as  was  neceffary  in  order  to  be  effectual, 
was  undoubtedly  juftifiable  by  the  law  of  nature  and 
nations. — But  Vermont  was  not  without  error,  in 
iufFering  the  fixteen  towns  from  Newhampfhire,  to 
join  with  her.  This  was  opening  the  door  to  irreg- 
ularity, and  confufion;  and  in  the  event,  was  of 
more  difadvantage,  than  benefit  ;  and  ought,  in  the 
firft  inftance,  to  have  been  prevented.  But  when 
jNewhampfhire  and  Newyork  were  aiming  to  divide 
the  whole  territory  of  Vermont  between  them,  Ver- 
mont was  not  blameable  for  defending  herfelf  by  the 
fame  policy,  and  receiving  their  towns  and  fettle- 
ments  into  her  confederation. 

Newyork  had  a  proper  right  to  claim  the  jurifdic- 
tion  of  the  whole  territory,  which  the  royal  decifion 
Jiad  afligned  to  her,  in  1764:  And  had  fhe  been 
content  with  this,  there  never  would  have  been  any 
controverfy  about  the  matter.  Her  great  error  was 
in  regranting  the  lands,  and  ejecting  the  fettlers  from 
the  eftates,  which  they  had  honeflly  bought  before 
of  the  highefl  Britifh  authority  ;  and  made  valuable 
by  their  labour,  fufferings,  and  hardfhips.  It  is 
true,  the  proceedings  of  Newyork  were  all  agreeable 
to  the  forms  of  their  laws  :  Inftead  of  being  a  jufti- 
iication  of  thofe  proceedings,  the  abufe  and  cruelty 
fcecame  greater  from  this  circumftance  ;  for  injufticei 

is 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  309 

is  moft  of  all  odious,  when  it  is  calmly  and  deliber. 
ately  done,  under  the  colours  of  law  and  govern- 
ment.— Under  the  royal  governments  fuch  proceed- 
ings had  not  been  altogether  uncommon,  nor  was  it 
in  the  power  of  the  people  to  prevent  them  :  But 
when  the  people  had  taken  the  powers  of  govern- 
ment into  their  own  hands,  thele  errors  certainly 
ought  to  have  been  corrected.  A  perfeverance  in 
the  fame  error,  feems  to  have  rendered  the  claims  of 
Newyork,  difagreeabletoCongrefs;  and  in  the  event, 
united  the  public  opinion,  in  oppofition  to  her 
claims,  and  in  favour  of  thofe  of  Vermont. 

Newhampfhire  had  jufl  occafion  for  offence,  at 
the  proceedings  of  her  citizens,  in  the  feceding 
towns  ;  and  with  the  government  of  Vermont,  for 
receiving  them  into  her  confederation.  But  there 
was  not,  either  found  policy,  or  any  advantage,  in 
extending  her  claim  over  the  whole  territory  :  No 
colour  of  title,  or  any  pretence  of  right,  could  be 
found  for  fuch  a  claim  ;  and  the  defign  of  it  was 
perfectly  well  underftood. 

How  far  Congrefs  was  forced  to  adopt  an  evafive 
policy,  by  the  ciicumftances  of  the  war,  it  may  be 
difficult  for  thofe  who  were  not  in  the  cabinet,  to 
determine.  Her  great  bufinefs,  undoubtedly  was  to 
preferve  peace  and  union  among  the  dates  ;  and  to 
prevent  their  contentions,  from  injuring  the  common 
caufe.  This  end  was  effected  :  But  it  does  not  feem 
to  have  been  produced  by  the  policy  of  Congrefs, 
but  by  the  virtue  of  the  people.  The  meafures  of 
Congrefs  relpecling  the  controverfies  of  Vermont 
with  Newfaampfliire  and  Newyork,  ferved  rather  to 
difpleafe  all  parties,  than  to  fatisfy  any.  Such  was 
their  uncertainty,  their  contradictory,  and  evafive 
nature,  that  when  the  dangers  occafioned  by  the  war 
were  removed,  the  people  of  Vermont  had  very  lit- 
tle defire  or  inclination  to  be  much  connected  with 
Congrefs,     It  was  not  until  more  fteadinefs,  vigour, 

and 


3io        this  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

and  ability,  appeared  in  the  federal  government, 
that  the  people  were  willing  to  be  brought  into  the 
American  union. 

Amidft  the  errors  and  evils  which  attended  thefe 
controverfies,  they  were  found  to  produce  fome  good 
efFecls.  They  ferved  to  exercife  and  draw  forth  abil- 
ities and  powers,  which  proved  of  great  fervice  to 
their  country,  when  they  came  to  be  employed  in 
the  grand  conteft  with  Britain.  They  led  the  peo- 
ple to  acquire  jufl  fentiments  of  the  rights  of  men, 
and  of  the  nature,  importance,  and  extent  of  govern- 
ment. At  that  period,  every  thing  in  America 
feemed  to  operate,  to  promote  political  knowledge. 
The  principles  of  civil  liberty,  which  were  but  im- 
perfectly confidered  in  the  writings  of  L,ocke,  Syd- 
ney, and  Montefquieu,  occurred  every  moment  to 
the  views  and  feelings  of  the  whole  body  of  the  peo- 
ple :  In  (lead  of  being  any  longer  barely  the  difcov- 
eries  of  a  few  enlightened  philosophers,  they  became 
the  prevailing  fentiments  of  the  whole  body  of  the 
American  citizens :  And  from  that  period  untii  now, 
they  have  been  conftantly  operating  to  produce  a 
more  natural  form  of  government,  a  more  perfect 
.fyftem  of  freedom,  and  a  more  flourifhing  fta-te  of 
fociety  in  America,  than  ever  had  been  known  before, 
among  all  the  allocations  of  men. 


CHAP, 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  31* 


CHAP.       XII. 


State  of  Society. — The  Employments  of  the  Peo* 
pie :  Agriculture,  Manufactures,  Hunting,  Commerce- 
ike  Prof  is  of  Labour. 


IN  the  natural  conftitution  of  mana 
the  author  of  nature  feems  to  have  eftablifhed  the 
limits,  below,  and  above  which,  the  human  race  can- 
not be  found.  Somewhere  within  thefe  limits,  every 
nation  will  take  its  place  :  But  where,  depends  chief- 
ly upon  the  ftate  of  fociety.  It  fhould  feem  that 
feveral  of  the  nations  of  the  earth,  are  yet  near  the 
ultimate  point  of  depreflion  ;  and  have  been  fo,  from 
time  immemorial.  But  what  is  the  ultimate  point 
of  perfection  to  which  men  may  rife,  we  cannot  de- 
termine. The  many  and  great  imperfections,  which 
attend  the  ftate  of  fociety  in  every  nation,  feem  to 
denote  that  none  of  them  have  as  yet,  made  very 
near  approaches  to  it. 

The  caufes  which  produce  the  degradation,  or  the 
fuperiority  of  one  nation  to  another,  will  always  be 
found  in  thofe  things,  which  have  the  greateft  effect, 
in  confltituting  their  ftate  of  fociety.  Among  thefe, 
the  employments  of  the  people,  their  manners  and 
cuitoms,  their  religion,  their  government,  their  pop- 
ulation, and  the  degree  of  freedom  which  they  en- 
joy, will  always  be  among  the  capital  articles.  A 
juft  deicription  of  thefe,  would  afford  a  proper  ac- 
count of  the  ftate  of  fociety,  in  this  part  of  America,, 

EMPLOYMENTS 


312  T    the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 


EMPLOYMENTS   of    the   PEOPLE. 

Agriculture. — The  body  of  the  people  in 
Vermont  are  engaged  in  agriculture.  In  a  new 
country  where  the  fettlements  are  yet  to  be  made, 
agriculture  puts  on  a  very  different  appearance  from 
that,  which  it  bears  in  the  ancient  and  well  cultivat- 
ed fettlements.  There,  the  bufinefs  is  to  cultivate 
and  improve  the  farms,  which  have  been  already 
greatly  improved :  To  increafe  the  produce,  by  the 
application  of  more  labour  and  cultivation,  and  thus 
to  derive  a  greater  profit  from  the  land.  In  anew 
fettlement,  the  firll  bufinefs  of  the  hufbandman  is 
to  cut  down  the  woods,  to  clear  up  the  lands,  to  fow 
them  with  grain,  to  erecl;  the  neceffary  buildings, 
and  open  the  roads ;  and  thus  to  connect  and  form  a 
communication  between  the  fcattered  fettlements9 
and  make  the  moil  of  his  labour. — Amidft  the  hard 
living  3nd  hard  labour,  that  attends  the  forming  a 
new  fettlement,  the  fettler  has  the  moll  flattering 
profpetls  and  encouragements.  One  hundred  acres 
of  land  in  a  new  town,  does  not  generally  coft  him 
more  than  he  can  fpare  from  the  wages  of  one  or 
two  years.  Befides  maintaining  himfelf,  the  profits 
of  his  labour  will  generally  enable  a  young  man,  in 
that  period  of  time,  to  procure  himfelf  fuch  a  tract 
of  land. — When  he  comes  to  apply  his  labour  to  his 
own  land,  the  produce  of  it  become;;  extremely  prof- 
itable. The  firft  crop  of  wheat  will  fully  pay  him 
for  all  the  expenle  he  has  been  at,  in  clearing  up3 
fowing,  and  fencing  his  'and  ;  and  at  the  fame  time, 
increafes  the  value  of  the  land,  eight  or  ten  times  the 
original  coil.  In  this  way,  every  day's  labour  fpent 
in  clearing  up  his  land,  receives  high  wages  in  the 
grain  which  it  procures,  and  adds  at  the  fame  time 
a  quantity  of  improved  land  to  the  farm.  An  acre 
of  laud  which  in  its  natural  (late,  cofi  him   perhaps 

the 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  313 

the  half  of  one  day's  labour,  is  thus  in  one  year  made  of 
that  value,  (hat  it  will  afterwards  annually  produce  him 
from  fifteen  to  twenty  five  bufhels  of  wheat  ;  or  other 
kinds  of  produce,  of  equal  value.  In  this  way,  the 
profits  attending  labour  on  a  new  fettlement,  are  the 
greateft  that  ever  can  take  place  in  agriculture  % 
the  labourer  conftantly  receiving  double  wages.  He 
receives  high  wages  in  the  produce  of  his  corn  or 
wheat  j  and  he  receives  much  higher  wages  of  anoth- 
er kind*  in  the  annual  addition  of  a  new  tract  of  cul* 
tivated  land  tohisfarm.  This  double  kind  of  wages, 
nature  with  great  benevolence  and  defign,  has  afiign- 
ed  to  the  man  of  induftry,  when  he  is  firft  making 
a  fettlement  in  the  uncultivated  parts  of  America  : 
And  in  two  or  three  years*  he  acquires  a  very  com- 
fortable and  independent  fubfiftence  for  a  family,  de- 
rived from  no  other  fourcc  but  the  earth,  and  his 
own  induftry. 

In  every  country,  agriculture  ought  to  be  efteem^ 
ed,  as  the  mod  neceflary  and  ufeful  profeflion.  The 
food  and  the  raiment  by  which  all  orders  of  men  are 
fupported,  mud  be  derived  from  the  earth.  Agri- 
culture is  the  art,  by  which  this  is  effected  j  and  of 
confequence  the  art  which  fupports,  fupplies,  and 
maintains  all  the  reft.  It  ought  therefore  to  be  ef- 
teemed  the  primary*  the  fundarilentai,  and  the  moil 
efiential  art  of  all  ;  that  which  deferves  the  firft  and 
the  greateft  confideration,  and  encouragement. — 
The  wealth  drawn  fforit  agriculture,  is  permanent 
and  durable  ;  not  fubjeel  to  the  uncertainties  attends 
ing  that,  which  is  derived  from  commerce  •  and  not 
dependent  upon  the  inclinations,  the  difpofitions,  or 
the  regulations  of  other  kingdoms  and  countries* 
The  people  that  thus  live  by  their  own  agriculture* 
are  independent  of  other  nations,  and  need  not  be  af- 
fected by  their  wars,  revolutions,  or  convuifions  ; 
but  may  always  have  the  means  of  fupport  and  inde- 
Q^q  pendence, 


314  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

pendence,  among  themfelves.  While  they  havethsS 
which  is  drawn  from  the  cultivation  of  the  land,  they 
will  have  every  thing  that  nature  and  louety  can 
need,  or  have  made  valuable. 

The  other  profeflions,  thofe  efpecially  of  the  lib- 
eral arts,  are  of  great  utility,  and  of  high  importance, 
and  they  are  what  fociety  could  not  flourilh  without. 
But  (hey  derive  their  importance  and  utility  from  the 
imperfections  of  man.,  and  of  fociety  ;  .ind  do  not  of 
themfelves,  add  any  thing  to  the  wealth  of  nations. 
The  phyfician,  the  lawyer,  the  divine,  the  fUtelman, 
and  the  philofopher,  are  engaged  in  employments  of 
great  utility  to  mankind.  But  there  is  not  one  of 
them,  that  adds  any  thing  to  the  wealth  and  property 
of  the  community  :  They  mud  all  derive  their  lup- 
port,  from  the  cultivation  of  the  land.  Of  all  aits 
and  profeflions  then,  agriculture  ought  to  be  cftet til- 
ed the  moft  ufeful,  and  the  moft  important.  It  is 
the  art  which  produceth,  and  nounihes  all  the  reft. 
The  other  arts  teach  how  to  prelerve  the  health,  the 
property,  and  the  morals  of  men  ;  to  enlarge  their 
underftandinss.  and  to  give  a  rigjit  direction  to  their 
npinds  :  But  this  provides  food,  raiment,  and  iapport 
for  them  all, 

In  no  way,  has  the  glory  of  nations  been  more  cx« 
panded,  than  by  their  attainments  and  difcovenes  in 
icience.  The  matnematicians  have  meafured,  atid 
fettled  the  dimenhons  of  (he  folar  fyftem  :  But  the 
new  fetckr,  has  in  facl,  enlarged  the  hounds  of  the 
habitable  creation.  The  philosophers  have  expand- 
ed our  minds  with  the  ideas,  and  evidence,  thae  the 
other  planers  are  inhabited  ;  but  thehmpleand  hon- 
irmer,  has  made  the  earth  the  place  for  more  in- 
habitants than  it  ever  had  before.  And  while  the 
aftronomers  are  lbjufily  celebrating  the  dilcoveries, • 
a. id  the  new  planet  of  Herfchel,  all  mankind  fhould 
rejoice  j  that   the   fmiple  peafant   in   the   wik!ernefsa 

has 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  315 

lias  found  out  a  way,  to  make  our  planet  bear  more 
men. 

Tbofe  employments  which  are  the  mod  neceffary, 
and  the  mod  ufeful  to  men,  feem  to  be  the  moll 
nearly  connected  with  morality  and  virtue.  Agri- 
cultuue  appears  to  be  more  nearly  allied  to  this,  than 
any  of  the  arts.  The  man  that  is  conftan'ly  pur- 
fuing  the  bufinefs,  which  nature  hasaffigned  lo  him, 
feems  to  have  but  little  to  corrupt  him.  In  the 
many  hi  (lories  of  corruption,  there  ivS  not  any  ac- 
count, that  the  body  of  the  hufbandmen  ever  be- 
came a  corrupt,  venal,  and  debauched  generation. 
They  mud  fird  be  led  to  defert  their  employment.';, 
or  they  mud  be  blinded  and  deceived,  before  they 
can  be  made  fit  tools  for  politicians  to  corrupt,  and 
manage.  Their  profeflion  tends  to  render  them  an 
induftrious,  hardy,  incorrupted,  and  honed  iet  of 
men.  It  is  never  in  the  body  of  the  hufbandmen, 
but  among  the  (peculators,  politicians,  and  leaders 
of  mobs,  that  we  look  for  a  fettled  trade,  and  high 
attainments,  in  venality  and  corruption. 

Manu  f  act u res. — Next  to  agriculture,  the  chief 
fource  of  employment  is  manufactures.  Thefe  are 
chiefly  of  the  domejiic  kind,  defigned  to  procure 
clothing  for  families.  In  no  part  of  the  TJniied 
States,  does  the  farmer  meet  with  more  fuccefs  in 
railing  fheep.  The  climate  agrees  well  with  the 
breed  of  fheep,  that  is  fpread  over  the  territory  : 
And  the  richnefs  of  the  paftures,  in  new  fettlements, 
gives  an  extraordinary  fweetnefs  to  the  meat,  and 
richnefs  to  the  fleece.  It  is  not  uncommon  for  a 
fheep  of  two  or  three  years  old  to  weigh  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty  pounds,  and  to  afford  three  or  four 
pounds  of  wool.  And  from  the  wool  of  their  own 
raifing,  the  bigger  part  of  the  farmers  manufa6ture 
the  woolens,  which  are  ufed  in  their  families.  In 
no  places  does  flax  fucceed  better,  than  on  the  new 
lands.     The  common   produce   from  one   acre,  is 

from 


3iS  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

from  four  to  five  hundred  pounds.  Every  family 
raifes  a  quantity  of  flax,  and  carries  on  a  fmall  man- 
ufacture of  linen.  Thefe  domeftic  manufactures, 
are  of  the  highefb  importance  to  the  people.  When 
the  country  {hall  be  well  fettled,  wool  and  flax  will 
become  two  of  its  mod  capital  productions.  At 
prefent,  there  is  not  enough  of  either  annually  pro- 
duced, to  fupply  the  inhabitants. 

Great  advantages   may   be   derived   to  the   ftate, 
from  the  manufatiurts  cf  iron.      Large   quantities  of 
iron  ore  are  found  in  feveral  of   the   towns,   on    the 
weft  fide  of  the  green  mountains.      Tinmouthj  Rut- 
land, Pittsford,  and  Shoreham,  contain  great  quan- 
tities.     The  ore  in  thefe  towns  is  of  a  reddifh   kind, 
.mixed   with   earth   tindlured   with  yellow    ore.      It 
melts  eafily,  and  produces  from  one  feventh  to  one 
fourth  of  iron.      The  iron  is  moftly  of  the  coldftiire 
kind,  works  eafily,  and  makes  excellent  nails.      The 
principal  part  of  the  ore  that  has  hitherto  been  ufed 
in  this  ftate,  has  been  brought  from   a  mountain   on 
the  wtrft  fide  of  Lake  Champlain,  about  four  miles 
north  of    Crown   Point.     This   ore   is   of  a  black, 
heavy  kind  j  moftly  iron,  mixed  with  a  grey   flint- 
Hone.     The  iron  in  this  ore,  appears  in  large  grains, 
i'ome  of  them  nearly  as  large  as  a  pea  :   Thefe  grains 
appear  to  be  of  pure  iron.      Some  of  this  ore   is    fo 
peculiarly  rich,  that  when  it  is  well  managed,  it  will 
yield  four  fevenths  of  pure  iron  ;   but   is  exceeding 
hard  to  melt.     When  the  ore  is  well  worked,  it  pro- 
duces the  beft  iron  for  chains,  horfe  fhoes,  nails,  &c. 
and  fuch  matters  as  are  drawn  lengthways.      When 
applied  to  ufes  which  require  plaiting  widthways,  it 
does  not  anfwer   fo   good   a  purpofe  j  though   it   is 
neither  coldfhire,  nor  redfhire.     The  fame  kind   of 
ore  is  found  in  many  of  the  mountains,   on  the  weft 
fide  of  the  Lake,  as  far  fouth  as  its  waters  extend. — 
A.  country  thus  abounding  with  the  richeft  kind  of 
iron  ore,  naturally  invites  the  fettlers  to  the  iron 

manufactures. 


HISTORY  0?  VERMONT.  317 

manufactures.  And  they  have  already  (1792) 
erected  feveral  forges,  and  furnaces.  In  Bennington 
county  they  have  one  forge  ;  in  Rutland  county 
fourteen  ;  in  Addifon  county  four  ;  and  in  Chitten- 
den county  two.  In  addition  to  which  three  fur- 
naces are  alio  erected,  in  the  county  of  Rutland. 
From  thefe  works,  large  quantities  of  bar  iron  are 
annually  produced.  The  manufacture  of  nails  is 
already  become  common,  and  profitable  ;  and  every 
other  branch  of  the  iron  manufacture,  muft  foon 
be  (0. — Thefe  manufactures,  like  every  thing  elfe 
in  the  new  fettlements,  are  as  yet  in  their  infancy. 
But  if  we  may  judge  from  the  plenty,  or  the  eafe 
and  cheapnefs,  with  which  an  immenfe  quantity  of 
the  beft  kind  of  iron  ore  may  be  procured,  we  fhall 
be  apt  to  conclude  that  nature  hasdefigned  this  part 
of  the  United  Slates,  to  be  the  feat  of  very  flounfh- 
ing  manufactures  of  every  thing  that  can  be  made  of 
iron,  or  fleei. 

The  manufacture  of  pot  and  pearl  ajhts,  is  flill 
more  extenfive,  and  ufeful.  The  immenle  quantity 
of  wood,  with  which  the  country  is  every  where  cov- 
ered, may  fupply  any  quantity  of  afhes  for  this  pur- 
pole  :  And  the  greatefl  economy  takes  place  in  col- 
lecting the  afhes,  made  either  by  culinary  fires,  or 
thofe  which  are  defigned  to  burn  up  the  wood, 
where  the  inhabitants  are^clearing  the  lands.  In  al- 
moft  every  new  fettlement,  one  of  the  firft  attempts^ 
is  to  erect  works  for  the  pot  and  pearl  afh  manufac- 
ture :  And  there  are  probably  as  many  works  of 
this  kind,  as  there  are  fettled  towns  in  the  date. 
The  bufinefs  is  every  where  well  understood  ;  and 
there  is  no  better  pot  or  pearl  afhes  made  in  any 
part  of  America,  than  that  which  is  produced  in 
Vermont.  It  has  hitherto  taken  fiom  four  hundred 
and  fifty  to  four  hundred  and  eighty  bufhels  of  afhes, 
to  make  one  ton  of  pot  afh.  Conftant  attempts  are 
UQYf  nude,  to  find  out  a  way  of  extracting  more  of 

the 


318  the    NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

the  falts  from  the  afhes,  than  has  been  heretofore 
done  by  the  common  method  of  bleaching  ;  and  al- 
io to  extract  more  falts  from  the  afhes,  which  have  ' 
been  thrown  aflde  as  ufelefs.  Flattering  profpects 
feem  to  have  attended  fome  chymical  experiments  of 
this  kind  ;  and  improvements  have  been  made  in 
the  method  of  conftructing  the  woiks  for  the  pot 
afh.  But  much  further  improvements  are  neceffary, 
before  thcfe  imperfect  attempts,  can  be  of  any  very 
valuable  ufe  to  the  manufacturer.— The  quantity  of 
pot  and  pearl  afhes,  which  is  annually  made  in  Ver- 
mont, cannot  be  exactly  ftated.  From  the  bell  ac- 
counts I  could  procure,  in  the  year  1791,  the  quan- 
tity might  be  eflimated  at  about  one  thouland  tons : 
Piobably  this  may  be  near  the  truth.  But  whatev- 
er may  be  the  quantity  produced  at  prefent,  it  is 
rapidly  increafing  •  and  probably  wilt  for  fever al 
years,  bear  fome  proportion  to  the  increafe  of  the 
inhabitants.  As  the  mountains  will  not  fail  to  iup- 
ply  wood  for  this  manufacture,  for  centuries  yet  to 
come,  it  feems  that  Vermont  will  be  one  of  the 
dates,  in  which  this  manufacture  will  be  attended 
with  its  greateft  perfection  and  profit. 

The  manufacture  of  maple Jugar  is  alfo  an  article 
of  great  importance  to  the  ffate.  Perhaps  two 
thirds  of  the  families  are  engaged  in  this  bu fine fs  in 
the  fpring,  and  they  make  more  fugar  than  is  ufed 
among  the  people.  Confiderable  quantities  are  car- 
ried to  the  fhopkeepers  ;  which  always  find  a  ready 
Jale,  an:l  good  pay. — The  bufinefs  is  now  carried  on, 
under  the  greateft:  difadvantages  :  Without  proper 
conveniences,  rniiruments,  or  works  ;  (olely  by  the 
exertions  of  private  families,  in  the  wood.;,  and  with- 
out any  other  conveniences  than  one  or  two  iron 
kettles,  the  large  fl  of  which  will  not  hold  more  than 
four  or  five  pailfulls.  Under  all  thefe  difadvantages, 
it  is  common  for  a  family  to  make  two  or  three  hun- 
-dred  pounds  of  maple  fugar»  in  three  or  four  weeks. 

This 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  319 

This  manufaclure  is  capable  of  great  improvements. 
The  country  abounds  with  an  immenfe    number  of 
the  fugar  maple  trees.      The   largeft  of  thefe   trees 
are  five  and  an  half  or  fix  feet  in  diameter  ;  and  will 
yield    five    gallons   of  lap   in   one    day;  and  from 
twelve  to  fifteen  pounds  of  fugar,  during  the  feafon. 
The  younger  and  fmaller  trees   afford  fap  or  juice, 
in  a  (fill  greater  proportion.      Were  the    workmen 
furniihed  with  proper  apparatus  and  works,   to  coi- 
led and  boil  the  juice,  the  quantity  of  fugar  might 
be  increased,  during  the  time  of  making  of  it,  in  al- 
moft  any  proportion  :   And  it  might  become  an  ar- 
ticle of  much  importance,  in  the   commerce   of  the 
country. — I  have  never  tafted  any  better  fugar,  than 
what  has  been  made  from    the    maple,  when   it  has 
been  properiy  refined  ;  it  has  a  peculiarly   rich,  fa- 
Iubiious,    and  pleafant   tafte.      But    it    is   generally 
made  under  fo   many    unfavourable   circumftances, 
that  it  appears  for  the  moft  part,  rough,  coarfe,  and 
dirty;  and  frequently  burnt,  fmoaky,  or greafy, when 
it  is  fir  ft  made. — In  one  circumftance  only,  does  na- 
ture feem  to  have  let   bounds  to   this  manufacture, 
and  that  is  with  refpeft  to  time.      It  is  only  during 
four  or  five  weeks  in  the  fpring,  that   the  juice  can 
be  collected.     While  the  trees  are  frozen   at   night, 
and  thawed  in  the  day,  the  fap  runs  plentifully  :  But 
as  foon  as  the  buds  come  on,  the  fap  ceafes   to  flow 
in  luch  a  manner,  as  that  it  can  any  longer  be   col- 
lecied. — We  cannot  determine  with  much  accuracy 
what  quantity  of  this  fugar  is  annually  made  in  the 
ftate.      In  the  town  of  Cavendifh,  in  the  fpring   of 
the  year  1794,    the  quantity  made   by   eighty   three 
families,  w^s  fourteen  thoufand  and   eighty  pounds. 
If  the  families  in  the   other  towns   manufacture  in 
the  fame  proportion,  there  muft  be  above  one  thou- 
fand tons  annually  made  in  Vermont. 

Several  difiilleries  have  of  late  been  ere£led  in  this 
ftate,     The  objed  of  them  is  to  make  fach  fpirituous 

liquors, 


32o         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

liquors,  33  can  be  extracted  from  grain.  Confideriflg 
the  large  quantities  of  wheat,  rye,  and  barley,  that 
are  railed  in  the  country,  it  Terms  probable  that  thefe 
diflillerics  will  foon  be  in  a  flourishing  ftate.  All 
kinds  of  grain  are  raifed  fo  eafily  upon  our  lands, 
and  in  fuch  quantities,  that  the  farmer  can  find  no 
fale,  and  has  no  ufe  for  them.  They  might  imme- 
diately be  raifed  to  double  their  prefent  quantity,  if 
there  was  any  demand  for  them.  The  diftilleries 
have  met  with  good  luccefs  in  their  attempts  to  make 
gin.  And  nothing  feems  wanting,  but  time,  and  ex- 
perience, to  produce  large  quantities  of  all  thofe 
fpirits,  that  can  be  produced  from  grain.  As  yet 
thefe  woiks  are  in  their  infancy  ;  probably  they  will 
become  a  lucrative  branch  of  bufinefs  to  their  own- 
ers, and  of  very  confiderable  advantage  to  the  ftate. 

Hunting. —  Hunting  was  formerly  a  bufinefs, 
which  was  much  purfued,  and  attended  with  confid- 
erable profit  in  this  ftate.  The  country,  in  its  early  - 
ftate,  abounded  with  moore,  deer,  beais,  foxes, 
wolves,  rabbits,  martins,  Sec  In  the  lakes  and 
creeks,  there  were  large  numbers  of  beaver,  otter, 
mufkrats,  and  minks.  The  flefn  of  fome  of  thefe  an- 
imals, and  the  furs  of  all  of  them,  proved  a  lucrative 
branch  of  bufinefs  to  fome  of  the  firft  fettlers.  But 
as  the  fettlements  increafe,  the  wild  animals  difap- 
pear,  and  in  a  few  years  they  will  be  fcarcely  to  be 
found  at  all.  At  prefent  the  peltry  may  amount  to 
one  or  two  thoufand  pounds  per  annum  ;  but  it  has 
aim  oft  ccafed  to  be  attended  with  a  profit,  adequate 
to  the ■  cxpenfe. 

Commerce. — Commercial  concerns  afford  em- 
ployment for  a  confiderable  number  of  people* 
This  branch  of  bufinefs  is  wholly  confined  to  the 
adjacent  parts  of  the  country  :  Pait  of  it  is  carried 
on  with  Connecticut,  part  with  M  affachufetts,  a  con- 
fiderable part  with  the  province  of  Canada,  but  much 
the  large  ft  part   with    Ncwyork.      The  articles  tha* 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  3it 

are  brought  into  the  ftate  are  chiefly  rum,  wines,  bran- 
dy,andgin:  Coarfe  linens  and  woolens,  and  the  various 
articles  of  cheap  clothing  :  Tea,  coffee,  chocolate, 
and  all  the  articles  neceffary  for  building,  which  are 
not  yet  produced  in  the  country.  The  exports  are 
grain  of  all  kinds,  bar  iron,  and  nails  :  Pot  and  pearl 
a£hes  ;  beef,  pork,  live  cattle,  horfes  ;  lumber,  pelt- 
ry, fome  flax,  and  maple  fugar.— The  amount  of 
the  commerce  of  an  inland  country,  cannot  be  very 
accurately  afcertained  ;  nor  have  we  any  way  to  de- 
termine, what  quantity  of  goods  are  annually  brought 
into  the  ftate;  or  to  what  value,  the  remittances  an- 
nually  amount. — The  trade  itfelf  has  been  of  great 
advantage,  in  promoting  the  fettlement  of  the  coun- 
try ;  but  the  carriage  of  the  articles,  being  chiefly 
by  land,  and  through  long  and  bad  roads,  has  been 
attended  with  great  expenfe  ;  and  has  much  pre- 
vented the  railing  of  wheat,  and  other  kinds  of  grain, 
The  natural  channels  into  which  the  trade  of  Ver- 
mont will  refolve  itfelf,  will  be  a  water  carriage  upon 
Connecticut  river  ;  and  through  Lake  Champlain, 
down  the  rivers  of  Hudfon,  and  St.  Lawrence.  As 
vigorous  attempts  are  now  making,  to  render  all 
thefe  waters  better  fuited  to  the  purpofes  of  naviga- 
tion, the  time  cannot  be  far  diftant,  when  commerce 
(hall  be  more  eafily  carried  on,  become  much  ir.» 
creafed,  and  be  attended  with  much  greater  advan* 
tages  to  the  ftate. 

In  any  of  thefe  employments,  the  labourer  has  the 
profpecl  of  acquiring  not  only  a  very  comfortable 
living,  but  fufficient  property  to  maintain  a  family. 
The  price  of  labour  will  always  bear  a  proportion 
to  the  profits  it  will  produce,  and  to  the  demand 
which  there  is  for  it.  In  a  new  country  every  one 
that  can  perform  a  day's  work,  will  find  employ- 
ment in  any  part  of  the  country.  In  agriculture, 
the  labourer  can  procure  feventy  dollars  a  year  lor 
work  i  equiHii  value  to  one  hundred  and  twen- 
R  r  tv 


0 


.2         the  NATURAL  and  CIYFL 


ty  bufhels  of  wheat.  In  the  bufy  feafons  of  ths 
vear,  the  common  price  of  a  day's  labour  is  half  a 
dollar  ;  in  winter  not  more  than  half  this  fum.  All 
kinds  of  labour  arc  in  the  ufual  proportion  to  chat  of 
agriculture. — Of  thefe  wages  it  will  take  twenty  dol- 
lars, to  procure  comfortable  clothing  ;  the  remain- 
der the  labourer  is  able  to  referve  for  other  purpofcs, 
Thus  by  labouring  for  another  for  two  or  three 
years,  the  labourer  becomes  independent,  and  woiki 
afterwards  upon  his  own  land  or  Mock. 

The  writers  upon  political  economy  in  Europe, 
are  constantly  mentioning  the  great  advantages  which 
accrue  to  trade  and  commerce,  from  an  extreme 
cheapnefs  of  labour.  The  beneficial  effects  that 
would  arife  from  it  in  America,  would  be  no  com- 
penfation  for  the  difadvahtages  that  would  attend  it. 
It  would  not  be  any  advantage  to  the  country,  to 
carry  on  any  branch  of  bufinels,  which  would  not 
fupport  itfelf,  and  pay  well  for  the  labour.  Lead 
of  all  would  it  be  of  any  public  benefit,  to  have 
the  profits  of  the  labour  of  many,  centre  in  the 
hands  of  a  few  wealthy  men.  This  would  reduce  the 
body  of  the  people  to  poverty,  dependence,  and  ve- 
nality ;  and  introduce  all  that  endlefs  confufion  of 
Jaws  for  the  fupport  of  the  poor,  which  has  perplexed 
all  the  wealthy  parts  of  Europe,  for  more  than  a  cen- 
tury. Thofe  laws,  with  their  perpetual  alterations, 
plainly  denote  that  the  difficulty  does  not  admit  any 
remedy  from  the  ordinary  com  fe  of  law. — In  every 
country,  in  which  the  Mate  of  fociety  is  fuch,  that  the 
labourers  have  the  profpecr.  and  the  hope  of  acquir- 
ing property,  that  body  of  men  are  as  active,  enter- 
prifing,  and  economical,  as  any  other  order  in  ~  the 
ftate.  Take  from  them,  under  any  pretence,  the 
proper  profits  of  labour,  and  all  profpect  and  hope 
of  acquiring  eafe  and  property  by  it,  and  the  Euro- 
pean confequences  will  follow  :  The  poor  will  every 
where  abound,  the  wealthy  muff  maintain  them,  and 

both 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  323 

both  will  be  difTatisfied  :  Speculators  will  be  per- 
petually propoflng  new  laws,  and  the  more  the  laws 
are  multiplied,  the  worfe  will  be  the  condition  of  the 
poor,  and  the  greater  will  be  the  expenfe  of  the  rich. 
This  will  be  the  unavoidable  confequence,  when  the 
wealth  of  a  nation  has  puffed  into  the  hands  of  a 
few  men  :  Or  when  the  body  of  the  workmen,  in> 
Head  of  labouring  upon  their  own  property,  continue 
to  ferve  uader  a  matter. 


C  II  A  P. 


324         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 


C     H     A     P.       XIII. 


State  of  Society. — Cujioms  and  Manners  :  Edu- 
cation, early  Marriages,  Aftivity^  Equality,  Eccx- 
omy,  and  Bojptality  of  the  People. 


X  HE  cuftorns  and  manners  of  na- 
tions are  derived  from  defcent,  Gtuation,  employ- 
ment, and  all  thofe  regulations  which  have  an  influ- 
ence upon  the  ilate  of  the  people  ;  and  they  ferve 
better  than  other  circumftances  to  afcertain  the  char- 
acter of  nations,  and  to  denote  the  (late  of  fociety 
at  any  given  period  in  their  hiftory. — The  cuftorns 
and  manners  of  the  people  of  Vermont,  are  princi- 
pally derived  from  the  people  of  Newengland,  from 
whom  they  are  defcended  :  But  in  a  few  particulars 
they  have  received  a  direction,  from  the  ftate  of  fo- 
ciety which  takes  place  among  the  fettlers  in  a  new 
country. 

Education. — Among  the  cuftorns  which  are 
univerfal  among  the  people,  in  all  parts  of  the 
flate,  one  that  fcems  worthy  of  remark,  is,  the  atten- 
tion that  is  paid  to  the  education  of  children.  The 
aim  of  the  parent,  is  not  fo  much  to  have  his  children 
acquainted  with  the  liberal  arts  and  fciences  ;  but  to 
have  them  all  taught  to  read  with  eafe  and  proprie- 
ty ;  to  write  a  plain  and  legible  hand  ;  and  to  have 
them  acquainted  with  the  rules  of  arithmetic,  fo  far 
as  fhall  be  neceiTary  to  carry  on  any  of  the  moft  com- 
mon and  neceflary  occupations  of  life.  All  the  chil- 
dren are  trained  up  to  this  kind  of  knowledge  :  They 

*re 


HISTORY  or   VERMONT,  3:5 

are  accuftomed  from  their  carlieft  years  to  read  the 
Holy  Scriptures,  the  periodical  publications,  newfpa- 
pers,  and  political  pamphlets  ;  to  form  fome  general 
acquaintance  with  the  laws  of  their  country,  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  courts  of  juftice,  of  the  general  af- 
fembly  of  the  ftate,  and  of  the  Congrefs,  Sec.  Such 
a  kind  of  education  is  common  and  univerfal  in  ev- 
ery part  of  the  ftate  :  And  nothing  would  be  more 
di  (honourable  to  the  parents,  or  to  the  children,  than 
to  be  without  it.  One  of  the  firft  things  the  new 
fettlers  attend  to,  is  to  procure  a  fchoolrnafter  to  in- 
ftrucr.  their  children  in  the  arts  of  reading,  writing, 
and  arithmetic  :  And  where  they  are  not  able  to  pro- 
cure or  to  hire  an  inftrucror,  the  parents  attend  to 
it  themfelves,  No  greater  misfortune  could  attend 
a  child,  than  to  arrive  at  manhood  unable  to  read, 
write,  and  keep  fmall  accounts  :  He  is  viewed  as  un- 
fit for  the  common  bufinefs  of  the  towns  and  plan- 
tations, and  in  a  ftate  greatly  inferiour  to  his  neigh- 
bours. Every  confederation  joins  to  prevent  fo  de- 
graded and  mortifying  a  ftate,  by  giving  to  every  one 
the  cuftomary  education,  and  advantages. — This 
cuftom  was  derived  from  the  people  of  Newengland; 
and  has  acquired  greater  force  in  the  new  fettlements, 
where  the  people  are  apprehenfive  their  children 
will  have  lefs  advantages,  and  of  confequence,  not 
appear  equal  to  the  children  in  the  older  towns.-— 
No  cuftom  was  ever  better  adapted  to  private,  or 
public  good.  Such  kind  of  education  and  knowl- 
edge, is  of  more  advantage  to  mankind,  than  all  the 
fpeculations,dilputes,  and  diftin6lions,that  metaphyf- 
ics,  logic,  and  fcholaftic  theology,  have  ever  pro- 
duced. In  the  plain  common  good  fenfe,  promoted 
by  the  one,  virtue,  utility,  freedom,  and  public  hap- 
pinefs,  have  their  foundations.  In  the  ufelefs  fpec- 
ulations  produced  by  the  other,  common  fenfe  is  loft, 
folly  becomes  refined,  and  the  ufeful  branches  of 
knowledge  are  darkened,  and  forgot. 

Early 


3a§         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

Early  Marriages. — Another   cuflom,    which 
every  thing  tends  to  introduce  in  a  new  country,  is 
early    marriage.     Trained   up  to  a  regular  induftry 
and  economy  the  young  people  grow  up  to  maturi- 
ty, in  all  the  vigour  of  health,  and  bloom  of  natural 
beauty.     Not  enervated   by   idlenefs,   weakened  by 
luxury,  or  corrupted  by  debauchery,  the  inclinations 
of  nature  are  directed   towards  their  proper  object?, 
at  an  early  period  ;  and  affume  the  direction,  which 
nature  and  fociety  defigned  they  fhould  have.     The 
eafe  with   which  a  family  may  be  maintained,    and 
the  wiihes  of  parents  to  fee  their  children    fettled  in 
the  way  of   virtue,  reputation,  and  felicity,  are  cir- 
cumftances,  which  alio  ftrongly    invite  to  an    early 
fettlement  in   life.     The   virtuous  affections  arc  not 
corrupted  nor  retarded  by  the  pride  of :' families,  the 
ambition  of  orientation,  or  the  idle  notions  of  u'elelf. 
and  dangerous  dittinctions,  under  the  name  of  hon- 
our and  titles.     Neither  parents   nor  children   have 
any  other   profpects,   than  what   are  founded    upon 
induftry,  economy,   and  virtue. — Where  every  cir- 
cumftance  thus  concurs  to  promote  early  marriages, 
the  practice  becomes  univerfal,  and  it  generally  takes 
place,  as  loon   as    the  laws   of  fociety    fuppole   the 
young  people  of  fufficient  age  and  difcretion  to  tranl- 
act  the  bufinefs  of  life. — It  is  not  neceflary  to  enu- 
merate the    many    advantages,  that  arife   from    this 
cuftoin  of  early  marriages.     They   comprehend   all 
that  fociety  can  receive  from  this  fource  ;   from   the 
prefervation,  and  increafe  of  the  human  race.      Ev- 
ery thing  ufeful  and  beneficial    to  man,  feems  to    be 
connected  with  obedience  to  the  laws  of  his  nature  : 
And  where  the   (late  of   fociety    coincides  with   the 
Jaws  of  nature,  the  inclinations,  the  duties,  and    the 
happinefs  of  individuals,  refolve  themfelves  into  cuf- 
toms  and   habits,  favourable,  in   the  higheft    degree, 
10  fociety.      In  no   cafe    is  this  more  apparent,  than" 
in  the  cufloms  of  nations  refpecting  marriage.   When 

wealth, 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  327 

wealth,  or  the  imaginary  honour  of  families,  is  the 
great  object,  marriage  becomes  a  matter  of  trade, 
pride,  and  form  ;  in  which  affection,  virtue,  and  hap- 
pinefs,  are  not  confultcd  ;  from  which  the  parties 
derive  no  felicity,  and  fociety  receives  no  advantage. 
But  where  nature  leads  the  way,  all  the  lovely  train 
of  virtues,  domeflic  happinefs,  and  the  greateft  of 
all  public  benefits,  a  rapid  population,  are  found  to 
be  the  fruit. 

Activity  and  Enterprize. — A  fpirit  of  ac- 
tivity and  enterprize  is  every  where  found  in  a  new 
ftate.  Depending  upon  their  own  induftry,  and 
having  nothing  to  expect,  from  fpeculation  and  gam- 
ing in  public  funds,  or  from  the  errors  or  vices  of 
government,  the  views  of  the  people  are  directed  to 
their  own  employments  and  bufinefs,  as  the  only 
probable  method  of  acquiring  fubfiftence,  and  eftate. 
Hence  arifes  a  fpirit  of  univerfal  activity,  and  en* 
terprize  in  bufinefs.  No  other  purfuits  or  profpects 
are  fuffered  to  divert  their  attention  •  for  there  is 
nothing  to  be  acquired  in  any  other  way.  Neither 
begging,  or  gaming,  or  trading  upon  public  funds, 
meafures,  and  management,  can  be  profitable  em- 
ployments to  the  people  who  live  at  a  diftance  from 
wealthy  cities,  and  the  feat  of  government.  The 
only  profitable  bufinefs,  is  to  purfue  their  own  pro- 
feffion  and  calling. — To  this  purfuit  their  views  be- 
come directed  j  and  here,  their  activity  and  enter- 
prize become  remarkable.  No  difficulty  or  hard- 
ship fecm  to  difcourage  them  :  And  the  perfeverance 
of  a  few  years  generally  ferves  to  overcome  the  ob» 
flacles,  that  lay  in  their  way  at  firft.  It  is  only  thofe 
who  are  of  this  enterprifing  fpirit,  who  venture  to 
try  their  fortunes  in  the  woods  j  and  in  a  few  years, 
it  generally  raifes  them  into  eafy  and  comfortable 
drcumftances, — To  the  rnofl  eflentiai  and  neceffary 
duties  of  man,  heaven  has  annexed  immediate  and 
;r,portar.t  bkfjings,  The  people  thus  active,  labo- 
rious 


328         tue   NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

rious,  and  perpetually  in  hard  exertions,  are  defti- 
tute  of  many  of  the  conveniences  of  life  ;  and  of 
what,  in  every  populous  city,  would  be  eftcemed 
its  neccflaries.  Can  their  health  and  fpnits  remain 
unimpaired,  arnidfl  this  fcene  of  hard  living,  and 
hard  labour  ?  Will  they  not  wafte  away  thus  labour- 
ing in  the  woods,  without  good  living, -able  phyfi- 
cians,  and  the  advantages  of  medicine  ?  So  far  fioin 
it,  that  no  people  have  fo  few  difeafes,  multiply  i'o 
fall,  or  fuffer  fo  little  from  ficknefs.  Temperance 
and  labour  do  more  for  them,  than  art  and  medicine 
can  do  for  others.  The  diforders  which  wear  away 
the  inhabitants  of  wealthy  cities,  are  almoft  unknown 
in  the  woods.  Very  few  die,  but  under  the  una- 
voidable decays  of  nature;  and  the  deaths  are  to 
the  births,  in  no  higher  a  piopoition  than  1  to 
4,8.  Unacquainted  with  the  improvements  which 
are  made  in  the  medical  art  in  Europe,  the  people 
of  the  new  fettlemcnts  neither  know  the  names  of  the 
difeafes,  or  their  remedies  ;  nor  Hand  in  any  need 
of  their  difcoveries,  or  prefcriptions.  The  benevo- 
lent Author  of  Nature  has  annexed  that  health  to  their 
temperance,  induftry,  and  activity,  which  is  never 
found  in  drugs,  medicines,  or  any  attainments  of 
art.  And  while  the  people  are  thus  active  and  in- 
duftrious  in  performing  their  duty,  the  property  and 
health  of  individuals,  and  the  profperity  of  the  (late, 
are  all  found  to  flourifli  together. 

Equality. — The  nearefl  equality  that  ever  can 
*akc  place  among-men,  will  alfo  be  found  among  the 
inhabitants  of  a  new  country.  When  a  number  of 
men  are  engaged  in  the  fame  employments  and  pur- 
fuits,  and  have  all  of  them  to  depend  upon  their  own 
labour  and  induftry  for  their  fuppoit,  their  fituation, 
view*i  and  manners,  will  be  nearly  the  fame  ;  the 
way  to  (ubfiRence,  to  eate,  and  independence,  being 
the  fame  to  all.  In  tbii  (tage  of  fociety  the  neareft 
tonality  will  tak?  place,  that  ever  can  fubfift  among 

met 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  329 

men.  But  this  equality  will  be  nothing  more  than, 
an  equality  of  rights;  and  a  fimilarity  of  employ- 
ment, fituation,  purfuit,  and  intereft.  In  a  new- 
country  this  fimilarity  will  be  fo  great,  as  to  form  a 
near  refemblance  of  manners  and  character  ;  and  to 
prevent  any  v^ry  great  inequalities  of  privilege  frorri 
taking  place  in  fociety,  either  from  rank,  offices  of 
government,  or  any  other  caufe.— ~But  nothing  ever 
did,  or  ever  Can  produce  an  equality  of  power,  ca- 
pacity, and  advantages,  in  the  focial,  or  in  any  other 
ftate  of  man.  By  making  men  very  unequal  in  their 
powers  and  capacities,  nature  has  effectually  pre- 
vented this.  The  whole  race  refemble  one  another 
in  the  make  and  form  of  their  bodies  ;  in  their  orig- 
inal appetites,  paflions,  and  inclinations  ;  in  reafon, 
underftanding,  and  the  moral  fenfe,  Sic.  But  in  thefe 
refpects  it  is  fimilitude,  not  equality,  which  nature 
has  produced.  To  fome,  the  Author  of  Nature  has 
afligned  fuperiour  powers  of  the  mind,  a  ftrength  of 
reafon  and  difcernment,  a  capacity  of  judging,  and 
a  genius  for  invention,  which  are  not  given  to  oth- 
ers. To  others,  the  Deity  has  afligned  a  ftrength, 
vigour,  and  firmnefs  of  conftitution,  by  which  the 
bodily  powers  are  more  favoured  in  one,  than  in  ar» 
ether.  Caufes  thus  natural  and  original,  will  be 
followed  with  their  natural  and  proper  effects.  Su- 
periour  v/ifdom  and  abilities,  v/ill  have  fuperiour  in- 
fluence and  effect  in  fociety.  Superiour  ftrength 
and  activity  of  body,  will  alfo  have  advantages  pe- 
culiar to  themfelves.  In  making  thefe  natural  dis- 
tinctions, nature  evidently  defigned  to  qualify  men 
for  different  attainments,  and  employments.  And 
while  (he  gave  to  all  the  nature  and  the  rights  of 
man,  fhe  afligned  to  fome  a  capacity  and  a  power, 
(0  make  a  much  more  uieful  improvement  and  ex- 
<rnfe  of  that  nature,  and  of  thofe  rights,  than  fhe  ha'S 
-iven  to  other?, — Thus  a  ftate  of  nature  is  itfeif  a 
focteifVj  or  at  leaf}  naturally  tends  to  produce 
S  f  it. 


330  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

it.  And  in  the  earlieft  ftages  of  fociety,  all  tha& 
equality  will  take  place  among  mankind,  which  is 
confident  with  it.  Placed  in  a  fituation  nearly  fim- 
ilar,  the  employments,  views,  and  purfuits  of  ths 
people,  become  nearly  the  fame.  The  diflinchons 
derived  from  birth,  blood,  hereditary  titles  and  hon- 
ours, and  a  difference  of  rights  and  privileges,  are 
either  unknown  or  refolve  themfelves  into  nothing, 
among  a  people  in  fuch  a  fituation  ;  in  every  view, 
they  ceafe  to  be  of  any  ufe  or  importance  to  them. 
Their  fituation  naturally  leads  them  to  difcern  the 
tendencies,,  and  defigns  of  nature.  They  all  fesl 
that  nature  has  made  them  equal  in  refpeft  to  their 
rights;  or  rather  that  nature  has  given  to  them  a 
common  and  an  equal  right  to  liberty,  to  property, 
and  to  fafety  •,  fp  juftice,  government,  laws,  religion, 
and  freedom.  They  all  lee  that  nature  has  made 
them  very  unequal  in  refpec*t  to  their  original  pow- 
ers-, capacities,  and  talents.  They  become  united  in 
claiming  and  in  prelerving  the  equality,  which  na- 
ture has  afligned  to  them  ;  and  in  availing  themfelves 
of  the  benefits,  which  are  defigned,  and  may  be  de- 
rived from  the  inequality,  which  nature  has  alio  ef- 
fabliflied.  Wherever  a  number  of  people  are  en- 
gaged in  a  common,  economical,  laborious  purfuit 
of  fubfiftence,  property,  and  fecurity  ;  fuch  views  of 
their  equality,  and  rights,  immediately  occur  to  their 
winds  3  they  are  eafilv  diicerned,  and  they  are  per- 
fecily  well  under  flood. 

Economy. — Every  thing  in  the  fituation  and' 
employments  of  the  people,  in  a  new  country,  will 
naturally  tend  to  produce  economy.  There  are  no 
3-irgc  e flutes,  or  cultivated  farms,  prepared  before- 
hand for  the  heir.  Every  thing  for  food,  raiment, 
and  convenience,  mull  be  procured  by  the  labour 
and  induftry  of  the  planter ;  and  it  is  not  without 
much  difficulty  and  hardfhip,  that  the  people  can 
procure  the  neceilaiies  of  life  at  fir  ft,  or  the  conve- 
niences 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  331 

*iiences  of  it  afterwards.  What  is  thus  procured 
with  labour  and  difficulty,  will  be  ufed  with  pru- 
dence and  economy.  The  cuftom  will  not  be  to 
fall  into  fcenes  of  expenfive  entertainments,  amufe- 
ment,  and  diffipation  :  But  to  provide  for  the  calls 
and  demands  of  nature,  to  preferve  the  health  and 
vigour  of  the  body,  and  to  be  able  to  raife  up  and 
fupport  a  family.  And  this  will  of  courfe,  intro- 
duce a  fteady  regard  to  economy,  in  all  their  ex- 
pen  fcs,  habits,  and  cuftoms. — The  influence  that 
this  has  on  the  affairs  of  individuals,  and  on  the 
ftate  of  locicty,  is  every  where  apparent.  No  fuch 
degrees  of  wealth  can  ever  exift  in  any  place,  as  (hall 
be  equal  to  the  demands  of  luxury.  And  where 
cuftom  has  introduced  a  habit  of  living  and  expenfe, 
above  the  annual  income,  dependence,  venality,  and 
corruption,  with  conftant  want  and  diftrefs,  is  the 
never  failing  conference.  But  the  moft  pernicious 
of  all  the  effects  of  luxury,  is  the  degradation  it 
brings  on  the  nature  of  man.  It  deOroys  the  vig- 
our and  powers  of  men,  and  by  conftantly  enfeeb- 
ling the  body  and  mind,  feems  to  reduce  them  to  a 
lower  order  of  beings.  The  body,  weakened  by  ex- 
ceflive  indolence  and  indulgence,  lofes  health,  vig- 
our, and  beauty,  and  becomes  fubjecl  to  a  thoufand 
emaciating  pains  and  maladies.  The  mind,  fubdu- 
ed  by  indolence  and  inactivity,  fcarcely  retains  its 
rational  powers  ;  and  becomes  weak,  languid,  and 
incapable  of  manly  exertions,  or  attainments.  To  a 
flate  thus  degraded,  efFeminate,  and  unmanly,  lux- 
ury frequently  reduces  thofe,  who  bear  the  remains 
of  the  human  form.  Political  writers  have  frequent- 
ly argued  that  luxury  was  of  real  fervice  to  the  na- 
tions of  Europe  ;  that  it  tended  to  find  employments 
for  the  poor,  and  was  neceflary  to  keep  the  money 
in  circulation.  This  reafoning  cannot  be  contra- 
dicted :  But  it  fuppofes  the  ftate  of  fociety  to  be  ef- 
fentially  bad  ;  and  that  it  cannot  be  fupported  but 

by 


332  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

by  the  management,  operations,  and  balance  of 
vices.  In  fuch  a  ftate  or  fociety,  luxury  is  certainly 
a  benefit  :  And  the  higheft  degree  cf  it,  would  be 
the  greateft  benefit  of  all.  It  would  be  the  beft 
thing  that  could  happen  in  fuch  a  fociety,  for  the 
corrupted  venal  part  to  fpend  their  cftates,  by  lux- 
ury and  diffipation,  and  to  have  them  pafs  into  oth  - 
er  hands.  This  would  be  far  better  for  mankind 
than  to  have  them  live  ufelefs,  be  conftantly  cor- 
rupting others,  or  train  up  an  emaciated  feeble  race, 
degraded  by  effeminacy  and  weaknefs,  below  the 
reft  of  the  human  race.  Whatever  might  be  done 
to  load  fuch  with  honours,  titles,  and  diftinftions,  it 
will  be  impolTible  ever  to  make  them  men  ;  or  at 
lead  fuch  kind  of  men,  as  fhall  be  upon  terms  of 
equality  with  the  reft  of  the  human  race. — Activity, 
induftry,  and  economy,  will  prevent  fuch  a  race 
from  appearing,  or  fuch  effects  from  taking  place, 
in  any  of  the  new  ftatcs  of  America. 

Hospitality. — That  benevolent  friendly  dif- 
>pofition,  which  man  fhould  bear  to  man,  will  ap- 
pear under  different  forms,  in  different  ft  ages  of  fo- 
ciety. In  the  fir  ft  combinations  of  mankind,  when 
all  are  expofed  to  danger,  fufrerings,  and  want,  it 
appears  in  one  of  its  mod  amiable  forms,  and  has 
been  called  hofpitality.  In  this  form  it  exills  among 
the  people  who  are  fubjefted  to  the  common  dan- 
ger, fatigue,  and  fufferings,  which  attend  the  form- 
ing of  new  fettlements.  Feeling  every  moment 
their  own  wants  and  dangers,  they  are  led  by  their 
fituation,  to  aftift  each  other  in  their  difficulties  and 
danger.  The  traveller  finds  among  them,  all  the 
relief  their  circumftances  will  enable  them  to  afford 
him  :  And  before  they  are  able  to  ere6f.  hou fes  for 
public  entertainment,  the  ft  ranger  is  fure  to  find  the 
beft  accommodations,  the  fituation  of  private  fam- 
ilies will  admit. — This  hofpitable  difpofition  feems 
to  be  univcrfal,  in  all  the  new  fettlements  :  And  the 

unfortunate 


HISTORY   of   VERMOXL  333 

unfortunate  and  poor  man  finds  a  relief  from  it, 
which  he  never  expects  to  find  among  a  more 
wealthy  people.  No  cuilom  was  ever  better  adapt- 
ed to  afford  relief  to  an  individual  or  to  promote 
the  advantage  of  the  fiate.  A  beggar  or  robber  is 
fcarcely  ever  to  be  ieen  rri  a  country,  where  th^re  is 
nothing  to  be  obtained  by  the  bufinels.  The  poor 
find  their  relief  in  labour,  and  not  from  a  multiplic- 
ity of  laws,  which  extract  large  (urns  from  others, 
but  afford  iitile  Relief  to  them  :  And  from  the  prof- 
its of  their  labour,  they  will  foon  ceafe  to  be  in  dif- 
trtfs.  Thofe  th^t  appear  to  be  objects  of  dillrefs, 
are  generally  fuch  in  leality  :  And  where  the  pub- 
lic has  not  been  abufed  by  fuch  pretences,  few  will 
be  exposed  to  fuller  on  fuch  accounts.  In  fuch  a 
ftate  of  lociety,  hofpitality  naturally  performs  what 
it  ought  to  perform  :  Jt  encourages  none  in  idlenefs 
and  diflipation,  but  relieves  thofe  whofe  circum- 
flances  require  relief.  It  provides  only  for  thofe, 
who  cannot  find  other  refources  ;  and  aims  only 
to  put  luch  into  a  fituation,  in  which  they  may  lup- 
port  ihemfelves,  and  be  of  ufe  to  the  public. 


A  P 


334         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 


CHAP.         XIV. 


State  op  Society. — Religion  :  Importance  of  this 
Principle,  Danger  of  any  Controul  in  it,  Equality  of 
all  Denominations ,  Effecl  of  this  Equality ,  Grants 
and  Laws  for  the  Support  of  Religion,  Extent  of 
Religious  Liberty,  Connexion  of  Religion  with  Sci- 
ence and  Education. 


RELIGION  is  one  of  thofe  con- 
cerns, which  will  always  have  great  influence  upon 
the  ftate  of  fociety.  In  our  original  frame  and  con- 
ftitution,  the  Benevolent  Author  of  our  Natures, 
has  made  us  rational  and  accountable  creatures  ; 
Accountable  to  ourfelves,  to  our  fellow  men,  and  to 
our  God.  Thefe  foundations  of  religion,  are  fo 
ftrong,  and  univerfal,  that  they  will  not  fail  to  have 
an  effecl;  upon  the  conduct  of  every  one  :  And 
while  fhey  thus  enter  into  the  feelings  and  conduct 
of  all  the  members,  they  will  unavoidably  have  a 
great  influence  upon  the  flare  and  conduct  of  focie- 
ty. Nor  can  fociety  either  fet  them  afide,  or  cany 
on  the  public  bufinefs  without  them.  Inftead  of 
this,  in  one  form  or  another,  fociety  will  be  perpet- 
ually calling  in  the  aids  of  religion.  When  human 
declarations  and  evidence  are  to  receive  their  high- 
eft  force,  and  moft  folemn  form,  or  when  the  mod 
important  tranfaftions  are  to  be  performed,  and  of- 
£ces  of  the  higheft  truft  and  conlequence  are  com- 
mitted 


HISTORY  o?  VERMOxNT.  335 

netted  to  men,  the  Jaft  appeal  will  be  to  religion,  in 
the  form  of  folemn  affirmation  or  oath. 

The  mod  pure  and  benevolent  fyftem  of  religion, 
which  has  ever  prevailed  among  men,  is  that  of 
Chriftianity.  This  religion  founded  in  truth,  and 
adapted  to  the  nature  and  ftate  of  man,  has  propof- 
ed  for  its  end  and  aim,  that  which  is  of  the  higheft 
importance  to  men  and  to  fociety,  univerfal  benev- 
olence, the  love  of  God  and  man,  or  univerfal  vir- 
tue. But  neither  this,  nor  any  other  fyftem  of 
moral  truth,  can  impart  infallibility  to  men.  What- 
ever infallibility  there  may  be  in  moral,  in  mathe- 
matical, or  in  revealed  traths,  men  may  greatly  mif- 
fake  when  they  come  to  explain,  and  apply  them  ; 
And  inftead  of  being  above  all  poflibility  of  error, 
they  will  find  that  infallibility  belongs  only  to  the 
government  of  God  ;  and  that  it  certainly  is  not  en- 
lailed  upon  any  parties,  or  denominations  of  men. — 
Nothing  therefore  could  be  more  dangerous,  than 
to  allow  to  any  of  thefe  denominations  the  power  to 
make  laws  to  bind  the  reft,  in  matters  of  religion. 
The  ruling  party  would  vote  themfelves  to  be  the 
only  pure  denomination,  they  would  make  the  reft" 
contribute  to  their  fupport,  and  eftablifh,  their  own 
fentiments  and  pra&ice,  as  the  perfection  of  knowl- 
edge, wifdom,  and  religion  ;  and  in  this  way  adopt 
meafures,  which  tend  to  entail  all  their  imperfections 
and  errors,  upon  future  ages.  The  dominion  of 
one  party  over  another  in  matters  of  religion,  has 
always  had  this  effe&  :  It  has  operated  to  confirm 
error,  opprefs  the  minority,  prevent  the  fpirit  of 
free  inquiry  and  inveftigation  ;  and  fubje&ed  men 
to  the  moft  unrelenting  of  all  perfecutions,  the  per- 
fecution  of  priefts  and  zealots,  pleading  principle  tcr 
jriftify  their  vileft  actions. — At  the  fame  time,  every 
good  man  feels  himfelf  bound  not  to  renew  or  ad- 
mit any  fuch  authority  in  matters  of  religion.  The 
•obligations  of  religion  are  antecedent  to,  and  more 

flrong  ' 


336  the  NATURAL  am,  CIVIL 

ftrong  than  any  obligations  derived  from  the  laws  of 
fociety.  The  fird  and  the  mod  important  obliga- 
tion any  man  can  feel,  is  to  obey  his  Maker,  and  the 
dictates  of  his  own  heart.  The  peace  of  our  minds 
depends  more  eflentially  upon  this,  than  any  other 
circum  dance  in  the  courfe  of  human  life. — What 
then  has  fociety  to  do  in  matters  of  religion,  but 
fimply  to  follow  the  laws  of  nature  :  To  adopt  thefe, 
and  no  other  ;  and  to  leave  to  every  man  a  full  and 
perfecl  liberty,  to  follow  the  dictates  of  his  own  con- 
science, in  all  his  tranfattions  with  his  Maker  ? 

The  people  of  Vermont  have  adopted  this  prin- 
ciple, in  its  fulled  extent.  Some  of  them  are  epif- 
copalians,  others  are  congregationalids,  others  are  of 
the  prefbyterian,  and  others  are  of.  the  baptifl  per- 
fuafion  ;  and  fome  are  quakers.  All  of  them  find 
their  need  of  the  afliftance  of  each  other,  in  the 
common  concerns  and  bufinefs  of  life  ;  and  all  of 
them  are  perfuaded,  that  the  government  has  noth- 
ing to  do  with  their  particular  and  diftinguifhing 
tenets. — It  \s  not  barely  toleration,  but  equality \ 
which  the  people  aim  at.  Toleration  implies  either 
a  power  or  a  right  in  one  party,  to  bear  with  the 
other  ;  and  feems  to  fuppofe,  that  the  governing 
party  are  in  podeflion  of  the  truth,  and  that  all  the 
Others  are  full  of  errors.  Such  a  toleraticn  is  the 
mod  that  can  be  obtained  by  the  minority,  in  any 
nation,  where  the  majority  afiume  the  right  and  the 
power,  to  bind  fociety,  by  edablifhed  laws  and  forms 
in  religion.  The  body  of  the  people  in  this  com- 
monwealth, carry  their  ideas  of  religious  liberty 
much  further  than  this  :  That  no  party  fhall  have 
an)'  power  to  make  laws  or  forms  to  oblige  another  \ 
that  each  denomination  may  lay  themftlves  undtM 
v,  li.it  civil  contracts  and  obligations  they  pleafe  ;  but 
government  dial  I  not  make  any  diftin&ions  be~ 
.     them  j    that  all  denominations  fhall    enjov 

equal 


HISTORY  ®f  VERMONT.  337 

equal  liberty,  without  any  legal  diftinction  or  pre- 
eminence whatever. 

The  effect  of  this  religious  freedom,  is  peace, 
quietnefs,  and  profperity  to  the  ftate.  No  man  is 
chofen  to,  or  excluded  from  civil  offices,  on  account 
of  his  particular  religious  fentiments.  The  clergy 
of  the  feveral  denominations,  have  no  chance  to  af- 
fume  any  powers,  but  among  their  own  party.  The 
people  are  under  no  obligation  to  fupport  any  teach- 
ers, but  what  they  choofe  to  lay  themfelves  under. 
And  no  civil  advantages  are  to  be  gained,  or  loft, 
by  belonging  to  one  denomination,  rather  than  to 
another.  The  caufes  and  the  motives  to  conten- 
tion, being  thus  taken  away,  there  is  fcarcely  any 
thing  left  to  influence  men  to  join  one  denomination 
rather  than  another,  but  belief,  fentimenr,  and  con- 
ference. In  this  equality  of  all  parties,  religious 
profeflions  become  what  they  always  ought  to  be  ; 
not  matters  of  gain,  profit,  or  civil  diftinctions  j  but 
matters  of  opinion,  perfuafion,  and  confeience  :  Sen- 
timents and  faith  refpecling  the  Deity,  in  which  none 
expect  to  find  the  power  of  oppreffing  or  ruling  over 
others  ;  but  the  fame  protection  and  benefit  from  the 
government,  which  they  are  at  equal  expenfe  in  fup- 
porting. 

The  fettlement  and  fupport  of  the  minifters  of  re- 
ligion, has  been  encouraged  and  affifted  by  the  gov- 
ernment. The  earlieft  grants  of  land  in  this  (late, 
were  made  by  Benning  Wentworth,  governor  of 
Newhampfhire.  This  gentleman  was  of  the  com- 
munion of  the  church  of  England.  In  the  grants  of 
land  that  were  made  by  him,  there  were  three  rights 
in  each  townfhip  referved  for  religious  purpoles  : 
Or.e^to  the  fociety  for  propagarn^  the  go'pel  irt 
foreign  parts  ;  one  for  a  glebej  dengned  for  the  uie 
of  an  tpifcopal  clergy  ;  a  third  for  the  firflt  fettled 
1  fter,  intended  to:  his  private  property,  to  en- 
T  t  courage 


£3*  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

courage  the  fettlement  of  a  minifter  in  the  new  plan- 
tations.    In  the  grants  of  townfhips,  which  have  been- 
made  by  the  government  of  Vermont,   two  rights 
have  been  referved   for    the   fupport  of   a  clergy  : 
Gne  for  a  parlbnage,   defigned  for  the  fupport  of  a 
minifter,  and  unalienable  from  that  purpofe  j  anoth- 
er to  become  the  property,  and  defigned  to  encour- 
age the  fettlement  of  the  fir  ft  minifter.     This  right 
accrues  to  the  firft  clergyman  who   is  fettled  in  the 
town,  of*  whatever  denomination  he  may   be. — The 
falary  of  the  minifter  arifeth  wholly   from  the  con- 
tract which  the  people  may  make  with  him.     Thefe 
contracts  are  altogether  voluntary  :  But  when  made, 
by  a  law  pafTed  October  18,  178.7,  are  confidered  as 
being  of  equal  force  and  obligation  as  any  other  con- 
tracts ;  but  no  perfons  of  a  different  denomination 
are  obliged  by  them.     The  law  has  no  reference   to 
any  particular  denomination,  but  confiders  them   all 
as  having  a  right  to  make  what  contracts  they  pleafe, 
with  the  minifter  they  choofe  j  and  being  of  courfe 
bound  by  their  own  act,  to  fulfil  their  contract.     A 
l*arw  defigned  to  confirm  the  equal  rights  of  all,  is  not 
fubject  to  the  exceptions  or  complaints  of  a-ny  party. 
No   embarrafiments   have   attended    any   of    the 
grants  of  land,  which  have  been  made  for  religious 
purpofes,  but  thofe  defigned  for  a  glebe,   and  thole 
made  to  the  fociety    for  propagating  the  gofpel   in 
foreign  parts.     In  moft  of  the  towns  there  are  not 
any  perfons  of  the  epifcopal  perfuaiion,  nor  any  in- 
cumbent to  have  the  care  of   th6  glebe  lots.     The 
fociety  for  propagating  the  gofpel  in  foreign  parts, 
have    not   concerned     themfelves   about    the    lands, 
Which  were  granted  to  them.     Both  thefe  rights  have 
remained  unimproved  and  uncultivated,  except  where 
individuals  have  gained  poftefilon  of  them  j  and  it 
has  been  a  disadvantage  to  the   ftate,  to  have  fuch 
tracts- of  land  lying  wafte.     It  has  been  repeatedly  a 

matter 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  359 

matter  of  confideration  in  the  general  aflembly,  what 
ought  to  be  done  with  thefe  lands. — Inftead  of  com- 
ing to  any  decifion  upon  the  matter,  in  October, 
1787,  the  general  aflembly  paiTed  an  act,  authorising 
the  feleftmen  of  the  feveral  towns,  to  take  caie  of 
and  improve  the  glebe  and  fociety  lands,  for  the  fpace 
of  feven  years  ;  and  to  apply  the  incomes  to  the  im- 
provements of  the  lands,  thofe  excepred,  which  were 
in  the  pofTeflion  of  an  epifcopal  minifler.  This  law- 
has  been  but  little  attended  to.,  and  is  not  at  all  com- 
petent to  the  improvement  of  the  lands,  or  to  render 
them  beneficial  to  the  ftate,  or  to  any  valuable  pur- 
pole. — In  any  view  of  the  matter,  thefe  lands  ought 
not  to  be  fuffered  to  remain  ufelefs,  and  detrimental 
to  the  (late.  If  the  fociety  for  propagating  the  goi\ 
pel  in  foreign  parts,  had  made  fuch  an  affignation  of 
them,  as  would  have  ferved  to  promote  religious  iq- 
ftruction  and  knowledge,  the  people  would  have  had 
the  benefit  that  was  intended  by  the  grantor.  If 
this  be  neglected  an  unreafonable  time,  it  becomes 
the  duty  of  the  legillature,  to  prevent  their  remain- 
ing a  public  difadvantage  to  the  itate,  by  continuing 
uncultivated  and  ufelefs. 

The  principles  of  religious  liberty,  are  afferted  ia 
their  fulled  extent,  in  the  conftitution  of  Vermont. 
In  the  declaration  of  rights,  there  is  a  claufe  which 
feems  to  be  adequate  to  the  fu eject,  and  clearly  ex- 
prefies  the  religious  rights  of  the  people. — "  Nor 
can  any  man  be  juftly  deprived  or  abridged  of  any 
civil  right  as  a  citizen,  on  account  of  his  religious 
fentiments,  or  peculiar  mode  of  religious  worfliip  ; 
and  no  authority  can,  or  ought  to  be  vefted  in,  or 
afiumed  by  any  power  whatever,  that  fhall  in  any 
cafe  interfere  with,  or  in  any  manner  controul  the 
rights  of  confeience,  in  the  free  exercife  of  religious 
wormip."*     In  the  plan  of  government  formed  in 

1778, 

*  Declaration  of  rights,  Article  1JI, 


34P         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

1778,  and  revifed  in  1786,  a  religious  tefl:  was  im» 
poled  upon  the  members  of  the  aflembly,  incon- 
fiftent  with  the  above  declaration  :  In  the  late  re- 
vifal  of  the  conftitution  (1792)  this  imperfection  has 
been  done  away  ;  and  religious  liberty  has  acquired 
a  complete  eftablifhment,  by  a  declaration  that  "  no 
religious  tell  fhall  be  requited  of  any  member  of 
the  legiflature."* 

A  greater  attention  to  the  liberal  arts  and  fci- 
ences,  would  be  of  great  advantage  to  the  religious 
and  civil  interefls  of  the  date.  The  people  of  Ver- 
mont have  not  the  advantages  for  the  education  of 
their  youth,  or  the  improvement  of  knowledj  > 
which  the  people  in  the  other  fiates  have.  The 
difadvantages  and  dangers,  which  arife  for  want  of 
literary  inftitutions,  are  greater  than  they  are  aware 
pf.  The  religion  of  ignorance,  will  either  be,  infi- 
delity, or  fuperftition  ;  and  it  often  produces  an 
unnatural  mixture  of  both,  greatly  unfavourable  to 
the  moral,  and  civil  interefts  of  men.  When  folly, 
in  its  own  view,  is  become  infallible  and  facred,  it 
oppofes  with  obftinacy,  all  improvements  in  fociety  ; 
and  requires,  with  a  peculiar  infolence,  the  fubmif- 
fion  of  all  other  men,  to  its  own  weaknefs  and  big- 
otry. The  only  remedy  for  the  difficulties  which 
aiile  in  fociety,  from  this  caufe,  is  the  incveafe  of 
knowledge  and  education.  And  where  fociety  is 
deflitute  of  the  means  and  inftituttons,  which  are 
rcquifite  to  promote  knowledge,  it  is  without  one  of 
its  mofL  elTential  advantages  ;  the  means  of  her  own 
cultivation,  and  improvement. 

The  education  of  children  for  the  common  bufi- 
nefs  of  life,  is  well  attended  to.  But  the  cuftomary 
methods  of  education  for  the  profeiTions  of  divinity, 
law,  or  phytic,  are  extremely  deficient  ;  and  do  not 
promife   either  eminence,    or  improvement.     The 

\  body 
*  Plan  or  frame  of  government,  Settion  Vc 


HISTORY  of   VERMONT.  341 

body  of  the  people  appear  to  be  more  fenfible  of 
this  defect,  than  profeffional  men  trjemfelves*  From 
the  firit  ailumption  of  the  powers  of  government, 
the  aifembly  had  in  contemplation,  the  eftabfifhrnent 
of  an  univei  fity  in  the  Mate  ;  and  with  this  view, 
refeived  one  light  of  land  in  all  the  townfiiips  which 
'■they  granted,  lor  the  ufe  of  fuch  a  feminary.  In 
November,  1791,  the  legiflature  palfed  an  act  eflab- 
liming  the  univerfity  at  Burlington,  upon  a  liberal, 
catholic,  and  judicious  foundation.  It  has  not  as 
yef,  entered  upon  the  bufinefs  of  inflruction.  If  it 
ihould  be  furniihed  with  able  and  judicious  instruc- 
tors, by  extending  the  benefits  of  education,  and 
promoting  an  attention  to  the  arts  and  fciences,  it 
would  greatly  affilt  the  intellectual  and  moral  im- 
provement of  the  people  :  Thefe  improvements 
are  of  elfential  importance  to  men,  in  every  flage  of 
fociety  ;  but  rnofl  of  all  neceffary,  when  they  are 
forming  a  new  Hate. 


CHAP. 


342  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 


CHAP.        XV. 


State  of  Society. — Nature  of  the  American  Gov- 
ernment. Conjlitution  of  Vermont ,  Laws,  Counties 
and  Courts,  Annual  Expenfe  of  Government,  "Public 
Revenue,  Militia,  Popularity  of  the  Government. 


Nature  of  the  Amer.  ?    *T*  . 

ican  Government,  j  X  HE  object:  and  the  princi- 
ple of  government  is  the  fame,  in  every  part  of  the 
United  States  of  America.  The  end  or  the  defign 
of  it,  is  the  public  bufinefs  ;  not  the  power,  the 
emolument,  or  the  dignity,  of  the  perfons  employ- 
ed, but  only  that  public  buunefs  which  concerns  ei- 
ther the  whole  federal  territory,  or  fome  particular 
ilate. — The  principle  on  which  all  the  American 
governments  are  founded,  is  reprejentation.  They 
do  not  admit  of  fovereignty,  nobility,  or  any  kind 
of  hereditary  powers  ;  but  only  of  powers  granted 
by  the  people,  ascertained  by  written  conflitutions, 
an^  exercifed  by  reprefentation  for  a  given  time. 

Governments  founded  on  this  principle,  do  not 
necefTarily  imply  the  fame  form.  They  do  not  ad- 
mit of  monarchy,  or  ariflocracy  ;  nor  do  they  ad- 
mit of  what  was  called  democracy  by  the  ancients. 
In  the  ancient  democracies  the  public  buunefs  \vas 
tra.nfact.ed  in  the  aflemblies  of  the  people  :  The 
whole  body  afTembled  to  judge  and  decide,  upon 
public  affairs.  Upon  this  account,  the  ancient  de- 
mocracies were  found  to  be  unfit,  and  inadequate  to 
the  government  of  a  large  nation.     In  America  this 

difficulty 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  343 

difficulty  never  occurs  :  All  is  tranfacled  by  repre- 
fentation.  Whatever  may  be  the  number  of  the 
people,  or  the  extent  of  the  territory,  reprefentation. 
is  proportioned  to  it ;  and  thus  becomes  expreflive 
of  the  public  ientiment,  in  every  part  of  the  union. 
Hence  the  government  in  different  Hates,  though 
chiefly  republican,  varies  in  its  form  ;  committing 
more  or  lefs  power  to  a  governor,  fenate,  or  houfe 
of  reprefentatives,  as  the  circumftances  of  any  par- 
ticular ftate  may  require.  As  each  of  thefe  branch- 
es derive  their  whole  power  from  the  people,  are  ac- 
countable to  them  for  the  ufe  and  exercifc  they  make 
of  it,  and  may  be  difplaced  by  the  election  of  others  ^ 
the  fecurity  of  the  people  is  derived  not  from  the 
nice  ideal  application  of  checks,  ballances,  and  me- 
chanical powers,  among  the  different  parts  of  the 
government ;  but  from  the  refponfibility,  and  de- 
pendence of  each  part  of  the  government,  upon  the 
people. 

This  kind  of  government  feems  to  have  had  its 
form  and  origin,  from  nature.  It  is  not  derived 
from  any  of  the  hiltories  of  the  ancient  republics. 
It  is  not  borrowed  from  Greece,  Rome,  or  Carthage. 
Nor  does  it  appear  that  a  government  founded  in 
reprefentation  ever  was  adopted  among  the  ancients, 
under  any  form  whatever. — Reprefentation  thus 
unknown  to  the  ancients,  was  gradually  introduced 
into  Europe  by  her  monarchs ;  not  with  any  defign 
to  favour  the  rights  of  the  people,  but  as  the  befi: 
means  that  they  could  devife  to  raife  money.  The 
monarchs  who  thus  introduced  it,  with  a  view  to 
collect  money  from  the  people,  always  took  caie  to 
check  it  when  it  ventured  to  examine  the  origin  and 
extent  of  the  privileges  of  the  fovereign,  or  of  the 
rights  of  the  people. — In  America  every  thing  tend- 
ed to  introduce,  and  to  complete  the  fyftem  of  rep- 
refentation. Made  equal  in  their  rights  by  nature, 
the  body  of  the  people   were  in   a   fituation  nearly 

fimilar 


344         tije  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

fimilar  with  regard  to  (heir  employments,  puffuit*, 
and  views.  Without  the  diflinclions  of  titles,  fam- 
ilies, or  nobility,  they  acknowledged  and  reverenced 
only  thofe  diftinclions  which  nature  had  made,  in  a 
diverfity  of  talents,  abilities,  and  virtues.  There 
were  no  family  interefb,  connexions,  or  eftates, 
large  enough  to  opprefs  them.  There  was  no  ex- 
ceflive  wealth  in  the  hands  of  a  few,  fufficient  to  cor- 
rupt them.  Britain  tried  in  vain  to  force  upon  them 
a  government,  at  firft,  derived  from  the  decrees  of 
her  parliament  ;  afterwards,  from  conqueft.  Noth- 
ing remained  for  fuch  a  people,  but  to  follow  what 
nature  taught ;  and  as  they  were  too  numerous  to 
attempt  to  carry  on  their  governments  in  the  form 
of  the  ancient  democracies,  they  naturally  adopted 
the  fyftem  of  representation  :  Every  where  choofing 
representatives,  and  affigning  to  them  fuch  powers 
as  their  circumflances  required.  This  was  evident- 
ly the  fyftem  of  government,  that  nature  pointed 
out  :  And  it  is  a  fyftem  that  has  no  where  been  Suf- 
fered to  prevail  but  in  America,  and  what  the  peo- 
ple were  naturally  lead  to  by  the  fituation,  in  which 
Providence  had  placed  them.  The  fyftem  of  gov- 
ernment then  in  America,  is  not  derived  from  Super- 
flition,  conqueft,  military  power,  or  a  pretended 
compact,  between  the  rulers  and  the  people  ;  but  it 
was  derived  from  nature,  and  reafon  ;  and  is  found- 
ed in  the  nature,  capacities,  and  powers,  which  God 
hath  afligned  to  the  race  of  men. 

All  the  power  that  fuch  governments  can  have,  i3 
derived  from  the  public  opinion.  The  body  of  the 
people  while  they  remain  induftrious  and  economic- 
al, will  be  fteadilv  attached  to  the  public  intereft, 
which  will  entirely  coincide  with  their  own.  Thev 
will  more  readily  difcern  what  their  intereft  is,  and 
be  more  fteadilv  attached  to  it,  than  is  to  he  expect- 
ed from  men  who  are  placed  in  offices  cf  honour 
and  profit.     The  public  opinion  will  be  much  near- 

■ 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  343 

ft  the  truth,  than  the  reafonings  and  refinements  of 
fpeculative  or  interefted  men  :  The  former  will  be 
rounded  wholly  in  a  delire,  and  aim,  to  promote  the 
public  fafety  ;  the  latter  will  be  unavoidably  more 
or  lefs  governed,  by  private  views,intereftsj  and  aims  : 
And  when  the  government  has  the  general  opinion 
of  the  people  to  fupport  it,  it  can  a£r.  with  the  greateft 
force  and  power  ;  that  is,  with  the  collected  force  and 
power  of  the  whole  nation  :  And  this  is  the  greateft 
force  that  ever  can  be  exerted  by  any  government, 
in  any  iituation  whatever. — Defpotifm  never  ac- 
quires a  force  equal  to  this.  When  a  whole  nation 
unite,  and  the  public  fpirit  moves  and  operates  in 
the  fame  direction,  nothing  can  withstand  its  force, 
and  the  powers  of  defpotifm,  with  all  their  Handing 
troops  and  regular  armies,  fall  before  it.  It  is  only 
when  the  public  fentiment  and  fpirit  is  thus  united^ 
and  brought  into  action,  that  government  has  ac- 
quired, or  is  able  to  exert  the  whole  force  of  the  na- 
tional power. — With  this  ftrength,  the  governments 
of  America  amidft  every  kind  of  difficulty  ^  rofe  fu~ 
periour  to  all  oppofition  ;  firmly  eftablifhed  them- 
f  elves,  in  fifteen  different  ftates ;  and  gave  uncom- 
mon vigour  and  efficacy  to  a  federal  eftabliihrnenr, 
which  was  defigned  and  adapted  to  manage  the  pub- 
lic bufinefs  of  the  whole  fyftern. 

But  whatever  be  the  form  or  the  power  of  gov- 
ernment, it  cannot  attain  its  greateft  perfection,  un- 
lets it  contains  within  itfelf,  the  means  of  its  own 
improvement.  The  men  of  civilized  countries,  are 
making  gradual  and  confiant  improvements  in  knowl- 
edge, in  the  fcieuces,  and  in  all  the  arts  by  which  life 
is  made  more  fecure  and  happy.  Hence,  that  form 
of  government  which  was  heft  fuited  to  then  itate 
in  one  ftage  of  fociety,  ceafes  to  he  fo,  in  another  ; 
And  unlets  the  government  itfelf  improves,  with  the 
gradual  improvement  ol  Society,  it  will  lofe  much 
of  its  refpeciability,  and  power ;  become  uafuited  to 
U  u  ths 


34^         Til*  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

the  ftate,  and  injurious  to  the  people.  Defpctifm 
has  always  contemplated  the  body  of  the  people,  as 
mere  mob  ;  and  has  aimed  and  operated  to  keep 
tbern  in  that  (ituation.  To  governments  founded 
in  this  principle,  the  improvement  of  mankind  proves 
fatal  and  deftru&ive  :  And  there  is  nothing,  fuch 
governments  are  more  anxious  to  prevent,  than 
knowledge,  property,  and- improvement,  in  the  body 
of  the  people. — Built  upon  the  rational  and  facial 
nature  of  man,  the  American  government  expects 
to  find  its  fa  re  f  I  fupport,  and  greateft  duration,  in 
the  gradual  improvement,  in  the  encreahng  knowl- 
edge, virtue,  and  freedom,  of  the  human  race.  The 
prefent  government  of  America,  is  therefore  propol- 
ed  to  her  citizens,  not  as  the  mod  per  fee"!  (tandard 
of  what  man  can  ever  attain  to,  but  only  as  the  bed 
form,  which  we  have  as  yet  been  able  to  difcover  : 
Not  as  a  form,  which  is  to  bind  our  heirs  and  pof- 
terity  forever,  but  as  a  form  which  is  referred  to 
them,  to  alterand  improve,  as  they  (hall  find  beft.  Up- 
on this  idea,  it  is  one  of  the  conflituent  and  eiTential 
parts  of  American  government,  that  conventions  (hall 
Ire  called  at  certain  periods  of  time,. to  alter,  amend, 
and  improve  the  prefent  form  and  conftitution  of 
government  ;.  as  the  ftate,  circumftances,  and  im- 
provements of  fociety,  fhall  then  require.  Thus 
provifion  is  made,  that  the  improvement  of  govern- 
ment, fhall  keep  pace  with  the  improvement  of  fo- 
eiety  in  America.  And  no  policy  would  appear 
more  puerile  or  contemptible  to  the  people  of  A- 
merica,  than  an  attempt  to  bind  pofterity  to  oui 
forms,  or  to  confine  them  to  our  degrees  of  knowl- 
edge, and  improvement :  The  aim  is  altogether  the 
reverfe,  to  make  provifion  for  the  perpetual  improve- 
ment and  progrefiion  of  the  government  itfelf. 

As  this  kind  of  government  is  not  the  fame  as  that, 
which  has  been  called  monarchy,  ariftocracy,  or  de- 
mocracy ;  as  it  had  a  conlpicuous  oiigin  in  America* 

and 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  gftf 

:-nd  has  not  been  differed  to  prevail  in  any  other  part 
•of  the  globe,  it  would  be  no  more  than  juft  and  prop- 
er, to  diftinguifh  it  by  its  proper  name,  and  call  it, 
The  American  Syjiem  of  Government. 

Constitution  of  Vermont. — The  govern- 
.ment  of  Vermont  is  of  the  fame  nature,  and  found- 
ed upon  the  fame  principles,  as  the  other  govern- 
ments in  the  United  States.  By  their  conftitutioir, 
formed  in  i7J%,  and  revifed  in  1786,  and  1792,  the 
fupreme  legiflative  power  is  veiled  in  a  houfe  of 
representatives  of  the  freemen.  Every  town  has  a 
right  to  choofe  a  reprefentative,  on  the  firii  Tuefday 
of  September  annually.  The  reprefentatives  fc 
chofen,  are  to  meet  on  the  fecond  Thurfday  of  the 
fucceeding  Q6lober,and  are  ftyled  The  General  AJfem - 
bly  of  the  ft  ate  of  Vermont.  They  have  power  to  choofe 
their  own  officers  ;  to  (it  on  their  own  adjournments  ; 
prepare  bills,  and  enacl  them  into  laws  ;  they  may 
expel  members,  but  not  for  caufes  known  to  their 
conflituents  antecedent  to  their  election;  impeach 
ftate  criminals;  grant  charters  of  incorporation,  con- 
ftitute  towns,  boroughs,  cities,  and  counties  ;  in  con- 
junction with  the  council  they  are  annually  to  elect 
judges  of  the  fupreme,  county,  and  probate  courts, 
fheriffs  and  juftices  of  the  peace  j  and  aMb  with  the 
council,  may  elect,  majorgenerals,  and  brigadier  - 
generals,  as  often  as  there  (hall  be  occafion  :  They 
have  all  other  powers  neceffary  for  the  legiflatare  o': 
a  free  and  fovereign  flate  :  But  have  no  power  to 
add  to,  alter,  aboliih,  or  infringe  any  part  of  the  con- 
stitution. 

The  fupreme  executive  power  is  veiled  in, a  gov- 
ernor, or  lieutenant-governor,  and  a  council  of  twelve 
perfons,  chofen  by  the  freemen,  at  the  fame  time 
they  choofe  their  reprefentative.  The  governor,  or 
the  lieutenantgovernor  and  council,  are  to  cornmif - 
iion  all  officers;  prepare  fuch  bufinefs  as  may  ap- 
pear to  them  neceffary  to  lay  before   the  general  at- 

fecnbly  : 


348  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

fembly  :  They  are  to  fit  as  judges  to  hear  and  de- 
termine on  impeachments,  taking  to  their  alliilance, 
for  advice  only,  the  judges  of  the  fupreme  court. 
They  have  power  to  grant  pardons,  and  remit  tines, 
in  ail  cales  whatloever,  except  in  treafon  and  mur- 
der, in  which  they  have  power  to  grant  reprieves, 
but  not  to  oardon  until  after  the  end  of  the  next 
feffion  of  affembiy,  and  in  cafes  of  impeachment,  in 
which  there  is  no  remiffion  or  mitigation  of  punifh- 
ment3  but  by  acl:  of  legiflation.  They  may  alio  lay 
embargoes,  or  prohibit  the  exportation  of  any  com- 
modity,  for  any  time  not  exceeding  thirty  days,  in 
the  ccefs  of  the  houfe  only. — The  governor  is  cap- 
tar.::eneral  and  commander  in  chief  of  the  forces  of 
the  ffate,  but  mall  not  command  in  perfon,  except 
advifed  thereto  by  the  council,  and  then  only  fo 
Jong  as  they  fhall  approve  :  And  the  lieutenantgov- 
ernor  by  virtue  of  his  office,  is  lieutenantgeneral  of 
all  the  forces  of  the  ft.3te. 

That  the  laws  before  they  are  enatled  may  bs» 
more  maturely  confidered,  and  the  inconvenience 
of  hafty  determinations  as  much  as  poffible  prevent- 
ed, all  bills  which  originate  in  the  affembiy  are  laid 
before  the  governor  and  council  for  their  revifion 
and  concurrence,  or  propofals  of  amendment ;  who 
return  the  fame  to  the  affembiy  with  their  propofals 
of  amendment  (if  any)  in  writing  j  and  if  the  fame 
are  not  agreed  to  by  the  affembiy,  it  is  in  the  power 
of  the  governor  and  council,  to  fufpend  the  palling 
of  luch  bills,  until  the  next  feflion  of  the  legislature. 
But  no  negative  is  allowed  to  the  governor  and 
council. 

The  formers  of  the  conflitution  were  aware  that 
the  plan  of  government,  which  they  had  drawn  up, 
would  not  be  adequate  to  the  affairs  of  government, 
when  the  ftate  of  the  people  mould  become  differ- 
ent, but  muff  neceffarily  vary  with  it  :  And  they 
wifely  madejjprovifion  to  have  the  whole  examined 

and 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  340, 

end  revifed,  at  the  end  of  every  Teven  year?.  The 
proviflon  they  made  for  this  par  pole  was  a  council  of 
cenfors,  to  con  fill  of  thirteen  perlcns,  to  be  eiecled 
bv  the  people  every  f event  rr  year,  on  the  laft  Wed- 
nefday  in  March  ;  and  to  aftembie  on  the  fir  ft  Wed- 
nefdav  in  June.  The  duty  auigned  to  them,  is  to 
inquire  whether  the  conflitution  has  been  preferved 
inviolate  in  every  part  ;  whether  the  legiilative  and 
executive  branches  of  government  have  performed 
their  duty,  as  guardians  of  the  people  ;  or  affumed 
to  themfelves,  or  exercifed  other  or  greater  powers, 
than  they  are  entitled  toby  the  conflitution  ;  wheth- 
er the  public  taxes  have  been  juPJy  laid,  and  col- 
lected ;  in  what  manner  the  public  monies  have 
been  difpofed  of  ;  and  whether  the  laws  have  been 
duly  executed.  Powers  fully  competent  to  thefe 
purpofes,  are  committed  to  them.  They  may  fend 
for  perfons,  papers,  and  records  :  They  have  au- 
thority to  pais  public  cenfures,  to  order  impeach- 
ments, and  to  recommend  to  the  legiflature  the  re- 
pealing fuch  laws,  as  fhall  appear  to  them  to  have 
been  enacled  contrary  to  the  principles  of  the  con- 
flitution. Thefe  powers  they  may  exercife  during 
the  fpace  of  one  year,  from  the  time  of  their  elec- 
tion ;  and  theymay  call  a  convention  to  meet  within 
two  years  after  their  fitting,  if  they  judge  it  neceflary. 
In  examining  a  conflitution  of  government,  the 
moil  capital  circumflance  to  be  taken  into  confeder- 
ation, is,  the  condition  and  circumftances  of  the  peo- 
ple, or  the  ftate  of  lociety  among  them.  At  the  firffc 
aflumption  of  government  in  Vermont,  the  form  of 
ir  differed  but  little  from  the  democracy  of  the  an- 
cients. From  that  period,  it  has  been  conflantly 
tending  to  give  more  power  to  the  houfe  of  repre- 
sentatives.— But  it  is  found  by  experience,  that  in 
fo  popular  a  government,  nothing  is  more  neceflary 
than  fome  provifion,  like  that  of  the  council  of  cen- 
fors, to  have  all  the  public  proceedings  revifed  at 

certain 


S5o         the  NATURAL  and  ClV-EL 

certain  periods  of  time  ;  and  fuch  alterations  made 
in  the  constitution,  as  time,  events,  or  the  circum- 
itances  of  the  people,  may  require.  As  the  (late  of 
iociety  is  prqgreffive,  there  is  no  way  to  hare  the 
government  adapted  to  the  (late  of  fociety,  but  to 
have  the  government  alfo  progreffive  ;  that  both 
may  admit  of  the  improvements,  that  are  gradually 
made  in  human  affairs.  With  this  provifion,  a 
conftitution  of  government  which  contains  many 
faults,  will  gradually  mend  and  improve  ltfelf,  with- 
out being  forced  to  the  dangers  and  convulsions  of 
3  revolution  :  And  it  feems  to  be  the  only  provi- 
sion which  human  wifdom  has  yet  found,  to  prevent 
the  interpolation  of  fuch  calamities. 

Laws. — So  much  of  the  common  law  of  England 
*s  is  not  repugnant  to  the  conftitution,  or  to  any  acTr 
of  the  legiflature,  is  adopted  as  law  within  this  fta'e  : 
And  fuch  ftatute  laws,  and  parts  of  laws  of  the  king- 
dom of  England  and  Greatbritain,  as  were  paired 
before  the  nrft  day  of  October,  1760,  for  the  expla- 
nation of  the  common  law,  and  are  not  repugnant 
to  the  conftitution,  or  fome  act  of  the  legiflature^ 
and  are  applicable  to  the  circumftances  of  the  ftate, 
are  alfo  adopted  and  made  law  in  Vermont. — The 
criminal  law  of  Greatbritain.  feems  to  be  adapted  on- 
ly to  a  very  degraded,  vicious,  and  barbarous  (late 
of  fociety.  No  lets  than  one  hundred  and  fixty 
crimes  are  punifhable  by  death.  Sanguinary  laws 
snd  executions  have  there  made  death  fo  common 
and  familiar,  that  it  feems  to  have  become  one  of 
thcTe  common  occurrences,  which  is  conftantly  to  be 
expected,  and  is  very  little  regarded.  Several  of 
the  punifhments,  in  the  contrivances  of  their  cruel- 
ly, are  fully  equal  to  any  thing  that  has  ever  been 
perpetrated  by  the  Indians  of  America  :  In  brutal 
sage  and  inhuman  torture,  the  punifhment  affigned 
to  high  treafon,  fairly  exceeds  any  thing  the  Indian 
genius  could  ever  conceive*"—  Such  a  code  of  crimi- 
nal 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  351 

nal  law  is  wholly  unfitted  to  the  uncorrupted  ftate 
of  the  people  in  America  •  nor  would  they  in  any 
part  of  the  continent,  be  perfuaded  to  admit  it. 
Inftead  of  one  hundred  and  fixty,  there  are  only 
nine  crimes,  to  which  the  laws  of  Vermont  have  af- 
iigned  the  puniftunent  of  death  :  And  fince  the  firft 
ailumption  of  government  in  1777,  there  has  not 
been  any  perfon  convicted  of  any  of  thefe  crimes.—- 
What  relates  to  the  internal  affairs  of  government, 
the  regulations  neceffary  for  a  new  country,  or  fuch 
as  are  fuited  to  our  particular  ftate  of  fociety,  are 
provided  for  by  ftatutes  made  for  fuch  particular 
cafes  and  purpofes. — To  form  a  code  of  laws  fuited 
to  the  ftate  of  a  large  nation,  has  been  juftly  efteem- 
ed  the  mod  difficult  part  of  government.  It  does 
fiot  appear  that  human  wifdom  has  ever  been  able 
to  effect  this  without  great  errors,  in  any  part  of  the 
earth.  If  it  is  to  be  obtained,  the  particular  ftates 
of  America  have  now  a  fair  opportunity  to  make 
the  experiment,  how  far  human  wifdom  can  proceed 
at  prefent,  in  effecting  this  arduous  but  mod  im- 
portant attainment. 

Counties  and  Courts. — For  the  more  con- 
venient adminiftration  of  juftice,  the  ftate  is  divided 
into  eleven  counties  ;  viz. 

Counties.  County  Towns, 

Windham,  Newfane. 

jtt-  jr  f  Wind  for. 

Rutland,  Rutland. 

Orange,  Newbury 

Addifon,  Mid  die  bury. 

Chittenden,  Burlington, 

Caledonia. 

Efiex. 

Franklin, 

Orleans.-*  la 


352  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

In  the  four  laft  counties,  courts  are  not  to  d£ 
holden  until  the  firfl  day  of  October,  1796.  In 
the  other  counties  there  are  probate  courts,  juftices' 
courts,  county  courts,  a  lupreme  court,  and  a  court 
of  chancery. 

The  juflices  of  peace  in  each  county  are  annually 
nominated,  and  appointed  by  the  general  aflemMv  :• 
They  are  of  courfe  the  fame  perfons,  as    the  mem- 
bers of  the  afTembly  from  each  county,  with  the  ad-" 
dition  of  a  few  others.     They   have   power   to   try 
and  determine  all  pleas  and  actions   of  a  criminal 
nature,  where  the   fines  and  forfeitures   are  within 
the  fum  of  forty  (hillings,  and  the  corporal    punifli- 
ment  fhall  not  exceed  ten  flripes-     They   may   alfo 
try  and  determine  all  pleas  and  actions  of  a  civil  na- 
ture (other   than  actions   of   defamation,    replevin, 
trefpafs  upon  the  freehold,   and   where   the   title   of 
land  is  concerned)  where  the  debt,  and  other  matter 
in  demand,  does  not  exceed  the  fum  of  four  pounds ; 
and  alfb  determine  on  all  fpeciahies,    notes  of  hand, 
and  fettled  accounts,  not  exceeding  the  fum  of  eight 
pounds.     They  may  alfo  bind  over  to  be   tried   by 
the  county  or  fupreme  court,  all  criminal  offenders, 
the  enoimity  of  whofe  miidemeanor  furpafs   their 
power  to  try;     No  judgment  rendered  by   a  juflice 
of  peace,  can  be  reverfed  by  writ  of  error  :   But  ap- 
peals are  allowed  to  the   next  county   court,   m   all 
cafes  where  the  judgment  for  debt  or  damages,  (hail 
exceed  the  fum  of  forty  (hillings. 

In  each  county  there  is  alfo  a  county  court  ;  con- 
fiding of  three  judges,  who  arc  alio  annually  ap- 
pointed by  the  afTembly.  The  county  courts,  with- 
in their  refpe.clive  counties,  are  to  take  cognizance 
of  all  criminal  matters  of  every  name  and  nature 
(except  Inch  cafes  as  are  cognizable  on!  e    lu~ 

preme  court,  or  before  a  jullice  of  the  peacej  and 
award  fentence.  But  any  perfon  profecuted  for  a 
criminal  offence,  may  appeal  from  the  judgment  of 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  35^ 

t  county  court,  to  the  next  fupreme  court.  All  ac- 
tions and  caufes  of  actions  of  a  civil  nature  (except 
fuch  actions  as  are  made  cognizable  folely  before  the 
fupreme  court,  or  juftices  of  the  peace)  muft  be 
originally  commenced,  and  profecuted  to  efFecl:  in  a 
county  court. 

The  fupreme  court  of  judicature  confifts  of  thre6 
judges,  to  be  annually  chofen  by  ballot,  by  the  gov- 
ernor, council,  and  general  affembly,  at  their  Octo- 
ber feflion.  This  court  has  cognizance  of  all  pleag 
of  the  ftate,  criminal  actions  and  caufes,  and  whatfo- 
ever  relates  to  the  confervation  of  the  peace,  and 
punifhment  of  offenders  ♦  and  alfo  of  civil  caufes  or 
actions  between  party  and  party,  and  between  the 
ftate  and  any  of  its  fubje&s,  whether  the  fame  be 
brought  into  faid  court  by  appeal,  writ  of  error,  or 
in  any  other  legal  v/ay  whatfoever.  The  fupreme 
court  has  original  exclufive  jurifdi&ion  of  the  crimes 
of  adultery,  polygamy,  and  all  capital  felonies,  of 
treafon,  mifprifon  of  treafon,  counterfeiting  the  cur- 
rencies of  the  ftate,  and  every  fpecies  of  forgery, 
perjury,  fubordination  of  perjury,  inceft,  rapes,  de- 
faming the  civil  authority  of  the  ftate,  and  all  other 
crimes  and  mifdemeahors,  where  a  fine  or  penalty  is 
going  to  the  ftate  treafury,  or  where  the  punifhment: 
extends,  either  by  common  or  ftatute  law;  to  the 
lofs  of  life,  limb,  or  banifhment. — The  fupreme 
Court  begins  their  circuit  in  Bennington  county,  ori 
the  firft  Tuefday  in  Auguft  :  From  thence  it  pro- 
ceeds to  Rutland,  the  next  adjacent  county,  begin- 
ning the  feffion  there  on  the  fecond  Tuefday  in  Au- 
guft ;  and  in  this  order  proceeds  through  all  the 
counties  in  the  ftate,  beginning  the  feflion  in  the 
next  county,  On  the  fucceeding  Tu'efdays,  until  they 
have  finiihed  the  circuit  in  feven  weeks  at  Windham, 
county  :  And  it  is  left  to  the  chief  juftice,  to  call  a 
fpecial  court,  where  the  exigencies  of  government 
fcall  require  it. 

W  w  A 


354 


the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 


A  court  of  chancery  is  alfo  conftituted  in  the  flat? 
of  Vermont  ;  to  be  holden  in  the  feveral  counties 
within  the  ftate,  at  the  feveral  times  and  places  ap- 
pointed by  law  for  holding  the  fupreme  court  of  ju- 
dicature. The  judges  of  the  fupreme  court,  are 
conftituted  judges  or  chancellors  of  the  court  of 
chancery.  They  have  all  the  powers,  ufually  ex- 
ercifed  by  that  court  in  the  kingdom  of  Greatbritain, 
and  in  the  neighbouring  ftates,  and  not  repugnant  to 
the  conftitution.  The  manner  of  procefs  in  this 
court,  is  to  be  governed  and  regulated  by  the  judges ; 
conforming,  a*  near  as  may  be,  to  the  rules  and 
precedents  eftablifhed  in  the  courts-  of  chancery,  in 
the  kingdom  of  Greatbritain. 

Annual  Expense  of  Government. — The  an- 
nual expenfe  of  the  government  is  generally  about 
thirty  two  or  thirty  three  hundred  pounds.  In  the 
year  1792,  the  feveral  articles  of  it  were  thefe, 

The  governor's  falary„  j£«i50     o  a 

Lieutenant-governor's  fees   for  at-~ 
tending  council,  fifteen  fhillings  per 
day. 

Counsellors'  fees  for  attending 
council,  feven  millings  per  day. 

Representatives'  fees  for  attending 
the  general  aifembly,  fix  fhillings  per 
day. 

Secretary  of  Mate's  fees  for  attend-  ^1196     9  c 
ing  the  general  affembly,  twelve  fhil- 
lings per  day. 

Secretary  of  council's  fees  for  at- 
tending the  council,  nine  millings  per 
day. 

Officers  attending  the  general  af- 
fembly, fheriff,  auditor  of  accounts, 
chaplain,  Sec.  fix  fhillings  per  day. 

Chief 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  355 

Chief  juftice  of  the  fupreme  court,"! 
vhile  on  the  circuit,  one  pound  fev-  \ 
en  fhillings  per  day.  !  6  Q 

Two  affiftant  judges,    one   pound  f     °  9 
two  (hillings  per  day  ;    orders    drawn  J 
on  the  treafury  by  the  fupreme  court.  J 

Treafurer's  falary.  118     0  0 

Occasional  expenfes.  Ordersdrawn 
on  the  treafury,  by  the  auditor  of  ac- 
counts. 449    14  9 

Total   expenfe  from    October    1, 

1791,  to  Oftober  1,  1792.  £.3»219     9  9 

Xhefe  are  the  conftant  and  annual  cxpenfes  at- 
tending the  government,  and  do  not  greatly  differ  in 
different  years  ;  But  as  the  number  of  representatives 
is  annually  increafing,  the  public  expenfe  is  annu- 
ally increafing  on  that  account.  There  are  other 
cxpenfes  which  arife  almoft  every  year,  which  are  of 
an  occasional,  and  contingent  nature.  Of  this  kind 
are  commiflSoners  for  public  purpofes,  the  council 
of  cenfors,  conventions  &c.  As  thefe  are  only  for 
fome  particular  or  oecafional  purpofe,  the  expenfe 
varies  with  the  occafion  ;  and  they  cannot  be  esti- 
mated among  the  annual  charges  of  government.— 
The  whole  expenfe  then  of  government,  from  Oc- 
tober, 1791,  to  October,  1792,  amounted  to  three 
thoufand  two  hundred  and  nineteen  pounds,  nine 
{hilling?,  and  nine  pence.  If  this  fum  be  divided 
among  the  inhabitants  of  the  Hate,  as  determined  by 
the  cenfus  taken  in  1791,  it  will  amount  to  but  nine 
pence,  or  the  eighth  part  of  a  dollar,  for  each  per- 
fon. This  is  the  fum  that  each  perfon  in  Vermont 
pays  for  the  protection  of  his  perfon,  property,  and 
the  advantages  of  a  free  government.  I  believe 
there  is  not  any  part  of  the  civilized  world,  in  which 
the  inhabitants  enjoy  the  bleflings  of  government, 
at  fo  frnall  an  expenfe. 

Public 


356         the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

Public  Revenue.— The   revenue  of  the  (late 
arifeth   wholly  from  the   public  taxes.      For   fome 
time  after  Vermont  had  aiiumed  the  powers  of  gov- 
ernment,  very  confiderable  revenues  arofe  from  the 
unappropriated   lands  :  But  as    thefe   lands  are    al- 
moft  all   appropriated,   no  further  incomes  can   be 
derived  from  this  fource.     Commerce,  in  an  inland 
country,  can  never  be  attended  with  any  confidera- 
ble revenue.      The  only   fource  that  can  be  found, 
is  taxation. — In  the   year  1791,    the  whole   lift    of 
the    taxable    property   of    the    ftate,   amounted    to 
£, 324,796  18   10.     The   prices  at  which  the  lifters 
were  directed  to   eftimate  the    improved   lands,  and 
cattle,  were  fcarcely  one  half  of  the  current  prices  of 
thofe    articles  :  The   eftimate    therefore   in  the  lift, 
could  not    amount   to  one  half  of  the  real    value  of 
the    rateable  property  of  the  ftate.     After    making 
an   abatement  upon  this   lift  of  £.1,116  8  o  forthe 
twofolds,   a  tax  was  voted  of  two  pence  halfpenny, 
upon  the  pound  ;  amounting  toyr.3,371   14  o.  The 
expenfe  of  collecting  this  rate,  allowed  by  law  as  fees 
to  the  collector,  is  a  fiftieth  part :  And  a  further  a- 
batement  is  made   for  the  benefit  of  the  poor,  of  a 
twentieth  part.     Thefe   abatements  being  deducted, 
the  fum   the  government  receives  is  £.3,135   140. 
With  the    addition  of  £.83  to   this  fmall   fum,  was 
the  whole    expenfe   of  government,   among   eighty 
fix  thoufand   perfons,  defrayed   in  the   year   179c 
If  this  be  compared  with  the  expenfe  of  government 
in  Europe,  the  difference  will  be   found   to  be  infi- 
nite :   The  babe  of  a  monarch,  will    coft    a   nation 
there,  thirty  or  forty  times  this  fum. 

It  ought  alfo  to  be  recorded,  for  the  benefit  and 
remembrance  of  the  people  of  America.  For  this 
is  the  place,  where  a  corruption  in  government,  al- 
ways makes  its  firil  appearance.  Reafons  and  caufes 
are  eafily  found,  to  increafe  the  number  of  public 
b  places  and  officts :  And   thofe  who  are  in  power. 

and 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  357 

Stnd  derive  their  living  from  the  public,  will  compute 
the  honour  and  dignity  of  the  government,  by  the 
fums  of  public  money  which  are  allowed  to  them. 
The  progvefs  has  ever  been  certain,  gradual,  and 
regular  ;  from  fmall  beginnings,  to  the  utmoft  ex- 
treme of  luxury  and  diflipation,  that  the  national 
wealth  couid  fupoly.  It  would  be  almofl:  a  miracle* 
if  public  affairs  mould  not  alfume  the  fame  afpeffc 
and  couife,  in  America.  If  it  is  prevented,  it  will 
not  be  by  government  :  It  can  alone  be  done  by  the 
virtue,  the  knowledge,  the  economy,  and  the  public 
fentiment  of  the  people. 

Militia. — The  military  force  of  the  ftate  con- 
iifts  of  all  the  able  bodied  males,  from  fixteen  to 
forty  five  years  of  age ;  with  fuch  exceptions  as  are 
cuftomary  in  the  other  ftates.  The  men  are  requir- 
ed by  law  to  provide  themfelves  with  fuch  arms  as 
are  uled  in  times  of  war,  when  in  actual  fervice. 
They  are  divided  into  companies,  regiments,  brig- 
ades, and  divifions.  The  companies  ele£f.  their 
captains,  and  fubalterns.  The  captains  and  fubal- 
terns  appoint  the  field  officers  of  their  refpe6live 
regiments.  The  brigadiergenerals,  and  the  major- 
generals,  are  appointed  by  the  governor,  council, 
and  houfe  of  representatives.  The  governor  is 
captaingeneral  and  commander  in  chief,  and  with 
the  advice  of  council,  is  to  arrange  the  whole  mili- 
tia into  divifions,  and  brigades  ;  and  may  from  time 
to  time,  make  fuch  alterations  as  he  (hall  think  fit. 
The  whole  militia  of  the  ftate,  is  to  be  reviewed  at 
leaft  once  in  two  years. 

In  1792,  the  Hate  of  the  militia  was  as  follows  ; 
Twenty  regiments  of  infantry,  divided  into  eight 
brigades,  and  four  divifions  :  Fifteen  companies  of 
cavalry,  and  fix  companies  of  artillery ;  the  whole 
computed  at  eighteen  thoufand,  five  hundred. 

The  ftafFconfifts  of  one  captaingeneral,  one  lieu- 
tenantgeneral,  four  majorgenerals,   eight  brigadier- 

generalsj, 


358         tije  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

generals,  one  adjutantgeneral,  and  one  commifTary- 
general. 

The  militia  of  Vermont  are  a  body  of  brave, 
hardy,  robu  ft,  and  intrepid  men.  Trained  up  to 
hardihip,  labour,  economy,  and  hunting,  they  have 
all  the  qualifications  that  tend  to  fit  men  for  the  mil- 
itary character :  Difcipline  and  actual  fervice,  tranf- 
forms  them  at  once,  into  a  body  of  excellent  troops. 
In  the  American  war,  there  were  no  better  troops 
collected  from  any  part  of  Europe^  or  America,  than 
the  regiments  raifed  in  Vermont.  The  moft  brave, 
hardy,  and  robuft  militia,  will  always  be  found  a- 
rnong  the  inhabitants  of  new  countries. 

Popularity  of  the  Government. — From  the 
experience  the  people  have  had,  of  the  influence  and 
operation  of  the  government,  they  are  not  only  fatif- 
fied  with  it,  but  they  are  very  ftrongly  attached  to  it. 
This  is  the  fureft  way  to  judge  of  all  theories,  forms, 
and  conftitutions  of  government.  What  is  written 
upon  paper  refpecting  government,  is  no  otherwife 
good  or  bad,  than  as  it  is  applicable  to  mankind,  and 
may  be  beneficial,  or  difadvantageous  to  them. 
While  government  ferves  to  promote  the  benefit  and 
profperity  of  the  people,  the  people  will  be  attached 
to  it.  But  when  the  body  of  the  people  become  dis- 
contented and  uneafy,  it  may  be  prefumed,  there  is 
feme  capital  error,  or  vice  in  the  government. — Dur- 
ing a  century  and  an  half,  every  part  of  America, 
was  under  the  controul  of  the  kings  of  Europe.  The 
minifters  of  the  European  courts  were  perpetually 
interfering  in  the  affairs  of  the  colonies,  and  were 
perfuaded  that  the  colonifts  had  not  wifdom  enough 
to  govern  themfelves.  Through  the  whole  of  this 
period,  all  thofe  parts  of  America  flourifhed  the  moft, 
in  which  the  European  monarchs  intermeddled  the 
leaft  :  And  there  was  not  one  fpot  on  the  continent, 
'rhere  the  inhabitants  were  not  better  qualified  to 

govern 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  359 

govern  themfelves,  than  the  wifeft  minifter  of  ftate 
in  Europe.  The  one,  perfe<5Uy  well  underftood  their 
own  fituation,  circumftances,  dangers,  and  intereftsj 
and  were  attached  to  the  welfare  of  the  country  :  The 
other,  were  armoft  wholly  ignorant  of  the  ftate  of 
things  in  America  j  and  not  at  all  difpofed  to  pro- 
mote her  intereft,  any  further,  than  as  it  ferved  to 
advance  the  intereft  of  the  crown,  under  which  they 
ferved.  This  muft  always  be  the  cafe,  where  one 
people  are  in  fo  unhappy  and  unnatural  a  fituation, 
as  to  be  under  the  government  of  another. — The 
people  of  America  have  now  no  reftraint,  no  oppofite 
intereft  of  a  foreign  king,  and  parliament,  to  perplex 
their  government,  influence  their  meafures,  and  op- 
pofe  their  intereft.  They  have  every  where  fet  up 
governments  for  themfelves  j  and  they  are  every  where 
flourifhing,  and  rapidly  increafing  in  their  wealth, 
and  numbers :  And  are  not  only  fatisfied,  but  they 
are  ftrongly  attached  to  their  governments.  If  there 
be  any  certain  marks  of  a  good  government,  thofe 
marks  are  the  peace,  happinefs,  and  profperity,  the 
tncreafe,  and  the  affections  of  the  people. 


CHAP. 


36*0         thi?  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 


CHAP.       XVJ. 


State  of  Society  .—Population :  Caufes  on  which 
this  depends,  the  mean  Period  of  Human  Life  in  the 
American  States,  Period  of  doubling  in  Vermont^ 
comparative  View  of  Population  in  new  and  old 
Countries. 


-POPULATION  depends  upon' 
two  general  caufes,  the  original  laws  of  nature,  and 
the  Rate  of  fociety. — In  the  original  conftitution  of 
animals,  the  Author  of  Nature  has  eftablifhed  certain 
laws  refpecting  their  increafe,  and  multiplication, 
which  cannot  be  exceeded.  Thefe  laws  relate  chief- 
ly to  the  age  at  which  the  female  becomes  capable 
of  bearing  fruit,  the  numbers  that  may  be  produced 
at  one  birth,  the  time  that  muft  intervene  between 
one  birth  and  another,  and  the  age  at  which  the  fe- 
male will  ceafe  to  be  prolific.  The  laws  of  nature 
refpefting  each  of  thefe  particulars,  confidered  with 
refpec"fc  to  the  human  race,  are  much  affected  by  cli- 
mate ;  and  are  every  where  fubjecT:  to  univerfal  and 
conftant  observation.  But  they  are  fo  far  from  be- 
ing accurately  known,  or  afcertained,  that  whoever 
fhall  attempt  to  make  a  computation  upon  either,  ot 
all  of  them,  will  find  that  not  one  of  thefe  periods 
has  been  maiked  by  obfervation  ;  and  that  the  mean- 
period  required  by  nature  for  thefe  purpofes,  is  yet 
unknown  in  every  country  and  climate. 

Th« 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  361 

The  incrcafe  of  mankind,  thus  confined  within 
certain  limits  by  nature,  is  alfo  very  much  affected 
by  the  Mate  of  fociety.  The  condition  of  the  body 
of  the  people,  the  eafe  or  the  difficulty  with  which 
they  can  procure  property  to  maintain  a  family,  the 
genius  of  the  civil  government,  the  fpirit  and  regu- 
lations of  religion,  the  numbers  employed  and  the 
deflruction  occafioned  by  war,  the  inllitutions  of 
celibacy,  with  the  manners  and  cuftoms  of  the  peo- 
ple, may  retard  or  favour  population,  to  a  great  de- 
gree ;  and  caufe  it  to  be  very  different  in  the  fame 
climate,  and  at  the  fame  place,  at  different  times. 
Both  thefe  caufes  generally  combine,  and  operate 
together,-  and  in  fuch  a  manner,  that  we  cannot  fep- 
arate  their  effects ;  or  determine  how  much  is  to  be 
afcribed  to  the  law  of  nature  and  climate,  and  what 
is  derived  from  the  ftate  of  fociety.  This  difficulty 
attends  all  the  tables  which  have  been  made  of 
births,  deaths,  and  marriages.  Tables  of  this  kind 
have  beeo  made  for  almoft  every  nation  in  Europe, 
and  for  feveral  places  in  America.  They  appear  to 
have  been  the  refult  of  accurate  obfervations  and 
calculation.  But  the  refults  at  different  places  in 
the  fame  latitude  and  climate,  have  been  fo  different, 
that  np  general  conclufions  can  be  drawn  from  them, 
reflecting  the  natural  increafe  of  the  human  race  : 
They  mark  what  has  taken  place  at  a  given  time, 
and  place ;  but  they  afford  little  information  of 
what  is  to  be  expected,  from  the  general  courfe  of 
nature,  in  any  particular  country,  or  climate. 

By  the  late  enumeration  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
United  States  of  America,  a  period  has  been  found 
in  the  courfe  of  human  life,  above,  and  below  which 
'he  number  of  the  males  are  nearly  equal.  Thispenod 
is  nearly  at  the  age  of  fixteen  years.  Can  we  not  derive 
Some  information,from  fo  remarkable  afact,refpecting 
the  increafe  and  population  of  the  people  of  the 
rd  States  ?  And  may  it  not  be  determined  what 
X  x  aft 


36*9  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

mufl  be  the  operation  of  nature,  to  produce  and 
prefcrve  this  equality  of  numbers,  below,  and  above 
thai  age  ? 

Let  us  attempt  to  compute  it  upon  a  given  cafe. 
Suppofc  the  whole  number  of  people  in  one  of  the 
iiates  of  Ameiica,  amounted  to  thirty  two  thoufand  ; 
one  half  of  which  had  not  attained  the  age  of  foe- 
t:cn,  and  the  other  half  had  palled  this  peiiod.  At 
the  end  of  fifteen  years,  the  whole  number  will 
have  pa  {fed  the  mean  period,  and  be  found  in  that 
number  whole  age  is  above  fixteen,  making  togeth- 
er thirty  two  thoufand. — To  ballance  this  number, 
nature  mufl  have  produced  in  the  fame  time,  an 
etjttal  number  whole  age  will  be  below  fixteen  .-. 
Tnat  is,  dining  this  period    of    fixteen  years,    thirty 

ihouiand  mud  have  been  born.      For  everyone 
that.tiai    pa&ed    the    period    of   fixteen    years, 

;e  moil  have  produced  two;  otherwife  the    bal- 

,  or  an  equality  in  the  numbers  below  and  above 

.  could  not  be  preferved.     And   this  would 

ai!o  be  the  exaci  peiiod  of  doubling    the  number  of 

the  inhabitants. 

This  miift  be  *he  operation  of  nature,  if  the  fub- 
jtci  en  whom  the  calculation  w;is  made,  had  been 
invariable,  or  lubje£t  to  no  diminution.  But  this 
is  not  the  ofe.  Death  is  conflantly  diminifhing  the 
number  of  thole  whofe  age  is  above  fixteen,  of  thofe 
ivboic  age  is  below  fixteen  ;  and  it  diminifhes  them 
both,  in  the  fame  proportion.  This  curious  facl  is 
ascertained  by  a  courfe  of  observations,  made  in  fev- 
rral  towns  in  the  eallern  parts  of  Newhampfhire. 
At  Hampton  an  accurate  table    of   deaths,  with    the 

of  each  perfon,  was  kept  by  the   miniflers  of  the 

in,  from  the    year,    1735  to  1791.     Similar  bills 
were  kept  at  Eaflkingjlon,   from    1740  to    1771  :  At 

■market,  from    1731  to  1770:    At   Dovery  from 
170/  to  1786.*     The  reiult    of   thefe    oufervations 

is, 
*  Bilknap's  Ilift-of  Newhampfhire,  ItL  p.  238—248, 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  3G3 

is,  that  the  whole  number  which  died  in  thofe  towns, 
during  thofe  years,  was  two  thoufand  and  ninety 
eight  :  Of  thefe,  one  thoufand  and  fifty  were  under 
hxteen  years  of  age,  and  one  thoufand  and  forty 
eight  above  that  age.  In  the  relult  of  Co  long  a 
courfe  of  obfervations,  made  in  four  different  towns, 
we  may  expect  to  find  the  regular  courfe  of  nature, 
or  the  natural  operation  of  death,  well  afcertained. 
And  they  feem  fully  to  have  eftablifhed  this  curious 
fact,  That  death  has  an  equal  effect,  or  is  confUnt- 
ly  deftroying  equal  numbers  of  thofe  whofe  age  is 
above,  and  of  thofe  whofe  age  is  below  iixtten  years. 
Such  is  the  operation  and  effect  of  death  :  And 
by  conftantly  dhninifhing  the  numbers  Oi  mankind, 
it  will  every  where  prolong  the  period  of  doub'-ing, 
beyond  the  mean  period  of  human  life.  But  to 
what  degree  wiil  it  retard  this  event ;  or  to  what 
length  of  time  will  it  prolong  the  period  of  doub- 
ling? It  will  prolong  the  period  of  doubling,  exact- 
ly in  that  ratio,  which  the  deaths  fhall  bear  to  the 
births,  in  the  fame  period  of  time. — The  bills  which 
were  kept  in  Newhampfhire,  do  not  contain  an  ac- 
curate account  of  the  births,  bu*  only  of  the  bap- 
tifms  ;  and  therefore  will  not  ferve  to  difcover  what 
proportion  the  deaths  bear  to  the  births,  in  thofe 
towns.  But  from  the  bills  of  mortality,  which  have 
been  kept  in  MaiTachufetts,  it  has  been  found  that 
the  number  of  deaths,  are  annually  in  a  confi^nr. 
and  fettled  ratio  to  the  number  of  births.  At  Ming- 
h&m,  the  aged  and  venerable  Dr.  Gay,  kept  .<  very 
exact  lift  of  all  the  deaths  and  births  in  his  parifh, 
for  the  fpace  of  fifty  four  years,  from  1726  to  1779, 
inclufive.  The  deaths  amounted  to  one  thou  land 
one  hundred  and  thirteen,  the  births  to  (wo  thou- 
fand  two  hundred  and  forty  feven.  At  Ipfwicb^  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Cutlery  made  {inula r  obfervations  for  a 
courfe  of  ten  years,  from  Sept.  11,  1771,  to  Sept. 
11,  1781,  The  number  of  deaths  were  one  hundred 

and 


364  the  NATURAL  and  ClVIl! 

and  fixty  four,  the  number  of  births  three  hundred 
and  thirty  one.*  At  Salem,  an  accurate  and  able 
phyiician  and  philofopher,  C.  A.  Holyoke,  M.  D. 
has  given  an  exact,  bill  for  the  years  1782,  and  1 783  : 
The  deaths  were  three  hundred  and  fixty  four,  and 
the  births  feven  hundred  and  two.t  In  thefe  num- 
bers we  have  the  refult  of  a  courfe  of  obfei  vations 
carried  on  in  three  different  places,  during  a  period 
of  fixty  fix  years.  The  refult  of  the  whole,  is,  that 
the  deaths  were  one  thousand  fix  hundred  and  forty 
one,  and  the  births  amounted  to  three  thoufand  two 
hundred  and  eighty;  that  is,  the  deaths  were  to  the 
births  in  the  ratio  of  one  to  two.  This  is  the  annu- 
al and  conftant  proportion  of  death  to  birth,  in  the 
ancient  towns,  along  the  fea  coft,  in  Maffachufetts. 
The  increafe  of  the  people  therefore  derived  from 
the  births,  is  annually  diminifhed  one  half  by  the 
natural  operation  of  death  :  And  inftead  of  doubling 
in  fixteen  years  as  mud  have  been  the  cafe  had  no 
one  died,  the  effect,  occafioned  by  death,  will  be,  to 
prolong  this  period  one  half;  inftead  of  fixteen  years 
the  period  of  doubling  will  become  twenty  four. 
This  will  be  the  period  of  doubling  in  all  thofe  pla- 
ces, where  the  mean  age  of  human  life  is  fixteen  years, 
and  the  ratio  of  death  to  birth  as  one  to  two. 

From  this  method  of  reafoning,  I  much  fufpe£l 
that  the  age  at  which  the  numbers  of  people  aie  e- 
qually  divided,  will  in  every  country  prove  to  be 
the  time,  which  nature  requires  in  that  climate,  to 
pioduce  double  the  number  of  people  that  are  then 
iiving  :  That  the  aclual  period  of  doubling,  will  in 
fa£t  be  retarded  in  exact,  proportion  to  that,  which 
the  deaths  bear  to  the  births  :  And  that  this  ratio 
will  very  nearly  determine  what  influence  the  flare 
of  fociety  has,  on  the  increafe  of  mankind  in  any 
country  or  town. 

I 

*  Memoirs  of  American  Academy,  Vol.  I,  p.  566, 


llISTORY  o?  VERMONT.  365 

I  am  not  in  poffeffion  of  the  data  that  would  be 
necefTary  to  examine  this  theory,  by  the  (late  of 
things  in  the  ancient  and  populous  countries,  of  the 
other  hemiiphere.  But  from  the  enumeration  that 
was  made  or  the  inhabitants  of  the  United  States  of 
America  in  1790,  we  may  venture  to  compute  the 
ILate  of  things  among  ourfeives. — The  number  of 
males,  their  relative  proportions,  and  the  age  at  which 
the  numbers  below  and  above  fixteen  become  equal, 
are  as-foilows  : 


I   Males 
below  16 
years    of 
age 

JtAre,  Maine  and  MaJ- 
facbufttts,  P.hode- 

ijland,  Conneilku:,  and 

New)Ork. 

Middle  States.— 
Newjerfey,  Peiinfjl- 
vania,  Delaware,  and 
Maryland. 

Southern  States  — 
L'irginia,  Kentucky, 
Nortbcarohna,  Soutb- 
.arolina,  and  Georgia. 


3t-7>54° 


211,846 


262,464 


Males 
'.hove  16 
years    ot 
lge. 


338,600 


223>737 


44>757 


D.ffcrence.Wfowj    Age  at 
16  years  of  age.  /which    the 
numbers 
below    and 
above     16, 
become    e-  • 
qua). 
Yvf.  Mths« 


21,060 

Above  16,  &c. 
11,891 

Below  16  year? 
of  age. 

!7»7°7 


16 


16     s| 


Si 


From  this  view  of  the  refult,  it  fhould  feem  that 
the  middle  and  northern  (fates  were  the  mod  fa- 
vourable to  longevity,  and  the  prefervation  of  life: 
And  that  the  fouthern  (fates  were  the  moft  favoara- 
ble  to  a  rapidity  of  production,  and  increafe.  Wheth- 
er thele  circumRanccs  will  not  ballance  each  other, 
and  produce  an  equality  in  the  period  of  doubling 
cannot  be  determined  without  further  obfervations„ 
In  Majfachujetts,  the  period  of  doubling  cannot  be 
far  from  twenty  four  years  and  three  months.  What 
this  period  is  in  the  other  {fates,  rauft  be  determined 
either  from  actual  obfervation,  or  by  afcertaining 
the  ratio  which  the  deaths  bear  to  the  births.  If 
the  enumeration  which  is  to  be  taken  in  the  year 

iSoo, 


366        the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

1800,  fhould  be  as  particular  with  refpect  to  the  fe- 
males, as  the  lafl  was  with  refpect  to  the  males,  it 
would  enable  us  to  afcertain  feveral  particulars  in 
this  part  of  the  natural  hiftory  of  man,  which  cannot 
be  determined  without  another  enumeration. 

It  has  been  generally  fuppofed,  that  the  increafe 
of  mankind  is  mod  of  all  rapid,  in  a  new  country  ; 
and  that  it  is  in  the  new  fettlements,  that  nature  acls 
with  the  greatefi  force  and  vigour.  Vermont  is 
now  in  the  fituation,  in  which  a  new  country  ought 
to  be  examined.  We  have  no  populous  towns, 
i'eaports,  or  large  manufactories,  to  collecl  the  peo- 
ple together.  They  are  fpread  over  the  whole 
country,  forming  fmall  and  feparate  fettlements. 
Agriculture  is  almoft  the  univerfal  employment. 
But  few  are  pinched  for  want  of  the  neceffaries  of 
life,  and  nothing  like  luxury  has  yet  taken  place 
among  us.  The  government  is  highly  democratic. 
In  religion  the  moft  perfect  freedom  and  equality 
takes  place  among  all  parties.  The  taxes  are  no 
more  than  what  are  unavoidably  neceffary,  to  pre- 
ferve  the  exiftence  and  form  of  government.  Lands 
are  eafy  to  be  procured,  and  the  foil  is  rich  and 
fertile. — Every  family  enjoys  nearly  the  whole  prod- 
uce of  their  labour.  The  climate  is  falubrious  and 
healthy.  And  neither  war,  ficknefs,  or  famine,  have 
of  late  diminifhed  the  increafe,  or  difturbed  the.  la- 
bours of  the  people. — I  do  not  know  that,  we  can 
find  any  new  country,  in  which,  every  circumftance 

ms  more1  favourable  to  increafe  :  Or  any,  in 
which  we  may  more  probably  expeft  to  find  the 
maximum,  which  nature  and  fociety  can  produce  in 
fuch  a  latitude  and  climate. — -From  the  enumeiation 
of  the  inhabitants  taken  in  1791,  we  have  the  fol- 
Icsvzng  refult  .: 

Vermont. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT. 


367 


Males     be- 

Males   a- 

low  j 6  yeais 

hove      16 

of  age. 

years      of 
age. 

VZHMONT. 

22,328 

22,435 

Difference. 

Above     16 

years  of  age. 


Age  at  which  the 
numbers  below 
and  above  16, 
become  equal. 
Years.  Months. 
107        1      16         1 

To  afcertain  the  effect  produced  by  the  natural 
operation  of  death,  I  have  procured  a  bill  of  mortal- 
ity for  one  of  the  principal  towns,  for  the  years 
1,789,  90,  and  91.  It  is  made  for  Rutland,  from 
the  observations  of  E.  Porter,  and  D,  Reed,  two 
able  phyficians. 


Number  of  inhabitant? 

J  Deaths. 

Births. 

Ratio  of  the 

Period  of  doubling 

in  Rutland  in  1791. 

1 

deaths  to  the 
births. 

prolonged    by    ths 

tfl   III  s. 

Years  Months* 

1407 

46 

223 

I  to  4,  85 

3        4 

From  this  table  it  appears  that  the  deaths  in  Ver- 
mont, are  to  the  births,  in  the  porportion  of  l  to 
4,  85  •  of  confequence  the  period  of  doubling  in  this 
ftate,  at  prefent,  is  nineteen  years  and  five  months.* 

From  fuch  views  of  the  increafe  and  population 
in  America,  we  can  fcarcely  avoid  comparing  the 
ftate  of  things  in  the  United  States,  with  that  of  the 
ancient  and  populous  countries  in  Europe.  In  the 
city  of  London,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  annual 
bills  of  mortality,  the  human  race  are  annually  de- 
creasing ;  the  deaths  generally  exceed  the  births, 
about  one  tenth  every  year.  The  favage  ftate  was 
lefs  unfavourable  to  the  increafe  of  mankind,  than 
fuch  large  and  populous  cities  :  Inftead  of  preferv- 
ing,  they  tend  to  deflroy  the  human  race. 

In  mod  of  the  ancient  and  populous  nations  o£ 
Europe,  their  forms  of  government,   their  ecclefiaf- 

lical 

*  Since  writing  the  above  I  have  received  from  Dr.  Afaph. 
Fletcher,  an  accurate  obferver  and  able  phyfician,  an  account 
of  the  births  and  deaths  in  the  town  of  Ca-vendijb.  In  the 
courfe  of  feven  years  the  number  of  births  in  that  town  was 
two  hundred  and  ten  ;  the  number  that  died  in  the  fame  pe- 
nod,  was  thirty.  „  The  ratio  of  deaths  to  that  of  births  in  that 
town,  during  this  period,  has  been  but  as  one  to  feven. 


-58  the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

o 

tical  eftablifhments,  tjie  extreme  luxury  of  one  part 
of  the  people,  and  the  extreme  poverty  of  the  other, 
their  long  and  bloody  wars,  their  numerous  fleets 
and  armies,  the  numbers  which  are  reduced  to  fer- 
vitude,  and  rendered  incapable  of  fupporting  fami- 
lies, with  the  impious  inftitutions  of  celibacy,  have 
nearly  deftroyed  the  natural  increafe  of  mankind  ; 
cr  at  leaft  they  have  rendered  it  extremely  flow, 
and  uncertain.  "  In  Greatbritain,  and  mod  other 
European  countries,  they  are  not  fuppofed  to  double 
in  lefs  than  five  hundred  years."* — In  vain  do  pol- 
iticians ^o  about  to  celebrate  the  wifdom  of  a  ftate 
of  fociety,  which  deftroys  the  nobleft  fruit  and  pro- 
duction of  nature  :  It  muft  be  eflentiallv,  and  fun- 
damentally bad.  The  fureft  proof  of  the  profperity 
of  any  country,  is  a  rapid  increafe  of  the  people. 

*  Smith's  wealth  of  nations,  Vol.  I.  94. 


CHAP. 


HISTORY  op  VERMONT.  369 


CHAP.       XVII. 


State  of  Society.— Freedom  :  bejlroyect  in  feme 
Countries  by  the  State  of  Society ,  froduced  by  the 
Settlement  of  America^  the  Caufe  and  Effecl  of  the 
American  JYar,  cannot  be  preferved  by  Government \ 
depends  on  the  State  and  Condition  of  the  People, 


X  HE  employments,  the  government, 
the  religion,  the  cuftoms,  habits,  manners,  and  condi- 
tion of  the  people,  conftitute  their  ftate  of  fociety .  In 
the  ftate  of  fociety  which  had  taken  place  in  America, 
the  foundations  of  her  freedom  were  laid,  long  before 
the  nations  of  Europe  had  any  fufpicion  of  what 
was  taking  phce  in  the  minds  of  men. — -Conqueft, 
religion,  law,  cuftom,  habits,  and  manners,  confirm- 
ed by  military  power,  had  eftablifhed  a  ftate  of  foci- 
ety in  Europe,  in  which  the  rights  of  men  were  ob- 
literated and  excluded.  The  property  and  power 
of  a  nation  had  palled  into  the  hands  of  the  iover- 
eign,  nobility  and  church.  The  body  of  the  people 
were  without  property,  or  any  chance  or  profpect 
of  fecuring  any  ;  and  without  education  or  knowl- 
edge to  form  them  to  any  rational  principles  and 
fentiments.  Without  property  and  without  princi- 
ple, they  were  of  little  or  no  confequence,  m  the 
view  of  government.  When  the  conteft  was  wheth- 
er the  king  or  the  commons  fhould  gain  more  pow- 
er, the  meaning  was  not  at  all  whether  the  body  of 
the  people  fhould  be  railed  out  of  their  degraded 
Y  y  Rate 


8/ 


the   NATURAL  and  CIVIL 


ftate  of  ignorance,  poverty,  and  inGgnificance  ;  but 
whether  that  part  of  the  nation,  which  had  acquired 
much  wealth  and  property,  fhould  have  more  in- 
fluence in  the  affairs  of  government.  The  body 
of  the  people  were  efteemed  as  mere  mob,  wholly 
inadequate  and  unfit  for  the  affairs  of  government. 
The  king,  lords,  and  commons,  were  agreed  in  view- 
ing the  mafs  of  the  people  in  this  light.  And  as 
they  had  neither  property,  principle,  or  knowledge, 
it  is  probable  that  the  opinion  which  their  rulers 
formed  of  them,  was  but  too  juft. 

Such  had  been  the  ftate  of  fociety  in  Europe,  for 
many  centuries      Time,   law,   religion,  and  power, 
had  combined  with  every  other  cirCumftancey  to  de- 
grade the  people  -,    and  to  reduce    the  body  of  them 
to  the  lowed  itate  of  abatement,  and  contempt. — In 
a  ftate  of  fociety,  in  which  every  thing  had  fo   long 
deviated  from  the  defign  and  law  of  nature,  it  could 
not  be,  but  that    the  rights  of   men   fhould  be  lofl ; 
and  the  idea  of  them  had  nearly  perifhed.      Nothing 
was  to  be    feen  but  one   general  degradation  of  the 
body  of  the  people,  and  an  unnatural  and    exceflive 
exaltation  of  thole  who  bad  acquired  power  ;    every 
where  tending  to  corrupt  both,  and  to  give  the  molt 
unfavourable  idea  of  the  capacity  of  the  former,  and 
of  the  difpofition  of  the  latter.      It  required  the  dar- 
ing fpirii  of  Milton  and  Sydney,  and  the  abilities  of 
Locke  and    Montefquieu,  to  dilcover  the   rights    of 
men,  when  men  themfelves  for  many  centuries,  had 
made  the  ftate   of  fociety  wholly  oppofite  and   con- 
truly  to  the  ftate  of   nature.      The  philofopher  had 
to   deduce    them  from  the   creation,    and  nature    of 
man.      In  this  inquiry,  the  progrefs,  like  difcoveries 
in  other  fciences,  was  extremely  flow  and  precarious. 
Jntereft  and  reputation  weie    iigainft  the  progrefs  of 
this  kind  of  knowledge.      The  law,  the  chuich,  and 
the  government,  were  not    only  oppofed  to    it,    but 
they  punifhed  the  diicoverers  and  writers,  by  whip- 
ping. 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  371 

ping,  imprifonments,  heavy  fines,  and  death.  None 
but  the  greateft  and  mod  virtuous  of  men,  were 
either  able  to  inveftigate,  or  would  dare  to  alTert 
what  belonged  to  the  nature  of  man,  and  what  was 
derived  from  the  nature  of  fociety. 

In  America,  every  thing  had  affumed  a  different 
tendency  and  operation.  The  firft  fettlers  of  the 
colonies,  had  fuffered  fevcrely  under  the  bigotry  and 
intolerance  of  ecclefiaftical  power,  in  the  days  of 
Elizabeth,  James,  and  Charles  the  firft.  They  had 
not  at  firft,  any  more  knowledge  of  the  rights  of  human 
nature  than  their  neighbours,  and  they  were  as  far 
from  the  fpirit  of  candour  and  toleration.  But 
when  they  were  expofed  to  fevere  fufFerings  on  ac- 
count of  their  religion,  they  were  placed  in  a  fitua- 
tion,  in  which  their  feelings  would  perform  for  them, 
what  their  reafon  had  not  acquired  fufBcient  force 
to  effect.  They  felt,  and  of  courfe  faw,  that  thsre 
was  no  reafon  or  righteoufnefs  in  the  puniuYments 
which  were  inflicted  upon  them,  on  account  of  their 
religion.  In  fuch  a  fituation,  truth  occurred  to  them 
every  moment  ;  and  their  fituation  and  fufFerings 
effectually  taught  them,  what  were  the  rights  of  men  : 
They  could  at  once  difcern  and  underftand  the 
voice  of  nature,  which  had  no  effecl  upon  thofe  in 
power,  and  probably  would  have  had  more  upon 
them,  had  they  been  in  the  fame  ftate. — With  thefe 
views  they  came  into  America.  Situation  and  em- 
ployment immediately  operated  to  enlarge  and  con- 
firm the  fentiments  which  their  fufFerings  had  firft 
produced.  The  wildernefs  was  to  be  cleared  up, 
habitations  were  to  be  built,  the  means  of  living  were 
to  be  procured  :  Thefe  occupations  were  fo  neceffa- 
ry,  that  they  became  unavoidable  ;  and  every  man 
who  did  not  mean  to  perifh,  was  obliged  to  engage 
in  them.  This  fimilarity  of  fituation  and  employ- 
ment, produced  a  fimilarity  of  ftate  and  condition  ; 
at  that  time,  unknown  to  the  reft  of  the  world  :   The 

effects 


372        the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL 

efFects  of  which  the  firft  fettlers  did  not  at  all  com- 
prehend, themlelves.  The  bigger  part  of  them  rev- 
erenced monarchy,  as  a  facred  inftitution  of  heaven  ; 
but  they  felt  at  the  fame  time  that  the  honours  and 
diflinctions  it  produced,  were  of  no  avail  to  them. 
To  be  wife,  fttong,  induftriou&,  and  healthy,  to  have 
rulers,  judges,  and  generals,  the  diftinctions  which 
nature  urged,  they  found  to  be  of  the  higheft  im- 
portance. But  to  be  called  a  duke,  an  earl,  or  a 
marquis,  the  diftin£lions  which  fociety  had  let  up 
again  ft  nature,  they  found  could  be  of  no  impor- 
tance to  them,  and  denoted  nothing  valuable  in  them- 
felves.  Nothing  was  left  for  them  but  to  purfue  the 
line  and  courfe  of  nature,  which  was  that  of  utility 
and  fafety.  And  this  could  produce  nothing  but 
limilnrity  of  fituation,  rights,  privileges,  and  freedom. 
Every  new  fettlement,  was  a  confirmation  of  the 
fame  ftate  of  fociety  j  and  notwithstanding  the  per- 
petual interference  of  royal  authority,  every  thing 
operated  to  produce  that  natural,  eafy,  independent 
iituation,  and  fpirit,  in  which  the  body  of  the  people 
were  found,  when  the  American  war  came  on. — In 
fuch  circumftances,  the  common  farmer  in  America 
had  a  more  comprehenfive  view  of  his  rights  and 
privileges,  than  the  fpeculative  philolopher  of  Eu- 
rope, ever  could  have  of  the  fubjecl;.  The  one  was 
in  a  fituation,  where  the  language,  dictates,  and  de- 
figns  of  nature,  were  perpetually  occurring  to  his 
views  :  The  other  was  in  a  fituation,  where  every 
thing  in  fociety  had  deviated  from  nature  ;  and  with 
infinite  labour  and  fludy,  the  firft  principles,  muft 
be  deduced  from  theory  and  reafoning.  Learning 
their  principles  from  the  ftate  of  fociety  in  America, 
Paine>  and  other  writers  upon  American  politics,  met 
with  amazing  fuccefs :  Not  becaufe  they  taught  the 
people  principles,  which  they  did  not  before  under- 
hand ;  but  becaufe  they  placed  the  principles  which 
they  had  learned  of  them,  in  a  very  clear  and  link- 
ing 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  373 

ing  light,  on   a  molt  critical  and  important  occa- 
fion. 

When  the  war  came  on,  the  leaders  of  mobs,  and 
the  mobs  which  they  created,  appeared  in  their  true 
light  :  The  former  funk  into  contempt,  and  the  lat- 
ter were  foon  fupprefled.  The  enlightened,  virtu- 
ous, fubftantial  body  of  uncorrupted  citizens,  took 
up  the  bufinefs.  Unacquainted  with  the  ftate  of 
fociety  here,  Europe  faw  with  wonder,  the  fpirit  of 
freedom  unconquerable  in  America:  Rifmg,  the 
more  it  fufFered,  the  more  fuperiour  to  all  the  at- 
tempts of  the  wifefi  and  mod  powerful  nation  of 
Europe.  The  minifters  of  Britain  at  that  time,  were 
men  of  great  eminence  and  abilities,  in  managing 
bufineO?,  upon  the  European  fyftem  :  But  they  had 
no  ideas  of  the  (late  of  things  in  America,  or  of  a 
fyftem  in  which  nature  and  fociety  had  combined  to 
produce  and  to  preferve  freedom.  What  they  call- 
ed rebellion,  was  only  the  tendency  of  nature  and 
fociety  towards  freedom,  made  more  a£live,  by  their 
oppofition.  Miftaking  the  caufe,  they  perpetually 
miftook  in  their  meafures  :  And  what  could  not 
have  happened  from  any  other  caufe  but  total  mif- 
take,  it  was  their  lingular  ill  fortune  never  to  judge 
right,  either  through  defign,  or  by  miftake. — The 
refult  was  the  natural  efFe6t.  of  things.  It  did  not 
partake  of  the  nature  of  miracles,  of  the  extravagant 
fpirit  of  chivalry,  or  of  the  madnefs  of  religious  or 
political  enthufiafm.  It  was  nothing  more  than  the 
natural  efFecl:,  of  natural  caufes.  Freedom,  for  a 
century  and  an  half,  had  been  the  conftant  product 
and  effect,  of  the  (late  of  fociety  in  the  Britifh  col- 
onies :  And  when  the  decifive  trial  was  to  be  made, 
this  ftate  of  fociety  produced  its  natural  effett  ; — 
a  firm,  (leady,  unabnting,  and  unceafing  conteft, 
which  could  not  admit  of  any  other  period,  but  the 
total  deftru&ion,  or  complete  eftablifhment  of  free- 
dom. 

No 


the  natural  and  civil 

No  other  caufc  but  that  which  fir  ft  produced  the 
freedom  of  America,  will  prove  fufficient  to  fupport 
and  preferve  it.  It  is  in  the  (late  of  fociety  that 
civil  freedom  has  its  origin,  and  fupport.  The  ef- 
fect can  never  be  more  pure  or  perfect,  than  the 
caufes  from  whence  itarifes;  and  all  thofe  caufes 
terminate  in  the  Hate  and'condition  of  the  people. — 
The  form  of  government  by  which  the  public  bufi- 
nnt$  is  to  be  done,  a  bill  of  rights  to  alcertain  the 
juft  claims  of  the  people,  a  constitution  to  direct  and 
reftrain  the  legiflature,  a  code  of  laws  to  guide  and 
direct  the  .executive  authority,  are  matters  of  high 
importance  to  any  people  ;  and  are  j  u ft) y  e (teemed 
among  the  wifclt  productions,  of  ancient  or  modern 
times.  But  no  people  ought  to  expect  that  any 
thing  of  this  nature  will  avail  to  fecure,  or  to  per- 
petuate their  liberties.  Such  things  are  confequen- 
ccs,  not  the  caufes ;  the  evidences,  not  the  origin  of 
the  liberties  of  the  people.  They  derive  their  whole 
authority  and  force,  from  the  public  fentiment  ;  and 
are  of  no  further  avail  to  fecure  the  liberties  of-  the 
people,  than  as  they  tend  to  exprefs,  to  form,  and 
to  preferve  the  public  opinion.  If  this  alters  and 
changes,  any  bill  of  rights,  any  constitution  or  form 
of  government,  and  law,  may  eafily  be  fet  afide,  be 
changed,  or  be  made  of  none  effect.  For  it  will 
never  be  dangerous  for  the  government  of  any  peo- 
ple, to  make  any  alterations  or  changes,  which  the 
public  opinion  will  either  allow,  juflify,  or  fupport. 
Nor  ought  any  people  to  expect,  that  their  legifla- 
tors  or  governors  will  be  able  to  preferve  their  lib- 
erties, for  a  long  period  of  time.  Any  body  of  men 
who  enjoy  the  powers  and  profits  of  public  employ- 
ments, will  unavoidably  wifh  to  have  thofe  profits 
and  powers  increafed.  The  difficulties  they  will 
meet  with  in  the  execution  of  their  office,  the  un- 
reasonable oppofit.ion  that  will  be  made  by  many  to 
their  wifeft  and  belt  meafures,  and  the  conftant  at- 
tempts 


HISTORY  of  VERMONT.  375 

tempts  to  difplace  them,  by  thofe  whofe  only  aim 
and  wifh  is  to  fucceed  them ;  fuch  things,  joined 
with  a  natural  love  of  power  and  profit,  will  not  fail 
to  convince  all  men  in  public  employments,  that  it 
would  be  beft  for  the  public  to  put  more  confidence 
and  power  in  them.  While  they  thus  with  and 
aim  to  increafe  and  add  ftrength  to  their  own  pow- 
ers and  emoluments,  thofe  powers  and  emoluments 
will  be  called  the  powers  and  the  dignity  of  govern- 
ment. It  may  be  doubted  whether  men  are  much 
to  blame,  for  wifhing  and  aiming  at  that,  which  their 
filualion  and  employment  naturally  leads  to.  The 
effect  feems  to  be  univerfal.  It  has  ever  been  the 
cafe  that  government  has  had  an  univerfal  tendency, 
to  increafe  its  own  powers,  revenues,  and  influence. 
No  people  ought  to  expect  that  things  will  have  a 
different  tendency  among  them  :  That  men  will 
ceafe  to  be  men,  or  become  a  more  pure  and  perfect 
order  of  beings,  becaufe  they  have  the  powers  of 
government  committed  to  them. 

Upon  what  then  can  the  people  depend,  for  the 
fupport  and  prefervation  of  their  rights  and  freedom  ? 
Upon  no  beings  or  precautions  under  heaven,  but 
themfelves.  The  fpirit  of  liberty  is  a  living  princi- 
ple. It  lives  in  the  minds,  principles,  and  fenti- 
ments  of  the  people.  It  lives  in  their  induftry,  vir- 
tue, and  public  fentiment :  Or  rather  it  is  produced,, 
preferved,  and  kept  alive,  by  the  ftate  of  fociety.  If 
the  body  of  the  people  mail  lofe  their  property » 
their  knowledge,  and  their  virtue,  their  greater!  and 
mod  valuable  blefiings  are  loft  at  the  fame  time, 
With  the  Jofs  of  thefe,  public  fentiment  will  be  cor- 
rupted :  With  the  corruption  of  the  public  fenti- 
ment, bills  of  rights,  conftitutions  written  upon  pa- 
per and  all  the  volumes  of  written  law,  will  lofe  their 
force,  and  utility.  Their  government  will  immedi- 
ately begin  to  change :  And  when  the  people  have 
themfelves  loll  the  caufe,  the  principle,  and  the  fpir- 
it 


S76       the  NATURAL  and  CIVIL,  &V. 

it  of  freedom,  they  will  no  longer  be  capable  of  a 
free  government :  They  are  better  fuiied  for  the  re- 
ftraints  of  ariftocracy,  or  what  is  far  better,  for  the 
regulations  of  monarchy.  The  conilitutions  and  the 
laws  of  fuch  a  people,  will  no  more  preferve  their 
freedom,  than  the  tombs  and  the  coffins  of  Montef- 
quieu  and  Franklin,  will  retain  their  abilities  and 
virtues. 

Ye  people  of  the  United  States  of  America,  be- 
hold here  the  precarious  foundation  upon  which  ye 
hold  your  liberties.  They  reft  not  upon  things 
written  upon  paper,  nor  upon  the  virtues,  the  vices, 
or  the  defigns  of  other  men,  but  they  depend  upon 
yourfelves  ;  upon  your  maintaining  your  property, 
your  knowledge,  and  your  virtue.  Nature  and  fo« 
ciety  have  joined  to  produce,  and  to  eftablilli  freedom 
in  America.  You  are  now  in  the  full  poiftiTion  of 
all  your  natural  and  civil  rights  ;  under  no  restraints 
in  acquiring  knowledge,  property,  or  the  higheft 
honours  of  your  country  ;  in  the  molt  rapid  Mate  of 
improvement,  and  population  ;  with  perfect,  freedom 
to  make  further  improvements  in  your  own  condi- 
tion. In  this  Itate  of  fociety,  every  thing  is  adapted 
to  promote  the  profperity,  the  importance,  and  the 
improvement  of  the  body  of  the  people. — But  noth- 
ing is  fo  eftab'ifhed  among  men,  but  that  it  may 
change  and  vary.  If  you  fhould  lofe  that  fpirit  of 
induftry,  of  economy,  of  knowledge,  and  of  virtue, 
which  led  you  to  independence  and  to  empire,  then, 
but  not  until  then,  will  you  lofe  your  freedom  :  Pre- 
ferve your  virtues,  and  your  freedom  will  be  per- 
petual ! 


APPENDIX. 


377 

APPENDIX. 


N°.     I. 

An  Account  of  the  Variation  of  the  magnetic  Needle,  in  tke  eafitrx 
States.     Chap.  I.  p.  18. 

IN  laying  out  lands  in  America,  the  direftion  of  the  lines,  is 
generally  taken  by  the  magnetic  needle.  The  inftruments 
which  have  been  generally  ufed,  are  the  Plain  Table,  or  the  CrV- 
cumferentor,  divided  into  degrees,  and  fitted  with  a  magnetic 
needle  of  three  or  four  inches  radius. — Had  the  greateft  poihblc 
care  been  taken  by  able  mathematicians,  it  would  not  have  been 
poffible  for  them,  with  fuch  inftruments,  to  have  avoided  many 
errors  2nd  miftakes.  But  in  fcarcely  any  inftance  has  the  varia- 
tion of  the  needle  been  known,  or  at  all  attended  to.  Many, 
and  almoft  endlefs  controversies  and  lawfuits,  have  arifen  from, 
this  caufe.  In  many  inftances  no  data  could  be- found,  by  which, 
it  was  poffible  to  come  to  a  juft  decifion  ;  the  variation  of  the 
magnetic  needle,  at  the  times  when  the  contefted  lines  were  run, 
being  unknown.  On  fuch  accounts,  the  knowledge  of  the  mag- 
netic variations  in  the  inland  parts  of  America,  is  become  a  mat- 
ter of  grgat  importance  to  the  people  ;  their  intereft  and  proper- 
ty  in  many  cafec,  being  much  affected  by  it. 

From  the  year  1302,  the  directive  pdver  of  the  magnet  has 
been  employed  with  great  fuccefs,  in  the  affairs  of  navigation. 
But  the  full  account  that  we  have  of  any  obferved  variation  in  its 
direction,  was  bv  Columbus,  in  the  year  1492,  in  his  firft  voyage 
to  America.  Until  that  time,  phiiofophers  uniformly  believed 
that  the  pole  of  the  magnet,  exactly  coincided  with  the  pole  of 
the  earth  ;  and  they  had  no  idea  of  any  fuch  thing,  as  a  varia- 
tion. Amidft  the  uncommon  fcenes  of  difficulty  which  oppofed 
the  views,  and  exercifed  the  genius  of  the  difcovererof  America, 
when  he  had  advanced  two  hundred  league*  weft  of  the  Canary 
I  (lands,  his  compafs  began  to  fail  him  ;  and  it  was  found  not  to 
point  to  the  pole  of  the  earth,  or  exaclly  north,  but  one  degree  to 
the  weft  of  that  point.  From  that  time  the  variation  began  to 
be  obferved,  and  became  more  and  more  known.  For  the  latl 
century  and  an  half,  mathematician!  have  made  it  a  regular 
part  of  their  bufinef*  to  obferve  it,  in  different  parts  of  the 
earth  ;  with  the  annual  alterations  that  are  conftantly  raking 
pface. 

In  the  year  1723,  a  very  accurate  obferver,  G.  Graham,  of  Lon- 
don, difcovered  that  the  magnetic  needle  had  a  diurnal,   as  w.eJi 
Z  x  aa 


37* 


APPENDIX. 


as  an  annual  variation.  And  it  is  now  well  known  to  philofo. 
phers  that  from  about  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  mag- 
netic needle  verges  to  the  weft,  until  about  two  o'clock  in  £e 
afternoon.  When  it  has  attained  its  greatest  weltward  variation, 
it  gradually  returns  to  the  eaft,  until  about  eight  or  nine  o'clock 
in  the  evening  j.  when  it  becomes  Stationary,  until  the  next  morn- 
ing —Tables  expreflive  of  this  diurnal  variation  are  become  com- 
mon ;  and  are  to  be  found  in  the  transactions  of  all  philofophical 
focieties.  Thus  in  the  moll  regular  Aate  of  the  magnetic  needle, 
it  is  constantly  Subject  to  two  variations  ;  an  annual,  and  a  diurnal 
one. 

The  effect  of  thefe  variations  are  at  all  times  fuch",  that  the 
magnetic  needle  can  never  give  to  the  Surveyor  who  follows  irs 
directions,  a  Straight  or  an  accurate  line.  And  it  ought  not  be 
ufed  at  all,  where  the  bufinefs  requires  great-  accuracy  and  pre- 
cision. It  is  however  Scarcely  practicable  in  America,  to  iub- 
fiitute  any  thing  better,  in  the  room  of  it :  MoSt  of  the  line?  which 
have  been  already  run  by  Surveyor?,  were  run  by  the  needle  ; 
this  is  much  the.moit  convenient  instrument  that  can  be  carri- 
ed, or  tiied  ia  the  woods  ;  the  expenSe  of  running  lines  any  other 
way,  would  be  too  great  for  individuals  to  bear  ;.  ancf  the  Survey- 
ors are  not  qualified  to  run  them  by  the  true  meridian.  For 
fuch  reafons  it  is  probable  that  the  magnetic  needle  will  Slill  con- 
tinue to  be  the  instrument,  by  which  the  lines  will  be  run,  and 
the  to.vnihips  re  laid  out  in  America. — We  muSt  therefore  en- 
deavour io  provide  the  bed  remedy  we  can,  for  an  error  or  evii, 
which  we  cannot  ealily  remove.  The  be  St  remed.v  which  the 
ftal'e  admits  of,  is  an  accurate  observation  of  the  variation  of  tfte 
magnetic  needle,  at  che  time  when'  divi'fibnal  lines  are  run. 
This  ihoulii  be  done  by  able  mathematician',  and  in  as  many 
puces  in  *•  State,  as  may  be.  Such  obfervations  will  aftbrd  the 
belt  direction,  Surveyors  will  be  able  to  rind,  to  enable  them  to 
determine  what  is  the  real  or  true  direction  of  their  magnetic 
lines  — .It  is  with  this  view,  that  the  following  Table  is  lub- 
joined. 


Magnttk 


APPENDIX. 


379 


Magnetic  Obfervations  made  in  Canada, 

America. 


and  the  eafttm  States,  of 


State.  | 


Place. 


°   J 


Quebeci 


(Three  Rivers 
Montreal. 

I 

f  North  line  of  Ver- 
j  mont,20  miles  eaft 

of  Connec.  river 

Burlington. 

Rutland. 

Pownal. 

Penobfcot  fort, 

Pownal. 

Falmouth. 

Kittery  point. 

Portfmouth. 

Hindfdale. 

"Newbury  port. 
Beverly. 
Cambridge. 


{ 


j  Wrentham,at  An 
-«   U!e  Tfee. 
|  f  Northeaft     corner 
!§><  of  Rhoaeifland. 
r>  £  Providence. 
Hartford,  in  Connecli. 
fNorthweft    corner 
1   j  of  the  Oblong. 
|.<(  Newyork. 

H 


Time. 

1649 
1686 

Odober 
Auguft 

1785 
i793 
1785 
>749 
i7*5 

March  3, 
April  17, 
Sept.  30, 

178; 

1793 
1789 
1786 

July  1 8, 

1761 
1763 

1771 

1771 

1772 

Auguft  6, 
Auguft  2, 

1781 
1781 

1742  1 

June  20, 
June    4, 

«757 
1763 

1782 
1788 

April  7, 

1785 

June, 
Sept.  iS, 

1741 
1769 
1786 

Sept.  25, 

1786 
1686 

Sept.  18, 

T724 

1 7)« 

Van 


160  o'  W 
30 


12 
12 

9 
10 


5 

3° 
38 
8     24 


40 

38 

3 


45 
46 

48 
o 

18 

z 

o 

20 

o 

46 

38 


5     46 


3° 
30 

25 


5  3 

8  45 

7  20 

£  22 


O^Csrver. 


Oes  Hayes 
~l  Holland, 
>Surv.gen!. 

J  of  Canada. 

M.  Gillion. 

Holland. 


WhitIaw,SG 
WrAjs. 


(or. 


JDr.Wintp. 

Holland. 

Holland. 
Wright. 

Dr.  Willms. 
Dr.  Willard. 

S-Dr.Wintp, 

j  Dr.  Wm$., 

Dr.  Willms. 
Cms.  f.  r.t.l. 
b.R.I.&Maf. 
Dr.  Weft. 
Dr.  Willms. 

Dr.  Willms. 
Wells,  S.  G. 
Gov.  Bumou 
Alexander. 


No. 


380  APPENDIX. 

No.     II. 

Ob/ervaticns  on  the  Change  of  Climate  in  Europe^  and  other  Flicts* 
Chap.  IV.  p.  65. 

THE  change  of  climate  which  has  taken  place  in  Northamer- 
ica,  has  irecn  a  matter  of  conftant  observation  and  expe- 
rience. It  feems  to  be  the  universal  opinion  of  hiftorians  and 
philofopbers,  that  there  has  been  a  more  remarkable  change  of 
climate  throughout  ail  Europe.  There  are  feveral  phenomena 
from  which  it  may  be  fhown  with  much  certainty,  that  this  hai 
been  the  cafe  in  feveral  places. 

Iri  the  land  of  Palejtiue,  about  the  latitude  of  30  or  31  degrees, 
north,  the  author  of  the  book  of  Job  makes  ufe  of  fuch  language 
a,  fhir,  *'  Haft  thou  entered  into  the  treasures  of  the  fnovv  ?  Or 
hall  thou  feen  the  treafures  of  the  hail  ? — Out  of  whofe  womb 
<  :ime  the  ice  r — And  the  hoary  froft  of  heaven,  who  hath  gen- 
dered it  ? — The  waters  are  hid  as  ivi/h  ajione,  and  the  fate  if  tie 
"deep  is  frozen."  Job  xxxviii.  22.  29,  30.  Thefe  are  probably 
the  words  of  Mofes.  And  they  are  exprcflive  of  that  degree  of 
eol5j  in  which  thefurfacc  of  water  is  fo  flrongly  frozen  as  to  con. 
ceal  its  fluidity,  and  refemble  the  confillence  and  hardoefs  of 
ftone.  Th»  degree  of  heat  in  which  this  effect  takes  place  in 
rivers,  pond?,  and  large  collections  of  water,  I  have  generally 
found  to  be  about  25  degrees  of  Farenheit's  thermometer  ;  with 
a  duration  of  a  week  or  ten  days.  We  fha'l  not  therefore  be 
far  from  the  truth,  if  we  conclude  that  the  extremity  of  the  cold 
!n  the  land  of  Midian,  could  noc  have  been  lefs  than  25  degrees, 
in  the  days  of  Moles  :  And  that  fuch1^.  cold,  was  of  fome  days 
duration.  Such  was  the  degree,  and  the  effeQ  of  the  cold  in  the 
land  of  the  Midianites ,  about  32-^  centuries  ago. 

In  the  writings  of  David  we  have  alfo  a  defcription,  of  what 
was  efleemed  a  /evere  feafon.  "  He  giveth  fnow  like  wool  :  He 
fcattereth  the  hoar  froft  like  afhes.  He  cajleth  forth  his  ice  like 
tnrrfels  :  Who  can  fraud  before  his  cold  :"  Pfalm  cxlvii.  16,  17. 
Thrs  account  muft  have  been  written  at  leaft  284-  centuries  ago. 
The  language  of  the  poet  does  very  flrongly  exprefs  the  effect, 
which  the  cold  had  on  the  feelings  of  men  in  that  warm  climate. 
Eut  the  account  which  he  gives  of  the  appearance  and  form  of 
the  ice,  denotes  a  lefs  degree  of  cold  than  what  took  place  in  the 
days  of  Mofes.  When  the  degree  of  heat  is  but  31  degrees  of 
Farenheit's  thermometer,  the  ice  may  appear  to  be  caft  into  the 
form  of  morfels  and  cryftals  :  And  this  feems  to  have  been  the 
greater!  degree  of  confiftence,  extent,  and  hardnefs,  in  which  the 
poet  had  either  feen  it,  or  conceived  of  it. — It  fhould  feem  there- 
jore  that  from  the  time  of  Mofes  to  David,  the  cold  had  abated 
in  the  land  of  Palejiine  :  That  four  centuries  before,  it  hid  th« 
jpaters  as  with  a  ftone,  and  ca.ufed  the  face  of  the  deep  to  be 

fro?eo  : 


APPENDIX.  33 1 

frozen  :  But  that  now  it  only  cart  oat  the  ice  like  tnorfels  or  cryf- 
tals.  The  difference  in  the  degree  of  cold  neceffrry  to  produce 
thele  effects,  \»  about  6  degrees. 

We  have  here  an  account  of  the  climate  in  the  land  of  Palef- 
tine,  (o  far  back  as  28  and  32  centuries.  Inftead  of  treafures  of 
fnoiv,  hail,  and  ice,  a  frozen  deep,  and  cold  which  car.  fcarce  be 
flood  before,  the  inhabitants  of  that  country  now  find  a  hot,  ful- 
try  climate  ;  in  which  fnow  and  ice  are  never  feen.  We  have 
not  an  account  of  any  meteorological  obfervations  made  at  the 
places,  where  Moles  and  David  lived.  The  climate  is  probably 
much  the  fame  at  thofe  places,  as  it  is  in  others  of  a  Gmilar  lat- 
itude and  fituation.  We  may  therefore  make  ufe  cf  thefe  which 
have  been  made  at  Grand  Cairo,  as  the  raoft  applicable,  and  the 
bed  which  we  can  find,  to  give  us  an  idea  of  the  temperature  of" 
the  winter  in  thofe  parts  of  the  globe.  Grand  Cairo  lies  in  the 
latitude  of  300  north.  According  to  Mr.  Nicbur's  obfervatiens 
made  there  in  the  years  1761  and  1762,  the  mean  heat  of  thofe 
years  was  73°,65>  The  mean  heat  in  the  month  of  Jaouary  was 
'jj°;  that  of  February  was  630.*  It  isbut  feldom  that  the  mean 
heat  of  the  fevered  week  in  the  winter,  falls  more  than  7  cr  8 
degrees  below  the  mean  temperature  of  the  whole  month.  This 
will  give  49  degrees,  as  the  mean  temperature  of  the  fevereft 
week,  in  the  winter  at  Grand  Cairo.  And  this  cannot  be  great- 
ly different  from  the  temperature  of  the  winter,  in  the  land  of 
Paleftine.  Frorw  this  way  of  computation,  we  fhall  have  24  de- 
grees of  Farenheit's  thermometer,  as  the  alteration  which  has 
taken  place  in  the  feverity  of  the  winters  in  that  country,  fince  the 
time  of  Mofes. 

The  climate  in  Italy  is  alfo  found  to  be  very  different  now, 
from  what  it  was  18  centuries  ago.  Virgil,  the  celebrated  peer, 
was  diftinguifbed  alio  by  his  knowledge  in  agriculture.  In  his 
georgics  he  is  frequently  giving  advice  for  the  fecurity  cf  cattle, 
againft  the  dangerous  effects  of  ice  and  fnow.  His  directions 
were  defigned  for  the  country  round  Mantua  or  Naples,  his  na- 
tive place,  in  the  latitude  of  41°.  Mentioning  Calabriathe  moft 
fouthern  part  of  Italy,  he  fpeaks  of  the  freezing  of  the  riven,  as 
an  event  that  was  commonly  to  be  expected.  Pliny,  Juvenal, 
and  JElian,  writers  in  the  firft  and  fecond  centuries,  fpeakof  ice 
and  fnow  as  what  was  common  in  Italy.  One  of  thefe  writers, 
./Elian,  has  a  chapter  which  confift^  altogether  of  inftru&ions  how 
to  fifh  for  eels,  when  the  water  isxovered  with  ice. — The  degree 
of  cold  neceffary  to  effect  this,  cannot  be  eftimated  at  a  lefs  de- 
gree than  25.  From  the  meteorologicalobfervations  which  were 
made  at  Rome  in  the  years  1782  and  1783,  it  appears  that  the 
mean  heat  in  the  month  of  January  at  that  place,  is  now  46  de- 
crees ;  and  that  the  mean  heat  of  the  coldeft  week  in  the  winter 

was 
#  Voyage,  Vol,  I« 


38* 


APPENDIX. 


•was  42  degrees  ;*  17  degrees  greater  than  that,  in  which  the 
permanent  freezing  of  rivers  takes  place.  The  change  of  cli- 
mate therefore  in  Italy  during  the  laft  18  centuries,  cannot 
have  been  lefs  than  17  degrees  ;  but  from  the  inaccuracy  of 
the  ancient  accounts  it  may  have  been  many  more. 

A  fimilar  change  has  taken  place  in  the  country  round  Con- 
JJantinopfe,  and  the  Euxine  or  B>ack  Ssa.  This  we  collect  from 
the  works  of  Ovid.  This  celebrated  poet  was  banifhed  to 
Tomos,  by  the  Roman  emperor.  This  place  is  in  the  latitude 
of  440  ;  and  lies  near  the  coaft  of  the  Euxine  fea.  The  poet 
fpent  feven  years  in  his  banifhment  at  this  place,  about  the 
middle  of  the  firft  century.  He  informs  us  that  he  faw  the 
Euxine  fea  covered  with  ice  :  That  he  walked  upon  this  ice  ; 
and  that  oxen  and  carriages  palled  over  it.  He  goes  farther, 
and  adds,  that  when  he  called  for  wine  in  a  fevere  feafon,  it 
was  prefented  to  him  in  a  ftate  of  con^elarion  :  And  that  tho 
fnow  in  many  places,  was  never  diflolved  during  the  fummer 
feafon.  Tourntfort  obferves  that  in  the  days  of  Conftantine, 
the  ft.reight  of  Byzantium  was  frozen  over  :  And  that  in  the 
year  401,  the  Euxine  fea  was  covered  with  ice  for  20  days  to- 
gether.—We  have  not  any  meteorological  obfervations  to  ftate 
with  exaftnefs,  what  the  prelent  temperature  of  that  climate 
is.  But  nothing  would  be  more  uncommon  and  extraordinary, 
than  to  fee  this  fea  frozen  over  now.  In  1667,  the  Turks  were 
greatly  aftonifhed  at  the  appearance  of  fome  ice  at  Constanti- 
nople :  And  in  all  the  adjacent  country,  inftead  of  a  frozen 
fea,  frozen  wine,  and  perpetual  fnow,  they  have  now  a  fine 
moderate  warm  climate  ;  one  of  the  moft  luxuriant,  and  de- 
lightful, that  is  to  be  found  upon  the  face  of  the  earth.  So 
far  as  we  can  judge  from  the  general  phenomena,  the  change 
of  the  climate  there,  has  been  fully  equal  to  what  has  taken 
place  in  Italy. 

The  fame  alteration  has  been  obferved  upon  the  Alps  and 
Appenines.  Thefe  are  the  higheft  mountains  in  Europe,  and 
divide  Italy  from  France,  Switzerland,  and  Germany.  The 
march  of  Hannibal's  army  over  thefe  mountains,  was  one  of 
the  moft  memorable  exploits  of  antiquity.  In  their  accounts 
of  it,  Livy  and  Polybius  in  almoft  every  line,  are  mentioning 
the  extreme  difficulty  and  fufferings  which  arofe  from  the  fe- 
vere frofts,  ice,  and  fnow.  Thefe  mountains  are  eafily  paffed 
now.  Armies  have  frequently  croffed  them  without  any  un- 
common fufFerings,  from  the  time  of  Francis  the  firft. + 

The  change  of  climate  has   been  alfo  very   remarkable  in 
Cermany,     Two  circumftances  have  marked  this  with  certain- 
ty.    By  the  account  of  Diodorus  Siculus :  1.  "  The  great  riv- 
ers 

*  Ephem.  Soc.  Metor.  Palat.  ObfervationesRomanae,  Tom.  II  &  III, 
f  Phil.  Tranf.  Vol.  LVIH,  for  1769,  p.  58,  &c. 


APPENDIX.  383 

frs  which  covered  the  Roman  provinces,  the  Rhine  and  the- 
Danube,  were  frequently  frozen  over,  and  capable  of  fupport- 
ing  the  molt  enormous  weights.  The  barbarians  who  often 
chofe  that  feverc  feafon  for  their  inroads,  tranSpo.'tcd  without  - 
apprehension  or  danger,  their  numerous  armies,  their  cavalry, 
and  their  heavy  waggons  over  a  vaft  and  (olid  bridge  of  ice* 
Modern  ages  have  not  prefented  an  inftance  of  a  like  phenom- 
enon. 2.  The  reindeer,  that  uSeful  animal,  from  whom  the 
favage  of  the  north  derives  the  beft  comfort  of  his  dreary  life, 
is  of  a  constitution  that  Supports  and  even  requires  the  mofi 
intcnle  cold.  He  is  found  on  the  rock  of  Spuzberg,  within 
ten  degrees  of  the  pole  ;  he  feems  to  delight  in  the  Shows  of 
Lapland  and  Siberia.  But  at  prefent  he  cannot  Sub  Si  ft,  much 
lets  multiply  in  any  country  to  the  South  of  the  Baltic.  In 
the  time  of  C:efar,  the  reindeer,  as  well  as  the  elk,  and  the 
wild  bull,  was  a  native  of  the  Hercynian  foreSt,  which  then 
overShadowed  a  grear  part  of  Germany  and  Poland. "* 

TheSe  accounts  will  afTiSt  us  to  form  Some  general  idea  of 
the  climate  of  Germany  at  that  time.  The  freezing  of  the 
Rhine  and  the  Danube  is  mentioned,  as  an  event  that  was-  an- 
nually to  be  expeeied  ;  what  the  barbarians  always  found  to 
take  place  in  the  Severe  Seafon  ;  and  to  fuch  a  degree,  as  to 
afford  them  a  certain  and  a  Safe  paffage  for  the  heaviefi  bur- 
dens, and  for  the  largeft  armies.  This  account  of  the  Strength, 
fcimneSs,  and  duration  of  the  ice,  conveys  the  idea  of  a  win- 
ter equal  in  all  its  effefts,  to  that  which  takes  place  in  the  un- 
cultivated parts  of  Northameriea.  The  rivers  are  here  con- 
stantly frozen  every  winter.  The  inhabitants  find  by  constant 
experience,  that  at  that  SeaSon  of  the  year  they  can  tranfport 
their  heavieSt  effedts,  and  the  greater!  weights,  with  Safety, 
certainty,  and  convenience.— The  mean  heat  of  our  winter9 
m  fuch  places,  is  from  15  to  20  degrees-.  In  fuch  a  cold,  the 
rivers  and  Stream's  will  be  So  constantly  and  Steadily  frozen, 
that  the  inhabitants  find  a  certain  and  a  Safe  paSfage  every 
winter,  over  the  rivers  and  lakes.  This  Seems  to  have  been 
very  much  the  State  of  the  ancient  German  winter.  From  the 
observations  which  were  made  at  Vienna,  latitude  480 — 12/ 
north,  in  the  years  1779  anc'  l7%°>  *l  appears  that  the  mean 
heat  there  in  the  month  of  January  was  27^5  ;  in  February 
it  was  33°,23.  At  RatiSbon,  latitude  480 — 56'  north,  in  the 
years  1781  and  1782,  the  mean  heat  in  the  month  of  January 
was  found  to  be  30°,$2  ;  that  of  February  was  30°,76.  At 
Manheim,  latitude  490 — 27'  north,  in  the  years  1781  and  1782, 
the  mean  heat  in  the  month  of  January  was  35°,o8  ;  in  Feb^ 
suary  it  was  35°,8.+     The  mean  of  theSe,   3i°,3   in   Januajy.^ 

and 

*  Gibbon's  Roman  Hiftory,  Vol.  I,  p.  346. 

f  Fphein,  Soc,  Meteor.  Palat,  Tem<  1,  II,  III,  &c 


384  A     P     P     E  .  N     D     I     X. 

and  33°,i6  in  February,  will  accurately  exprefs  the  prefent 
r*mperature  of  the  German  winter  upon  the  Danube  and  the 
Rhine.— The  time  when  the  barb^iians  began  their  inroads 
into  the  Roman  provinces  was  about  the  year  22;.  Accord- 
ing to  this  computation,  the  change  of  climate  in  Germany 
hai  been  between  1  x  and  16  degrees,  in  15^  centuries. 

The  other  inftance  mentioned  by  the  hiitoiian,  and  which 
ferves  to  mark  the  climate  in  Germany  in  the  time  of  Coifar, 
was  the  appearance  of  the  reindeer.  The  warmed  countries 
in  which  he  now  refides,  arc  Sweden,  Ruffia,  and  Lapland. 
From  the  oblervations  made  at  Abo,  latitude  6o° — 27'  noith, 
from  the  year  1750  to  1761  the  mean  heat  in  the  month  of 
January,  was  found  .to  be  19°;58  ;  that  of  February  was 
2i°,38.  At  Peterlburg,  latitude  59- — 56'  north,  from  the 
year  1762  to  1777,  the  mean  heat  in  January,  was  io°  ;  in 
February,  the  mean  heat  was  r6°,46.  The  mean  of  thefe 
I4°,8  in  January,  and  i8°,9  in  February  is  the  temperature  of 
the  winter  in  that  part  of  the  globe.*  Thefe  arc  the  warmeft 
climates  in  which  the  reindeer  does  now  fubfift.  It  may 
therefore  with  much  probability  be  inferred,  that  this  was  the 
temperature  of  the  German  winter  in  the  days  of  Ccefar,  18'- 
centuries  ago.  Hence  the  alteration  of  climate  in  Germany 
during  that  fpace  of  time,  has  been  about  r6  degrees.  It 
feems  to  be  a  confirmation  of  the  truth  and  propriety  of  thefe 
different  methods  of  computation,  that  they  both  afford  much 
the  fame  refult. 

From  thefe  accounts  it  appears  with  a  decifive  evidence, 
that  the  climate,  in  the  courfe  of .  leveral  centuries,  has  re- 
markably changed  at  Palefline,  in  Italy,  around  the  Eu\ine- 
fea,  at  the  Alps,  and  throughout  all  Germany.  Through,  all 
this  vaft  extent  of  country,  the  climate  is  now  become  ib  or 
1  j  degrees  warmer  than  it  was  18  centuries  ago.  1  he  conti- 
nent of  America  in  fimilar  latitudes,  is  {till  fubject  to  a  gicat 
degree  of  cold.  If  the  meteorological  oblervations  which 
have  been  made  at  Williamfburg,  Cambridge,  Oaebec,  and 
Hudson's  Bay  in  America,  be  comp3red  with  thole  which  have 
been  made  at  Algiers,  Rome,  Poiclier?,  and  Solylkamiki, 
places  whole  latitudes  are  nearly  equal  ;r  it  will  be  found 
that  the  European  continent  is  now  11  degrees  warmer  theni 
that  of  America.  Many  inquiries  and  fpeculations  have  bceu 
propeJed  to  account  for  this  extreme  cold  of  America.  From 
the  accounts  which  btavd  been  mentioned,  it  appears  that  17 
or  18  centuries  ago,  the  conlioeat  oc.  Europe  ir.itead  oi  being 

1 1 
*  Kiiwa.i'3  eftijnstf. 

f  Algitni  lat    -,<>°— 49' 
Koij.c  4rc 


M.    !f.j 

' 

1 

M.    V.. 

7~°     | 

'     I 

-39' 

S39.8 

i 

APPENDIX.  385 

1 t  degrees  warmer,  was  fubject  to  a  cold  4  or  5  degrees  great- 
*r,  than  that  which  now  takes  place  on  the  continent  of  A-\ 
merica.  The  proper  inquiries  therefore  feem  to  be,  Whence 
is  it  that  the  European  continent  is  become  fo  much  more 
mild  and  temperate  than  that  of  America  ? — Whether  the  lat- 
ter will  not  in  a  courfe  of  time  become  equally  warm  and 
temperate  as  the  former  ?— -Whether  the  climates  of  both  will 
not  gradually  become  more  equal,  uniform,  and  moderate, 
than  they  now  are  ? — And,  Whether  cultivation  is  fufficient 
to  account  for  thefe  changes  ?  For  whatever  the  caufe  may 
h&,  the  fact  feems  to  be  certain,  the  heat  of  all  that  part  of  the 
earth,  of  which  we  have  any  ancient  accounts,  has  been  in- 
ci earing  from  the  earlieft  ages. 


N°.  III. 

A  Dijfertaiion  on  the  Colours  of  Men,  particularly  on  that  of  the  In- 
dians of  America.       Chap.  VIII.  p.  197. 

r>  A/r  /""\NE  of  the  mod  curious  phenomena 

Colours  of   Men.  I    1  .,    .  .,  ,    .,         ,r    ,  ,«.n 

\_y  that  belongs  to  the  natural  hiflory 

of  man,  is  the  colour  with  which  he  is  marked.  Every  objett. 
which  we  behold,  appears  to  be  of  fom«  particular  colour. 
In  animals  thefe  colours  are  extremely  various,  different,  and 
beautiful  ;  and  fometimes  they  appear  to  be  variable.  Man, 
like  other  animals,  is  dillinguifhed  both  by  a  peculiarity,  and 
by  a  variety  of  colour.  In  Europe,  he  appears  white  :  In 
Africa,  he  is  black  :  In  America,  his  colour  is  red  :  In  Afta, 
a  variety  of  colours  are  to  be  found  upon  the  human  counte- 
nance. There  are  other  fhades  and  tinctures  to  be  found  in 
each  quarter  of  the  globe,  betides  thofe  mentioned  above  : 
But  thofe  that  have  been  mentioned  are  the  moll  general  and 
prevalent  colours,  under  which  man  appears,  in  the  four  gen- 
eral divifions  of  the  globe. 

Variety  of  Colours. — The  moft  diftinguifhing,  per- 
manent, and  general  colours  of  the  human  fpecies,  and  which, 
are  at  the  greateft  extremes  from  each  other,  are  black  and 
white.  Between  thefe,  or  rather  as  different  degrees  and  va- 
riations of  them,  are  all  the  other  colours  of  the  human  coun- 
tenance :  And  they  may  be  reduced  to  Iwatthy,  red,  copper, 
and  brown. — Black  is  the  colour  of  the  Africans  under  the 
equator  ;  of  the  inhabitants  of  Newguinea,  and  Newholland. 
A  fivartby  coluur  includes  the  Moors  in  the  northern  parts  of 
Africa,  and  the  Hottentots  in  the  fouthcrn  parts  of  it.  Red 
diflinguifhes  the  Indians  of  Northamerica.  The  fame,  or 
perhaps  more  accurately  a  copper  co'rur denotes  the  complexion 

.    >;  comptehends  the  Tartar-,  Per. 
i  a  •  iun«, 


3*6 


A     P     P     E     N     D     I 


fians,  Arabs,  Africans  on  the  coaft  of  the  Mediterranean,  and- 
the  Chineie.  The  inhabitants  of  the  iflands  in  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  are  a'fo  chiefly  of  this  colour.  Under  this  colour  in 
comprehended  all  thofe  different  fhades.  which  ate  denoted 
by  ol.ve,  chefnut,  and  deep  yellow.  A  lefs  dark  colour,  o* 
bio^nij/.^  will  beft  exprefs  the  complexion  of  the  inhabitants 
in  tie  fouthem  parts  of  Europe  :  The  Sicilians,  Ab)lhnians, 
Spaniards,  Turks  ;  and  a!fo  the  Samoiedes,  and  Laplanders 
li'ii'.te  is  the  colour  of  mo  ft  of  the  European  nations  ;  as- 
Swedes,  Ruffians  Danes,  English,  Germans,  Poles.  &c.  Ka- 
baidinfki,  and  Georgians.  It  is  oblervable  that  all  thele  col- 
ours are  included  between  the  two  extremes  ;  or  rather  they 
are  different  degieesor  variations  of  black  and  white* 

Change  of  Colour.  A  change  of  colour  is  always  pro- 
duced by  the  mat  nage  or  mxture  of  pe  A  ons  of  different  com- 
plexions. Th,us  the  offspring  of  the  European  and  the  negro,  is 
of  a  yellow  complexion  :  lefs  white  than  the  European,  and 
)cfs  black  than  the  negio  ;  or  rather  of  a  dark  cream  colour. 
'1  his  race  are  numerous  in  feme  parts  of  America,  and  are 
called  Mulrdtcc-.  The  offspring  of  an  European  and  an  Indian 
is  alfo  of  a  cream  colour  ;  and  more  light  than  the  rr.ataitoe. 
Thefe  are  called  among  the  Spaniards  Mejiigo'.  The  effect 
and  operation  of  this  change  of  the  original  colour'-,  in  the 
tUmate;  of  America,  is  always  in  favour  of  the  fairer  com- 
plexion j  and  never  approaches  towaids,  01  ends  in  )he  darker 
i. — This  change  and  alteration  of  colour,  when  it  is  lelt 
to  its  natural  tendency  and  effecf,  is  extremely  flow  and  mod- 
erate in  its  operation  ;  and  it  is  not  until  aher  many  yeai-s, 
ih.'t  the  full  effect  is  produced.  In  the  Spanilh  fetllements, 
this  mixed  race  ha-  fo  multiplied  as  to  form  a  confiderable 
part  of  the  inhabitants  :  And  the  feveral  itages  of  variation  in 
this  race,  with  the  gradual  alteration  of  fhade  until  it  ends  in 
the  European  complexion,  have  been  well  afeertained,  and 
are  now  perfettly  well  underftood.  Thole  of  the  lirft  gene- 
ration are  conudered,  and  treated  as  negroes  or  Indians.  In 
the  third  generation  the  Indian  colour  difappears.  It  is  not 
-until  the  fifth  defcent  that  the  deeper  black  of  the  negro  is 
loft.  At  the  end  of  thefe  different  periods,  the  offspring'  can 
no  longer  be  diftingutfhed  from  the  European  ;  but  is  confid- 
erari  as  fuch,  and  entitled  to  all  their  privileges.*— In  this 
change  of  colour,  produced  by  the  mod  powerful  of  all  nat- 
ural caules,  the  mixture  of  pc-rfons  of  different  complexions  \ 
io  gradual  and  flow  is  the  operation,  that  the  black  mud  be 
fubjedt  to  five  divifions,  and  the  operation  muft  be  continued 
through  five  generations,  before  the  colour  is  completely 
changed. 

Seat 

*  Voyage  de  Ulloa,  I.  27,    Robertfon*s  Hift,  Araer.  II,  \^ 


APPENDIX.  387 

Seat  of  Colour. — That  the  different  colours  of  the  hu- 
man fpecies  are  feated  in  the  fkin  is  very  apparent.  The  fkira 
Confifts  of  three  folds  or  coverings.  The  firft  is  a  very  fine 
and  tranfparent  integument,  and  is  white  in  people  of  all  col- 
ours. The  fecond  is  a  cellular  membrane,  differently  colour- 
ed in  different  petfons.  The  third  is  alio  white.  It  is  in 
the  lecond  of  thefe,  that  the  colour  is  feated.  In  black  peo- 
ple, a  very  ab!e  analomift*  oblerves  that  the  fkin  is  much 
thicker  and  larger,  than  in  white  ones  ;  the  cellular  membrane. 
in  the  latier  bcipg  a  thin  mucus,  but  in  the  former  a  thick 
membrane.  In  whites  this  feat  of  the  colour  is  ttanfparent, 
and  either  totally  deprived  of  vefTels,  or  only  furnifhed  with 
3  very  few  ;  as  the  yellow  colour  appearing  in  jaundice  van- 
ishes on  the  caufe  of  the  difeafe  being  removed,  which  is  not 
ihe  cafe  with  ftains  from  gunpowder,  or  fimflar  caules. — 
Hence,  he  oblerves,  three  caufes  may  be  very  readily  afUgried, 
which  will  operate  to  defiroy  the  pclucidity  of  the  fkin,  and 
give  it  a  brown  colour,  and  render  it  thicker.  Thefe  are  the 
heat  of  the  fun,  the  accefs  of  air,  and  naftinefs.  And  in  gen- 
eral any  thing  that  operates  to  produce  or  to  dellioy  the 
pelucidity  of  the  fkin,  will  tend  to  vary  and  change  the  col- 
our of  the  human  body. 

Colour  connected  with  Ciimate. — Among  the 
caufes  which  may  affect  the  colour  of  the  human  body,  it  has 
been  generally  fuppoied  that  the  influence  of  heat  or  climate, 
has  a  confiderabte  eftedt.  Concerning  this  influence  or  con- 
nexion between  colour  and  climate,  the  following  cbferva- 
tions  may  be  made. 

1.  Different  colours  are  bed  fuited  to  different  climates. 
In  all  the  plants  and  animals  which  are  ipread  over  the  face 
of  the  earth,  there  is  fomething  by  which  they  are  peculiarly 
fitted  to  the  climate  and  country,  in  which  they  aire  placed. 
One  kind  of  vegetable  requires  a  great  degree  of  heat:  An- 
other flourifhes  the  beft  in  a  temperate  and  cold  country.  It 
is  the  fame  with  animals.  Some  are  fitted  for  the  heat  of  the 
torrid  zone.  Others  require  the  fevere  cold  of  the  frigid 
zone,  to  give  them  their  greatefi  perfection.  To  all  thefe  an- 
imals, nature  has  given  the  proper  clothing  ;  which  admits 
of  no  other  variation  than  what  the  feafons  of  the  year  re- 
quire.— Man  is  an  animal  made  for  every  climate  *  Inftead 
of  being  formed  for  the  torrid  or  frigid  zjne,  he  can^JTva, 
multiply,  and  arrive  to  his  proper  perfection,  jh  any  climate: 
And  it  is  left  to  his  own  reafon  and  indultry  to  provide  him- 
felf  with  fuch  clothing,  as  his  condition  may  require,  in  ev- 
ery climajc  through  which  he  may  paf;  ;  or  in  which  he  may 
fojouro.     And  yet  there  is  fomething  in  different  men,  which 

quaUBcs 
*  D.;ftor  Hunter, 


3«» 


APPENDIX. 


qualifies  and  fits  them  for  one   climate,  better  than   for  aw 
and  that  is,  colour. — The  man    whole   colour  is   black,  is    bcti?: 
fuited  to  the  extreme  heat  of  the  hocteft  climate,  than  arv  other 
of  the  human  race.     This  has  been  long  known  and  obferved   in 
the  climates  of  America.     The  negroes  of  the  Weilindia  if 
in  the  Spanifh  dominions,  and  in  the  ftates  of  Georgia,  and  S 
Carolina,  are  found  to  bear  the  extreme  heat  of  the  fummcr  bet- 
ter than  the  white  people.     On  the  contrary,  the  negroes  >■ 
northern  Mates  of  America  are   more    tender  than  the  uhite  peo- 
ple, lefs   able  to  bear  the  feverity  of  our  winters,    and  more  apt 
to  complain,    fuffer,  and  freeze  with  the  cold. — The  white   men 
are  the  reverfe  of  this.     They  bear  the  fevere  winters  of  Canada, 
and  Rufiia,  without  m£ch  difficulty  or  fuiFering  :  Bat  in   an   hot 
climate  they   become   fickly,  and  fail  fooner    than    the  negroe?. 
Several  colonies  of  white  peop'e  have  fubfjfted  in  the   torrid  zct i 
in  America,  more  than  two  centuries  :   And  yet  they  cannot  bear 
the    heat,  like   the  original    inhabitants,    or    like    the   negroes. 
The  one  is   apparently  beft  fuited  to  a  cold,   and  the  other  to    a 
hot  climate.     And  thefe  differences  are  as  apparently    owing  to 
their  colour,  for  they    do   not  appear   to  be    connected  with  any 
other  caufc,  or  circumftance.     Different  colours  therefore  in    the 
human  fpecies,  are  certainly  beft  adapted,  fatted   and  fuit: 
different  climates. 

2.  There  is  a  tendency  in  climate  to  produce  the  colour  which 
?.t  require*.  Animal  heat  is  derived  but  little  from  the  fun,  or 
from  the  atmofphere  ;  but  chiefly  snd  mainly  from  original  con- 
ilitution.  The  defign  of  covering  and  clothing,  is  to  detain  and 
preferve  the  heat  of  the  animal  body,  in  its  natural  fituaticn, 
degree,  and  quantity  ;  and  to  prevent  an  extreme  wafte  or  rli!'. 
perfion  of  it.  Black  readily  receives  and  abforhs  the  heat  of 
Xhe  animal  body  ;  and  in  this  way,  tends  to  exh.tuil  and  cfi 
it.  White  reflects  and  repels  the  rays  of  light  and  heat  more 
t;r.>an  any  other  colour,  2nd  thus  prevents  and  oppofer.  their  paf- 
fage  ;  and  in  this  way,  tends  to  preferve  and  detain  the  < 
tutiojnal  hea,t  of  the  animal  body.  Hence  the  covering,  ISmirh 
natu;e  has  afiigned  to  the  earth  in  cold  climates,  is  fnow  :  By 
lotu:  it  becomes  beft  of  all  adapted  to  prevent  the  heat  frcrn 
.flowing  out  of  the  earth  into  the  atmofophere.  And  here  • 
covering,  of  moft  animals  in  the  fevered  feafon,  and  country,  is 
gericraliy  white  ;  the  colour  which  moft  of  all  preferves  th 
of  the  animal  body,  and  prevents  its  flowing  out.  In  conform- 
ity to  the  fame  law  cf  nature,  many  animals  change  their  col- 
our at  the  approach  of  winter  ;  and  from  black,  brown,  or  grey, 
become  white..  This  is  the  cafe  with  the  rabbits,  foxes,  and 
bears,  Sic.  at  Hudfon's  bay,  RufCa,  and  Siberia.  From  the 
darker  colours  which  they  bear  in  fummer,  they  turn  white  at 
he  approach  of  winter ;  and  remain  fo.  until  the  return  of  fpring. 

In 


A     P     P     E     N     D     IX.  389 

Ib  fuch  ca&s,  climate  appears  to  have    a  powerful  and  a  fudden 
operation,  to  produce  the  colours  it  require:-. 

The  change  of  colour  in  man,  is  more  flow  and  gradual  :  It 
is  however  certain  and  apparent.  The  white  men  who  are  much 
expofed  to  the  heat  and  rays  of  the  fun,  and  to  the  influence  of 
the  wind,  in  hot  fe-ifons  lofe  their  whitenefs,  and  become  brbwn 
or  red.  The  inhabitants  of  Europe  when  they  fettle  irt  Netvfpain 
or  in  the  Weftindia  iflands,  foon  lofe  their  whitenefs,  and  be- 
come of  a  brownifh  yellow.  The  Europeans  who  refide  long  j.a 
the  Eaitindies,  become  of  the  fame  cream  coloured  complexion. 
We  have  an  accurate  account  of  the  effeel  produced  by  climate 
in  Southamerica,  by  Dr.  Mitchell  :  "  The  Spaniards  who  have 
inhabited  America  under  the  torrid  zeme  for  any  considerable 
time,  are  become  as  dark  coloured  as  our  native  Indians  of  Vir- 
ginia, of  which  I  myfeif  have  been  a  witnefs."*  An  account 
from  Africa,  is  equally  authentic  and  accurate,  "  There  are 
feveral  other  fmall  Portuguefe  fettlements,  and  one  of  fome  note 
at  Mitcmba,  a  river  in  Sienna  Leon.  The  people  here  called 
Portugue/e,  are  principally  perfons  bred  from  a  mixture  of  the 
firft  Portuguefe  difcoverers  with  the  native?,  and  now  become, 
in  their  complexion,  and  woolly  quality  of  their  heir,  perfect- 
segroe',  retaining  however,  a  fmattering  of  the  Portuguele  lan- 
guage.'^ Here  the  operation  of  mixture  by  marriage,  is  de- 
termined by  climate  in  favour  of  the  African  colour.  There 
are  fimilnr  accounts  of  th,e  complexion  of  the  Portuguele,  who 
fettled  at  Senegal  in  1400  ;  and  of  thofe  who  are  fettled  on  the 
coafl  of  Congo.  The  varying  complexion  of  the  Jews  is  alio 
very  remarkable.  Defcended  from  one  fleck,  their  religion 
has  prevented  their  marrying  with  other  people.  In  Britain 
and  Germany,  they  are  white.  In  France  and  Turkey,  they 
are  brown.  In  Spain  and  Portugal,  their  colour  is  fwarthy. 
in  Syria  and  Chaldea,  the  olive  colour  prevails  :  In  Arabia  and 
Egypt  they  are  of  a  tawny  or  copper  colour. J  Among  every 
nation  they  feem  to  partake  of  the  colour  of  the  climate.  And 
one  of  them,  Tudela,  relates  that  his  countrymen  in  AbyfEnta, 
have  acquired  the  dark  complexion  of  the  original  natives. 

It  is  ohfervable  that  all  thefe  changes,  are  from  a  light,  to  a 
more  dark  complexion.  Similar  changes  have  not  been  obferv- 
ed  in  the  negroes,  that  have  been  brought  into  the  temperate 
climates  of  America.  It  fhculd  feem  therefore  that  the  tranfi- 
tion  is  eafier  from  white  to  black,  than  from  black  to  white  ;  or 
mat  the  negro  colour  is  the  1*0  ft  deeply  imprefied  of  any  ;  or 
that  heat  has  a  much  more  fudden  and  powerful  effeel  than  cold. 
It  ought  however  to  be  obferved  that  it  is  only  in  white  and  fair 

complexions, 

•Plnl.Tranf.  No.  476. 

•j-  Account  of  the  traile  of  Greatbritain  to  Africa,  by  an  African  mer- 
chant. 

|  ftuffoo  Nat.  Hift.  Vol.  ill. 


390  APPENDIX. 

complexions,  that  thefe  changes  of  colour  would  Toon  become 
xifible,  or  apparent  to  common  observation.  In  a  dark  or  black 
countenance,  i'mall  and  gradual  variations  of  fhade  would  not  be 
obferved.  It  would  not  be  until  the  negro  had  loft  much  of  his 
/brmer  colour,  that  the  change  would  be  generally  noticed.— But 
I  much  fufpect  that  theie  is  f>mething  more  curious  in  this  fub- 
jeit,  than  has  been  imagined:  That  lb  me  of  the  colours  of  the 
inaman  countenance,  are  in  their  own  nature,  colours  which  are 
Jefs  changeable  than  others.  It  feenvs  to  be  univeifally  the  cafe, 
that  the  black  produced  by  fcorching,  or  by  an  intenfe  heat,  is 
the  m  oft  durable  of  any  colour  whatever:  And  that  white  is 
more  foon  andeafily  full  ted,  and  changed,  than  any  of  the  other 
colours,  with  which  any  object  is  marked. 

3.  It  teems  to  be  a  confirmation  of  thefe  remarks,  that  the  col- 
ours of  men  in  different  climates,  are  in  fact  fuch,  as  thofe  cli- 
mates feem  to  require.  Under  the  equator  the  darkeft  fhade, 
perfect  black  takes  place.  The  negro  of  Africa  is  placed  in  the 
snort  intenfe  heat,  that  takes  place  on  this  globe;  and  the  colour 
of  the  negro  is  the  deeped  and  darkeft  black,  that  any  where  ap- 
pears on  the  human  countenance.  Advancing  fiom  the  equator 
towards  the  pole,  the  colour  of  the  human  fpecies  acquires  a  com- 
plexion mire  and  more  light  ;  until  having  palled  through  all  the 
intermediate  gradations  of  (hade,  it  terminates  in  the  whitenefs 
of  a  temperate  and  cold  climate. — There  are  indeed  variations 
and  exceptions  from  this,  and  from  every  other  general  law  of 
nature,  intermixtures  of  different  nations,  migration,  differen- 
ces in  ford,  difeafe,  cleanlinefs,  health,  and  many  other  local 
vircumftancss  and  caufes,  will  produce  thefe.  Asfuch  variations 
.'-re  not  agreeable  to  any  general  law  of  nature,  they  are  neither 
evidences  of,  or  objections  to  fuch  laws;  but  derive  their  origin 
from  local  and  particular  caufes. — But  it  is  impoffible  not  to  dif- 
cern  the  general  regularity,  tendency,  and  effect  of  the  laws  of 
nature,  refpecting  climate  and  colour.  The  moil  intenfe  black, 
is  the  general  colour  of  man  in  the  hotteft  part  of  the  globe. 
Where  the  heat  is  coofiderably  abated,  the  black  abates  too,  and 
the' colour  becomes  fwarthy.  To  this  fucceeds  the  red  or  copper 
idourof  the  ealt  and  weft  Indians ;  fuited  to  that  part  of  Afia, 
where  the  Indians  have  been  long  fixed  and  permanently  fettled. 
The  next  gradation  is  brown,  comprehending  the  olive,  and  dark 
yellow.  A  lighter  (hade,  or  a  brown  approaching  nearer  to 
v  h:te,  diftinguifheth  a  clirr.are  (till  more  temperate.  The  whole 
terminates  in  the^coldnefs,  and  i«  the  whitenefs  of  the  European 
wnd  northern  nations;  beyond  which  nature  has  not  proceeded. 
.•\nd  where  a  country  is  of  great  extent,  as  India,  and  China, 
the  colour  of  the  fome  people  is  dark  in  the  fouthern,  and  more 
f.iir  in  the  northern  parts.  Whatever  particular  exceptions  and 
elanauoijs   may  be  found,  the  general  law  of  nature   refpecting 

colour. 


A     P     P     E     N     D     I     X.  0i 

sclour,  is  marked  with  as  much  regularity,  uniformity,, defign , 
and  order,  as  any  other  law  of  nature,  which  applies  to  the  veg- 
etable or  animal  world. 

4.  This  operation  and  effect  of  climate  mull  be  extremely  grad- 
ual and  flow.  Whatever  thofe  caufes  are  which  have  ferved  to 
form  and  fix  the  colours  of  men,  they  are  caufes  which  have  beer? 
in  operation,  from  the  beginning  of  the  creation  of  God.  If 
tkere  were  any  differences  in  the  natural  conftitutions  of  men,  fo 
as  to  form  what  has  been  called  different  races,  thofe  differences 
rood  have  been  original  ;  and  therefore  as  ancient  as  thofe  fup~ 
pofed  races  of  men.  If  the  effect  has  been  produced  by  climate, 
this  caufe  mufl  have  been  operating  upon  nations,  ever  fince  their 
refidence  became  fixed  in  any  particular  part  of  the  earth.  The 
fame  remark  will  apply  to  any  other  luppofed  caufe,  Be  it  what 
it  may,  upon  every  nation  whofe  refidence  has  been  fixed,  it  mult 
have  been  operating  ever  fince  their  fituation  became  eftablifhed. 
With  regard  then  to  all  thofe  nations  which  have  long  refided. 
in  the  fame  part  of  the  globe,  their  colours  mull  be  viewed  aa 
the  effect  of  caufes,  which  have  been  in  operation  either  from  the 
beginning  of  the  creation,  or  from  the  time  when  they  began  to 
refide  in  their  prefent  fituations,  or  countries. — What  then  ought 
to  be  expected,  if  any  race  of  men  whofe  colour  was  already 
formed,  fhould  be  removed  to  a  country,  where  the  tendency  0/ 
climate  was  to  reverfe  the  former  effects,  and  change  the  colour 
which  had  been  lo-ag  fixed  ? — Could  it  be  expected  that  the  pow- 
er of  climate  to  change  a  colour  long  formed  and  fixed,  could  be 
exerted  in  lefs  time  than  it  had  required  to  produce  and  to  eftab- 
lifhit  ? — Would  it  require  lefs  time  to  remove  an  eflablifhed  colour, 
and  to  produce  a  new  one,  than  it  did  to  produce  and  fix  the  firft  ? 
So  far  as  we  can  derive  any  information  from  the  ordinary  coijrfe 
of  nature,  we  cannot  conceive  that  the  colour  of  the  negro,  could 
be  chanped  into  that  of  the  white  man,  in  a  lefs  period  of  time, 
than  it  had  taken,  to  produce  and  eftablifi)  that  colour  at  firft, 
It  is  much  more  probable,  that  a  longer  period  of  time  would 
be  nec-effary  to  eradicate  the  frit,  and  produce  the  fecond,  than 
was  requifite  to  form  the  complexion  at  firft. — Thofe  then  that 
mean  to  inquire  carefully  into  the  operations  and  effects  of  na- 
ture, muft  put  on  the  patience  of  the  antiquarian,  and  learn  to 
compute  time  with  the  aftronomers.  The  impatience  of  many 
leads  tbem  to  expect  that  climate  fhould  undo  that  in  three  or 
four  generations,  which  nature  has  been  conflantly  at  work  to 
effeft,  from  her  firft  origin  until  now. 

I  will  venture  to  propofe  a  conjectural  eftimation,  not  becaufj 
I  think  it  approaches  very  near  to  certainty  cr  decifion,  but  be- 
caufeT  cannot  find  any  thing  upon  thefubject,  that  has  a  greater 
appearance  of  probability.  The  moil  powerful  of  all  the  caufes, 
which  have  been  found  to  change  the  complexion  of  man,  is  that 
cf  mixture  by  marriage.     In  the  negro  colou/j  this  requires  five 

generatiorf.'.. 


39  a  A     P     P     E     N     D     I     X. 

gener£»tisy)$,  and  five  divifions,  tcfore  the  African  biackne/s  ii 
iyftjp  the  European  whhene|s  :  fa  the  lefi  dark  complexion  oi 
the  Indian,  it  requires  three  generations  and  three  divifio 
produce  the  fame  effect,  Tli2  time  ot  one  ofthefc  generations  may  be 
eifimated  at  about  twenty  five  years.  The  time  then  whi  I 
requires  to  effect  the  change  of  colour  from  this  caufe,  would  be  one 
hundred  and  twenty  five  years,  for  the  negro.  A  thirty  itc- 
ond  part  of  the  whole  colour,  upon  this  fuppofition  is  dune  away 
by  fowe  other  caufe,  fay  that  of  climate.  U  the  whole  effect,  had 
been  produced  by  climate,  and  in  this  proportion,  the  time  nee- 
effary  to  have  completed  the  effect  would  have  been  four  thou- 
land  years.  By  the  fame  method  of  conjcfiural  eltimation,  the 
time  neceffary  to  reduce  the  Indian  to  the  European  colour, 
would  be  fix  hundred  years. — The  difficulty  and  uncertainty  at- 
tending this  method  of  forming  an  eftimate,  is  not  that  it  can 
give  the  period  of  time  too  long,  but  that  it  affumes  whit  can- 
not be  afceitained  by  obfervation.  It  is  nor;  and  probably  can- 
r.ot  be  made  certain  by  obfervation,  that  a  thirty  fecond  part  of 
the  negro  colour  is  done  away  by  climate,  or  that  it  L  done  away 
at  all,  when  the  negro  complexion  is  fuppofed  to  be  complete! / 
changed.  It  is  not  probable  that  if  a  thirty  fecondpart  of  the 
dark  colour  remained,  it  could  he  readily  difiinguiihed  by  the 
f^ye.— »But  uncertain  as  the  data  are,  they  are  fufiicient  to  flio* 
that  the  operation  of  climate,  in  any  view  in  which  the  matter 
tan  be  confidered,  is  extremely  gradual  and  iluw.      Eut 

5.  This  influence  of  climate,  whatever  it  if,  may  be  increaf- 
e«,  or  it  may  be  retarded,  by  the  operation  of  other  caufes. 
The  colour  of  the  fkin  may  be  affected  and  changed  by  other 
caufe?,  as  well  as  by  heat  and  cold.  If  there  be  any  thing  in 
the  common  method  of  living,  in  being  conflamly  expofed  to 
the  fun  and  wind,  in  the  ufe  of  paint  and  oil,  or  in  an  habit- 
ual cleanlinefs  or  filthinels,  that  lends  to  darken,  or  to  rendu 
the  complexion  more  fair  ;  this,  may  onerate  either  with  ov 
againfl  the  influence  of  climate,  according  as  the  nature  and 
tendency  of  fuch  cuftorn  or  pra&ice  maybe.  And  we  ought 
not  10  afcribc  that  to,  or  make  that  any  objection  to  the  in- 
fluence of  climate,  which  may  be  derived  from  other  caufr.*. 
Thus  in  Greenland,  the  influence  of  clima'e  is  in  favour  of  * 
fair  and  white  complexion.  But  in  the  coudant  application 
of  gieafe,  oil,  and  n'thinefs,  to  the  hu'nan  body,  there  is  an- 
other tmd  a  move  pov.  erful  caufe  to  effect  its  colour, 
climate;  and  which,  acting  in  constant  opposition  to  it, 
lo  the  countenance  a  fallow  or  dirty  ohvc  complexion. 

..  may  act  with  a  force  and  power,  equal  or  (upcriour  to 
that  of  climate  ;  but  they  are  not  equal)'  permanent,  univerfj], 
or  invariable. — These  is  no  error  more  common,  or  move  apt 
to  deceive  us  in  contemplating  'he  natural  hiftory  of  man, 
than  to  afcribe   that  to  One   caufe  _.  which  is  d';!:."ed  fr<  m    or 

ptoduced 


APPENDIX. 


393 


produced  by  the  joint  operation  of  many.  Whatever  tends  to 
render  the  (kin  more  or  Jefs  tranfparent,  will  affett  the  colour 
of  the  human  fpecies,  as  certainly  as  the  climate  in  which  they 
are  placed. 

Colourand  Climate  of  the  Indians  of  America.— 
There  is  no  fubjeft  in  philofophy  fo  well  undet  flood,  but  that 
a  dumber  of  queftions  and  inquiries  may  be  propofed  refpeci- 
ing  it,  which  do  not  admit  of  a  fatisfaftory  or  complete  an. 
fwer.  And  this  will  always  remain  to  be  the  cafe,  becaufe  our 
knowledge  of  nature  will  never  be  equal  or  commenfurate  to 
the  fubjecf.  But  there  is  one  inquiry  arifing  here,  which  de- 
mands our  careful  attention :  How  does  the  climate  and  the 
colour  of  the  Indians  of  America  agree  with  this,  or  with  any 
other  fuppofed  law  of  climate?  The  Indians  were  fpread  over 
the  whole  continent  of  America:  They  dwelt  in  every  habi- 
table climate  from  the  equator  to  the  pole  :  And  they  were) 
of  the  fame  colour  in  every  place.  In  the  greateft  heat  under 
the  equator,  and  in  the  fcverefl  climates  of  Canada  and  Hud- 
fon's  bay,  they  were  of  the  fame  brownifh  red.*  This  appears 
to  be  the  proper  Indian  colour  in  every  part  and  climate  of 
America.  Are  the  climates  of  America  different  from  thofe 
of  the  other  continent  ?  Or  whence  is  it  that  the  connexion 
which  takes  place  between  climates  and  colour  in  the  other 
parts  of  the  globe^  is  not  to  be  found  among  the  Indians?— 
This  curious  phenomenon  has  occafioned  much  inquiry  and 
fpeculation  :  Can  the  caufes  of  it  be  found,  ia  the  observa- 
tions which  have  been  already  mentioned  ? 

1.  The  Indian  colour  is  very  evidently  the  mixture  of  black 
and  red.     The  colour,  which  an  intenfe  heat   produces,  upon 
all  bodies  to  which  it  is  applied,  is  black  :  And  it  is  as  natural 
Bbb  to 

*  It  has  been  cuftomary  to  write  in  this  laflgu3ge,  but  we  are  far  from 
being  certain  that  it  is  either  accurate,  or  proper.  It  has  been  taken  for 
granted,  but  it  has  never  been  examined,  whether  the  Indian  colour  is 
the  fame  in  every  part  of  America.  An  accurate  and  inquifitive  obferv- 
er,  M.  de  le  Pinto,  who  commanded  for  feveral  years  at  Matagrofla,  a 
Poituguefe  fettlement  in  the  intertour  parts  of  Brafil,  where  the  Indians 
are  numerous,  and  not  altered  by  their  intercourfe  with  the  Europeans,, 
noted  a  difference  in  their  complexions  :  "  They  are  all  of  a  copper  col. 
bur,  with  fome  diverfity  of  (hade,  not  in  proportion  to  their  dilfance  frorh 
the  equator,  but  according  to  the  degree  of  elevaiion  of  the  territory 
which 'fn-fy  inhabit.  Thofe  who  live  in  ?.  high  country  are  fairer  than 
;hofe  in  the  maifhy  low  lands  on  the  coaft/'— Robeitfon's  Hift.  Atner. 
1.  4.60. *— On  the  northweft  pan  of  the  American  continent,  it  lias  been 
i<und,  that  "  the  compltxion  cf  the  Indians  is  lighter  than  -thai  of  the 
foot  hern  Indians,  and  fome  of  their  women  have  rofy  chef  ks." — Morfe's 
G^og,  I.  99  105  Edit.  1793. — Of  the  Indians  of  Paraguay  we  have 
•com. 1  \  "  They  are  generally  of  a^  olive  complexion,  feme  dai  kif , 
uhets- lighter,  and  f»tns  as  whitest  th«  ^sh'tatd*."— fbid^p.  8s. 


394  A     P     P     E     N     D     I     X.« 

to  cxpeft  it  fhould  have  this  efFecl:  upon  the  human  body,  a* 
upon  any  other  bodies.  The  colour  which  is  produced  upon 
the  human  body,  by  living  much  in  the  open  air,  expofed  to 
the  influence  of  the  fun  and  wind,  is  red.  The  white  men 
who  live  in  fuch  a  fituation,  always  contraft  this  colour. 
That  part  of  cheir  bodies,  which  is  expofed  to  the  influence  of 
the  fun  and  wind,  becomes  of  a  reddifh  colour  ;  or  as  it  is  com- 
monly expreffed,  they  become  tanned,  or  fun  burnt;  that  is,  thty 
acquire  a  colour  formed  by  a  mixture  of  red  and  white.— Tins 
influence  of  the  wind  and  fun,  in  producing  the  red  complexion, 
is  found  to  be  much  the  fame  in  fummer  and  winter  :  The  white 
roan  is  nearly  as  much,  and  as  foon  tanned,  in  the  winter  as  in 
the  fummer.  It  feems  therefore  that  the  production  of  this  red 
colour,  does  not  depend  upon  climate,,  heat,  cr  cold,  but  upon 
habit  ;  the  habit  of  living  in  the  open  air,  and  having  the  body 
expoied  to  the  conflant  influence  of  the  Tun  and  wind. — The  In- 
dian colour  then  feems  to  have  been  formed  by  the  mixture  of 
two  different  colours,  black  and  red  ;  and  to  have  been  derived 
from  two  powerful  caufes,  climate  and  habit  :  Caufes  diftinct  from 
one  another,  and  the  latter  producing  nearly  the  fame  effett  in 
every  climate. 

2.  This  colour  of  the  Indians  wa.s  probably  completely  form- 
ed, when  they  iirii  came  into  America.  They  were  of  the  fame 
colour  as  the  Indians,  and  fouthern  Tartars  ir.  Afia  ;  and  ap- 
pear to  have  been  defcehded  from  them.  Their  colour  therefore 
was  completely  formed  and  fixed,  before  they  came  in'o  Amer- 
ica. This  coloiu  feems  to  have  been  derived  from  the  warm 
climate  of  Afia  ;  and  from  the  habit  of  living  conftantly  expofed 
to  the  fun,  and  to  the  open  air.  The  colour  thus  formed  and 
fixedt  they  would  naturaJly  convey  to  their  offspring.  And  as 
there  were  no  other  people  with  whom  they  could  have  any  in- 
tercourfe,  there  could  be  no  change  or  alteration  of  colour,  pro- 
duced by  a  mixture  of  parents  of  different  complexions..  Their 
colour  therefore  rouft  have  been  fettled,  and  uniform  :  And  th* 
whole  effed>  of  population  muft  have  been  to  fpread,  propagate, 
and  preferve  it.  The  effeS  of  climate  then  upon  the  Indian  in 
America,  would  not  be  to  produce  and  form  his  colour  ;  but  ei- 
•  :.t-  to  piefervc,  or  to  change  it. 

3.  No  part  of  the  climate  of  America  was  fufficiently  hot,  to 
change  it  into  an  inrenfe  black.  It  is  only  in  the  pott  intenfe 
heat  of  the  hotteft  climate,  that  the  extreme  black  of  the  negro 
is  formed .  The  el'iraate  of  America  under  the  line  falls  far 
fhort  of  thi.c.  "  While  the  Regro  on  the  coaft  of  Africa  is  f core  li- 
ed with  unremitting  heat,  the  inhabitant  of  Peru  breathes  an  air  e- 
sjually  mild  and  temperate,  and  is  perpetually  fhaded  under  a  cano- 
py of  grtv  clouds,  which  intercept  the  fierce  beams  of  f.he  fun."** 

The 
*  RobeitfonVHifh  Ameri.  I.  ?<;■>. 


APPENDIX.  39 


E 


The  climate  in  every  part  of  the  torrid  zone  in  America, 
is  much  more  mild  and  temperate  than  the  fame  latitude  in 
Africa,  or  Afia.  In  a  country  where  the  hotteft  climate  is  (a 
moderate,  it  is  not  to  be  expected  that  the  Indian  colour  fhouid 
be  changed  into  extreme  black.  No  part  of  the  climate  was 
l:ot  enough  to  produce  this  :  And  any  fmall  variation  in  the  In- 
dian countenance,  would  not  be  readily  or  eafily  difcerned. 

4.  The  change  of  colour  moil  naturally  to  be  expected  would 
be  of  the  contrary  kind,  not  to  black,  but  to  white  ;  at  leaft  to 
a  lighter  (hade  than  what  took  place  under  the  equator.  If  there 
be  any  influence  or  tendency  in  extreme  cold  to  produce  a  fair 
and  white  complexion,  this  might  have  been  expected  ;  for  there 
are  no  colder  climates  upon  the  face  of  the  earth,  than  thofe  of 
the  northern  parts  of  America. — But  whatever  might  be  the  in- 
fluence of  the  climate  to  produce  fuch  a  complexion,  the  Indians 
made  ufe  of  feveral  certain  and  conflant  methods  to  prevent:  it. 
One,  was  their  conftant  habit  of  living  and  wandering  about  in 
the  woods,  expofed  to  the  full  force  of  the  winds  and  fan  :  An- 
other, was  their  extreme  and  perpetual  filth,  and  dirtinefs  :  A 
third,  was  their  habitual  ufe  of  greafe  and  paint.  It  was  their 
univerfal  cuftom  to  anoint  and  rub  their  bodies  with  the  greafe 
and  oil  of  the  bear,  beaver,  muikr;.!,  and  other  animals ;  and  to 
mix  the  greafe  with  different  kinds  of  paints,  and  gums.  This 
practice  was  probably  defigned  to  proteft  the  body  again!!  the 
extreme  variations  of  heat,  cold,  and  moifture,  to  which  riiey 
were  conftantly  expofed.  Nyr  could  they  have  provided  any  bet- 
ter defence  againfl  heat,  cold,  rain,  and  infeils,  than  thus  to 
cover  their  bodies  with  a  glutinous  kind  of  varnifh.  And  in  do- 
ing thil,  they  took  a  fure  and  a  certain  method,  to  fix  and  pre- 
serve their  colour  from  any  approaches  to  a  white,  or  to  a  fair 
complexion.  When  extreme  dirtinefs  was  added  to  the  greafe, 
oii,  and  paint,  neither  climate  or  any  other  caufe  could  produce, 
a  fair  complexion,  until  thefe  were  removed  and  difufed.  Thus 
in  the  Indian  cuftoms,  and  method  of  guarding  his  body  againit 
she  e.ffecls  of  climate,  the  Indian  himfelfwas  taking  conftant  care 
that  nothing  fhould  change  the  colour  of  his  flcin,  or  make  it 
more  tranfparent.     But 

5.  Where  thefe  cuftoms  have  been  difufed,  the  Indian  colour 
has  been  found  to  be  changeable.  It  has  never  been  decided 
whether  the  Indian  colour  is  exadtly  the  fame  in  every  part  of 
America.  No  accurate  comparifons  have  ever  been  made  be- 
tween the  colour  of  the  Indians  in  the  hottefr.  parts  under  the  e- 
qu?nor,  and  thofe  in  the  remote  regions  of  Canada  and  Hudfon's 
,bay.  Their  colours  have  never  been  compared  to  any  accurate 
and  known  ftandard  ;  and  fmall  variations  in  a  dark  complexion, 
would  not  be  a  matter  of  common  obfervation. — But  whether  the 
Indian  colour  be  the  fame  in  every  part  of  America,  or  not,  it  is 
certainly  more  changeable,  and  not  fo  deeply  fixed,  as  that  of 

the 


B96  A.  P     P     E     N     D     I     X. 

the  negro.  Many  families  pf  the  Indian  tribes  are  to  be  found 
in  feveialof -our  towfts<  Some  of  thefe  are  at  Capecod,  anri 
Rhodeifiand  :  A  considerable  number  of  them,  are  atNatic,  andl 
Stockbridge,  in  Maffachufetts.  Their  habiu  and  m-ir.nrrs  o| 
life  are  different  from  thofe  of  the  Indians,  who  relidc  1 
forefls.  They  live  in  houfes,  have  a  fixed  place  ot  reGdeticc, 
and  have  much  difufed  the  cullom  of  paints  and  oils  ;  and  Bheir 
complexion  differs  much  from  that  of  the  tribes  .who  yet  remain 
in  their  ancienc  and  original  ftate.  The  reddifh  call  a  abated. 
The  tawny  afpeel  appears  more  dull,  pale,  and  clouded.  .  The 
crimfon  mixture  has  difappearcds  and  they  have  approximated 
much  nearer  to  the  colour  of  the  hunter  among  the  whites,  than 
the  tribes  who  retain  their  ancient  cufloms  and  habits.  This 
change  of  colour  in  the  Indians  who  have  lived  long  among  the 
whites,  is  apparent  to  common  o'ofcrvation.  And  it  is  apparent- 
ly derived  from  the  change  ;n  their  manners,  cuftoms,  and  hab- 
its. This  change  of  the  Indian  complexion,  clearly  fliows  what 
has  been  the  effect  of  cuflom,  and  habit. 

6.  In  the  northern  part3  of  America,  there  are  permanent  phe- 
nomena, which  will  (erve  alio  to  fhow  what  has  been  the  efTei'i 
of  climate.  The  Elquimaux  in  the  northern  parts  of  America, 
are  a  people  remarkably  different  from  'he  Indians,  which  oc- 
cupy the  other  parts  of  the  continent.  There  is  not  much  room 
to  doubt,  but  that  they  were  derived  from  the  northweft  parts 
of  Europe  ;  are  the  fame  people  with  the  Greenlanders,  Lap- 
lander?, Zemblans,  and  Samojeds ;  and  like  them,  were  defcend- 
ed  from  the  Tartars  in  the  ealt.  Their  defcent  then  was  prob- 
ably from  the  fame  nation  as  the  Indians.  But  while  the  Indian 
tribes  have  by  cullom,  preferved  their  red  complexion,  the  Ef- 
quimaux have  acquired  a  fallow  olive,  or  brownifh  colour  ;  more 
inclining  to  the  European  whitenefs,  than  to  the  brownifh  red- 
of  the  American. — To  what  caufe  can  we  abferibe  the  lighter 
co'cur  of  this  branch  of  the  Tartar  race,  but  to  their  more  north- 
erly and  frozen  Situation  r  They  have  adopted  the  fame  cufloms 
and  habits,  as  the  Indians.  They  rub  and  anoint  their  bodie?, 
with  greafe,  the  fat  of  the  feal,  and  train  oil  j  and  are  as  filthy 
as  the  Indians.  Not  only  fo,  but  they  drink  the  fat  of  the  feal, 
and  their  train  oil,  and  efteem  it  the  mod  pleafant  liquor.  -Can' 
St  be  doubted  what  mufl.be  the  effect  upon  their  colour  ?  It  op. 
crates  againft  the  influence  of  climate,  in  that  part  of  the  earth 
where  climate  operates  moil  powerfully  to  produce  a  white  com- 
plexion.  The  influence  of  the  two  caufes  is  divided,  but  the 
ballance  is  in  favour  of  climate,  and  the  European  complexion. 
Thus  in  two  very  extenfive  and  numerous  kinds  of  men,  deriv- 
ed from  the  fame  nation,  climate,  cuflom,  and  habit,  in  one 
part  of  America,  have  produced  or  preferved  the  dark  crimfon 
of  the  Indian  j  but  in  the  mofl  northerly  and  frozen  parts  of  the 
continent,  the  fame  caufes  have  efUblifhed  the  fallow  olive  colour 

of 


APPENDIX.  397 

of  the  Esquimaux,  more  refembling  the  European  whhenefi., 
than  the  indian  rtd.  Upon  a  jiareful  attention  then,  to  the  col- 
ours and  cudoms  of  the  original  inhabitants  of  America,  the  phe- 
nomena feem  to  confirm  the  general  connexion  which  nas  taken 
place  between  climate  and  colour,  in  the  various  paru  of  the  oth- 
er hemifphere. 

This  part  of  the  natural  hificry  of  man,  feems  to  be  but  very 
imperfectly  undertfood.  The  great  difficulty  that  attends  it,  is 
the  want  of  ancient  and  accurate  accounts.  It  does  indeed  feem 
to  be  pretty  well  determined,  that  the  colour  of  the  white  man  is 
eafily,  and  foon  changed,  to  a  dark  complexion  ;  And  that  the 
colour  of  the  Indian  is  changeable,  into  a  lighter  complexion. 
But  no  relations  which  I  have  leen  afford  the  fame  information, 
refpedling  the  change  of  the  African  black.  Nor  can  I  find  any 
phenomena  or  accounts  which  ferve  to  afcertain  the  matter,  and 
pat  it  out  of  all  doubt,  whether  there  has  been  any  change  in, 
the  colour  of  the  negroes,  which  have  been  brought  into  any  part 
of  America.  Nor  is  it  certain  that  any  fuch  apparent  alteration 
of  the  negro  colour,  ought  upon  any  hypothecs  to  have  been  ex  . 
peeled,  in  the  courie  of  four  or  rive  generations.  And  yet,  until 
fooie  of  thefe  foGki  (hall  be  afcertained,  we  can  hardly  expeft 
that  the  laws  of  nature  which  apply  to  this  fubjeel,  will  be  un- 
deruood.— Impatient  of  the  fatigue  of  inquiry,  collecting  and 
comparing  phenomena,  fome  philofophers,  with  great  precipita- 
tion, have  pretended  to  decide  it  by  fyftem.  To  folve  all  dif- 
ficulties it  has  been  declared  by  fome,  (has  there  are  different 
creations,  and  races  of  men  :  That  the  white  man  is  one  kind, 
the  negro  another,  and  the  Indian  a  third,  &c— The  bufinefs  of 
making  Jyflems  for  nature,  has  feldoro  anfwered  any  other  pur- 
pofe,  than  to  dilcover  the  preemption  of  thofe,  who  have  made 
them.  It  has  proved  fo  in  this  cafe.  If  there  had  been  as  many 
local  creations  as  there  are  individuals,  this  would  not  afford  us 
any  information,  or  enable  us  to  advance  one  ftep,  towards  a 
folution  of  the  problem  refpecling  the  colours  of  different  men. 
Still  the  inquiries  would  remain,  What  is  the  feat  of  colour  in 
thefe  different  men  ?  Why  do  the  rays  of  light  appear  of  fuch 
different  colours,  upon  the  flcin3  of  the  one,  and  the  other  ?  Why 
djoes  one  colour  appear  molt  common  in  an  hot,  and  another  col- 
our prevail  the  molt  in  a  cold  climate?  And  how  is  the  change 
of  colour  produced  by  marriage  and  mixture  ?— Inftead  of  amuf- 
ing  ourfelves  with  theories  that  are  attended  witn  no  evidence, 
and  can  be  of  no  ufe,  what  is  wanted  in  this  fubjeel,  is  careful  and 
accurate  obfervations.  Thefe  will  indeed  require  a  long  courfe 
of  time,  and  abilities  very  different  from  thofe,  which  decide  by 
metaphifical  difputes  and  fpeculations.  But  it  is  the  only  meth- 
od, in  which  we  have  any  reafon  to  expect  cur  knowledge  of  this 
fubjeft  will  be  promoted. 

No. 


398  APPENDIX. 

N*.     IV. 

<Tk;  Declaration  and  Petition  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Keivhamf- 
Jhirc  Grants  to  Congrefs,  anitoui.ing  the  DijS-itl  to  be  a  Free  and 
Independent  Stale.     Chap.  IX.  p.  233. 

To  the  Honourable  the  Co ktinentai  Congress. 

THE  declaration  and  petition  of  that  part  of  Northameri. 
ca,  fituate  fouth  of  Canada  line,  welt  of  Connecticut 
river,  north  of  the  Maflachufetts  bay,  and  eaft  of  a  twenty 
mile  line  from  Hudfon's  river,  containing  about  one  hundred 
and  forty  four  townfhips,  of  the  con  ents  of  lix  miles  fq'jare, 
each  granted  your  petitioners  by  the  authority  of  Newhamp- 
fhire,  befides  feveral  grants  made  by  the  authority  of  Newyork, 
and  a  quantity  of  vacant  land,  humbly  fheweth, 

Tnat  your  petitioners,  by  virtue  of  feveral  grants  made 
them  by  the  authority  aforefaid,  have  many  years  fince,  with 
their  families,  become  adtual  fettlers  and  inhabitants  of  the 
faid  delcribed  premifes  ;  by  which  it  is  now  become  a  resec- 
table frontier  to  three  neighbouring  ftates,  and  is  of  great  kn- 
porUnce  to  our  common  barrier  Ticonderoga  ;  as  it  has  fur. 
rufhed  the  army  there  with  much  provifions,  and  can  multer 
more  than  five  thoufand  hardy  foldiers,  capable  of  bearing 
arms  in  defence  of  American  liberty: 

That  fhortly  after  your  petitioners  began  their  fettlements, 
a  party  of  1  and  jobbers  in  the  city  and  ftate  of  Newyork,  be- 
gan to  claim  the  lands,  and  took  mcafures  to  have  them  de- 
clared to-be  within  that  jurifdiftion  : 

.  That  on  the  fourth  day  of  July,  1764,  the  king  of  Great- 
britain  did  pafs  an  order  in  council,  extending  the  jurifdic- 
tion  of  Newyork  government  to  Connecticut  river,  in  con- 
sequence of  a  reprefentation  made  by  the  late  Lieutenantgov- 
ernor  Colden,  that  for  the  convenience  of  trade,  and  admin, 
iftration  of  juftice,  the  inhabitants  were  defirous  of  being  an- 
nexed  to  that  ftate  : 

That  on  this  alteration  of  jurifdiftion,  the  faid  Lieutenant- 
governor  Colden  did  grant  feveral  trafts  of  land  in  the  above 
defcribed  limits,  to  certain  perfons  living  in  the  Mate  of  New- 
york, which  were  at  that  time  in  the  aftual  polTefTion  of  your 
petitioners;  and  under  colour  of  the  lawful  authority  of  faid 
itatc,  did  proceed  againft  your  petitioners,  as  lawlels  intrud- 
ers upon  the  crown  lands  in  their  province.  This  produced 
an  application  to  the  king  of  Greatbritain  from  your  peti- 
tioners, letting  forth  their  claims  under  the  government  of 
Newhampfhire,  and  the  disturbance  and  inteiruption  they 
liad  fuffered  from  faid  poft  claimants,  under  Newyork.  And 
en  the  24th  day  of  July,  1767,  an  order  was  paffed  at  SrV- 
Jaaj^s's,  prohibiting  the  governors  of  Newyork,  for  the  time 

being 


APPENDIX.  399 

being,  from  granting  any  part  of  the  defcribed  premifes,  on 
pain  of  incurring  his  highcit  difpleafurc.  Neverthelcfs  tho 
lame  Lieutenantgovernor  Coldcn,  Governors  Dunmore  and 
Tryon,  have  eacn  and  every  of  them,  in  their  refpe&ive  turns 
of  adminiltration,  prefumed  to  violate  the  faid  royal  order,  by' 
making  fevcral  grants  of  the  prohibited  premifes,  and  coun- 
tenancing an  actual  invafion  of  your  petitioners,  by  force  of 
arms,  to  drive  them  oft  from  their  poffeflions. 

Thole  violent  proceedings,  (with  the  folemn  declaration  of 
the  fupreme  court  of  Newyork,  that  the  charters,  conveyances 
&c.  of  your  petitioners'  lands,  were  utterly  null  and  void)  on 
which  they  were  founded,  reduced  your  petitioners  to  the 
difagieeable  neceffily  of  taking  up  arms,  as  the  only  means 
left  for  the  fecunty  of  their  poffeflions.  The  confequence  of 
this  flop  was  the  palling  twelve  atts  of  outlawry,  by  the  le- 
giflatureof  Newyork,  on  the  ninth  day  of  March,  1774  ;  which 
were  not  intended  for  the  ftate  in  general,  but  only  for  part 
of  the  counties  of  Albany  and  Charlotte,  viz.  fuch  parts  there- 
of  as  are  covered  by  the  Newhampfhire  charters. 

Your  petitioners  having  had  no  reprefentative  in  that  af- 
fembly,  when  thefe  a£ts  were  paffed,  they  firft  came  to  the 
knowledge  of  them  by  public  papers,  in  which  they  were  in- 
ferred. By  thefe,  they  were  informed,  that  if  three  or  mora 
of  them  affembled  together  to  oppofe  what  faid  affembly  call- 
ed legal  authority,  that  fuch  a*  fhould  be  found  affembled  to 
the  number  of  three  or  more,  fhould  be  adjudged  felons  :  And 
that  in  cafe  they  or  any  of  them,  fhould  not  furrender  him- 
felf  or  themfelves  to  certain  officers  appointed  for  the  purpofe 
of  fecuring  them  after  a  warning  of  feventy  days,  that  then 
it  fhould  be  lawful  for  the  refpeftive  judges  of  the  fupreme 
court  of  the  province  of  Newyork,  to  award  execution  of 
Death,  the  fame  as  though  he  or  they  had  been  attainted  before 
a  proper  court  of  judicatory.  Thefe  laws  were  evidently 
calculated  to  intimidate  your  petitioners  into  a  tame  furrender 
of  their  rights,  and  fuch  a  ftate  of  vaffalage,  as  would  entail 
mifery  on  their  lateft  pofterity. 

It  appears  to  your  petitioners,  then  an  infringement  on  their 
rights  is  ftill  meditated  by  the  ftate  of  Newyork  ;  as  we  find 
that  in  their  general  convention  at  Harlem,  the  fecond  day  of 
Auguft  laft,  it  was  unanimoufly  voted,  «'  That  all  quitrenta 
formerly  due  and  owing  to  the  crown  of  Greatbritain  within 
this  if  ate,  are  now  due  and  owing  to  this  convention,  or  fuch 
future  government  as  may  hereafter  be  eftablifhed  in  this 
ftate." 

By  a  fubmiffion  to  the  claims  of  Newyork,  your  petitioners 
would.be  fubje&ed  to  the  payment  of  two  Shillings  and  fix 
pence  fterling  on  every  hundred  acres  annually  ;  which,  com* 
£»red  with  the  quitrcnts  of  Levingfton'fl,  Phillips'*,  and  Ran- 

flcar's 


*oo  A     P     P     E     N     Ds    I     X. 

wear'.,  manor?,  and  many  ether  cnormoui  trafts  in  the  beft 
fituations  in  the  ftate,  would  lay  the  mod  difproportionato 
fiiare  of  the  public  expenfe  on  your  petitioners,  in  all  refpefts 
the  leaft  able  to  bear  it. 

The  convention  of  Newyork.  have  now  nearly  completed  a 
code  of  laws,  for  the  future  government  of  that  ftate  ;  which, 
fhould  they  be  attempted  to  be  put  in  execution,  will  fubjecT: 
your  petitioners  to  the  fatal  neceffity  of  oppofmg  them  by 
every  means  in  their  power. 

When  the  declaration  of  the  honourable  the  Continental 
Congrefs  of  the  fourth  of  July  laft  paft,  reached  your  petition- 
ers, they  communicated  it  throughout  the  whole  of  their  dif- 
tri£l;  and  being  properly  apprized  of  the  propofed  meeting, 
delegates  from  the  feveral  counties  and  towns  in  the  d'ftrift, 
defcribed  in  the  preamble  to  this  petition,  did  meet  at  Weft- 
jninfter  in  faid  diftrift,  and  after  feveral  adjournments  for  the 
purpofe  of  forming  themfelves  into  a  diftinttand  feparate  ftate, 
did  make  and  publifh  a  Declaration,  '<  that  they  would  at  all 
times  thereafter  confider  themfelves  as  a  free  and  independent 
ftate,  capable  of  regulating  their  own  internal  police,  in  all 
and  every  refpeft  whatfoever  ;  and  that  the  people  in  the  faid 
defcribed  diftrift,  have  the  fole  exclufive  right  of  governing 
jhemfelves  in  fuch  a  manner  and  form,  as  they  in  their  wif- 
dora  fhould  choofe  :  not  repugnant  to  any  refolves  of  the  hon- 
ourable the  Continental  Congre^  :"  And  for  the  mutual  fup- 
port  of  each  other  in  the  maintenance  of  the  freedom  and  in- 
dependence of  faid  diftricl:  or  feparate  ftae,  the  faid  delegates 
did  jointly  and  feverally  pledge  themfelves  to  each  other,  by 
ail  the  ties  that  are  held  facred  among  men,  and  refolve  and 
declare,  that  they  were  at  all  times  ready,  in  conjunction  with 
their  brethren  of  the  United  States,  to  contribute  their  full 
nroportion  towards  maintaining  the  prefent  juft  war  againft 
the  fleets  and  armies  of  Greatbritain. 

To  convey  this  declaration  and  refolution  to  your  honoura- 
ble body,  the  grand  reprefentative  of  the  United  States,  were 
we  (your  more  immediate  petitioners)  delegated  by  the  united 
and  unanimous  voices  of  the  reprefentativcs  of  the  whole 
bod)«  of  the  fettlers  on  the  defcribed  prcmifes,  in  whofe  name 
and  behalf,  We  humbly  pray,  that  the  laid  declaration  may 
be  received,  and  the  diftiicl  defcribed  therein  be  ranked  by 
your  honours,  among  the  free  and  independent  American 
/rates,  and  delegates  therefrom  admitted  to  feats  in  the  grand 
Continental  CongrefSj  and  your  petitioners  as  in  duty  boand 
fhall  ever  pray. 

Neivbavpjhirc  Grants,  Wcjlminjlir,  l$tb,  Jan.  1777. 
1     JONAS  FAY. 

Signed  by  order,  and  in  |  THOM  AS  CHITTENDEN, 
behalf  of  laid  inhabitants,    f    HEM  AN  ALLEN. 

J     REUBEN  JONES.  Nc. 


APPENDIX.  401 

N».   V. 

The  Remcnjlrance  of  the  CommiJJioners  from  Vermont  againft  the 
Proatdings  of  Cqngrefs,  September  22,  1780.  Chap.  X. 
p.  2,56. 

To  the  Honourable   Congress  of  the   United  States  of 

NoRTHAMERICA. 

THE  remonfhance  of  Ira  Allen  and  Stephen  R.  Bradley, 
commiffioners  from  the   free   and   independent  ftate  of 
Vermont,  appointed  for  the  time  being  to  attend  on  Congrefs. 

With  plealurc  they  embrace  this  firft  opportunity  to  teftify 
their  thanks  for  the  peifonal  honour  done  them  by  Congrefs, 
in  giving  them  an  attendance  though  in  a  private  capacity,  with 
their  honourable  body  :  At  the  fame  time  lament  the  neceflity 
which  obliges  them  to  fay,  they  can  no  longer  fit  as  idle  fpec- 
tators,  without  betraying  the  truft  repofed  in  them,  and  doing 
violence  to  their  feelings,  to  fee  partial  modes  purfued,  plans 
adopted,  ex  parte  evidence  exhibited,  which  derives  all  its 
authority  from  the  atteftation  of  the  party  ;  paflages  of  writ- 
ings felected  giving  very  falfe  reprefentations  of  fa£ts,  to  an- 
fwer  no  other  end  but  to  prejudice  your  honourable  body  a- 
gainft  the  State  of  Vermont  ;  thereby  to  intrigue  and  baffle  a 
brave  and  meritorious  people  out  of  their  rights  and  liberties* 
We  can  eafily  conceive  the  fecretary's  office  of  the  ftate  of 
Newyork,  nny.  be  converted  into  an  inexhauflible  fource  to 
furnifh  evidence  to  anfwer  their  purpofe  in  the  prefent  dif- 
pute.  \ 

Needlefs  would  it  be  for  us  to  inform  Congrefs,  that  by  the 
mode  of  trial  now  adopted,  the  ftate  of  Vermont  can  have  no 
hearing  without  denying  itfclf:  And  to  clofe  with  thofe  re- 
folutions,  which  we  conceive  our  enemies  have  extorted  from 
your  honourable  body,  and  on  which  the  trial  Is  now  placed,, 
would  be  in  fact,  taking  upon  ourfelves  that  humility  and  felf 
abatement,  as  to  lofe  our  political  life,  in  order  to  find  it. 

We  believe  the  wifdom  of  Congrefs  fufficient  to  point  out, 
that  purfuing  the  prefent  mode,  is  deviating  from  every  prin^ 
ciple  of  the  laws  of  nature,  or  nations:  For  if  the  difpute  is 
between  the  Mates  claiming  on  the  one  part,  and  the  ftate  of 
Vermont  on  the  other,  whether  the  latter  be  a  ftate  de  jure,  as  an 
independent  jurifdiction  de  fafto  5  they  ought  to  be  confideied 
in  the  courfc  of  the  difpute,  until  the  powers  interpofing,  have 
determined  whether  the  latter  be  an  independent  jurifdiction 
de jure,  if  not  they  of  courfc  ought  to  annihilate  the  jurifdic- 
tion de  faao\  but  to  annihilate  the  ftate  de  faEio  in  the  firft 
place,  is  fummarily  ending  the  difpute;  to  deny  the  latter  any 
independent  jurifdiction  XeJuQp,  is  to  diny  there  is  any  longer 
x.  *' tie?  in  the  difpute. 

C  c  c  Aga'n 


4C2  A     P     P     E     N     D     I     X. 

Again  we  conceive  the  means  connected  with  the  end,  and 
upon  no  principle  whatever  can  we  jullify,  that  cither  part 
fhould  eftablifh  the  modus,  or  rules  to  be  purfued  in  detct min- 
ing ditputes,  without  confounding  every  idea  of  right  and 
wrong — In  the  prelent  cafer  on  the  one  part  might  the  end 
as  juftly  have  been  eftablifhcd  as  the  way  and  means  to  effett 
the  end. 

We  are  far  horn  being  willing  thofe  brave  and  ftrenuou* 
eTnns  made  by  the  itate  of  Vermont  in  the  contrbverfy  with 
Grearbritain,  fhould  b*  buried  by  our  grafping  adverfaries, 
(thu  iting  after  domination  and  prey)  in  the  ipecious  pretext 
of  riotoufly  alluruing  government  ;  and  we  thereby  lofe  all' 
credit  for  the  men  and  money  we  have  expended. 

Thus  while  *ve  are  neceflitated  to  remonltrate  againft  the  pro- 
ceedings of  Congrefs  on  the  prelent  mode,  we  are  willing  a;  the 
f'ime  time  any  equitable  inquiry  Ihould  he  made,  the  itate  of 
Vermont  being  aliowed  equal  privileges  with  the  other  fiate;  in 
the  difpu;e. 

Ar.d  that  the    flate  of  Vermont  might  ftand   jTrtU&ed  to    your 

able  body,  and  to  the  world,  bo:h  as    to    her   prefent    and 

future  conduct,  we  are    induced,  as  well    from  principles    of   at* 

lent  to  the  American  caufe,   as  a  regard  we   have  for  peace 

and  harniouy  among  the  ftates   of  America    now    at    war   with 

>  make  the  following  propofaU,  » iz  : 

ift.  That  the  Hate  of  Vermont  will  as  foon  a'>  in.iy  be  for- 
ward to  the  fccietary  of  Congrefs,  an  attefted  return  of  all 
m^le  perlons.  liable  to  do  duly  agreeable  to  a  militia  aft  here- 
tofore exhibited  to  Congrefs  in  a  codcof  laws,  entitled  '<  The 
Laws  of  Vermont  ;"  and  the  ftate  of  Vermont  fhail  for  and 
during  the  prefent  war  with  Grcatbritain,  from  year  to  year 
furnifh  an  equal  number  of  troops  in  the  field  in  proportion 
to  their  number:-,  as  Congiefs  (hall  eititnate  the  quotas  of  the 
feveral  United  States  in  proportion  to  their  numbers  ;  which 
troops  ihall  be  clothed,  quartered,  and  paid,  by  the  flate  of 
Vermont.  And  at  the  clofe  of  the  war,  the  difpute  fhall  he 
equitably  fettled  by  the  mediation  of  fpvereign  powers  ;  and 
nothing  heiein  contained,  fhall  be  conttrued  to  lake  away  the 
right  any  of  the  united  States  claim  to  have  in  or  over  the 
fia'c  of  Vermont  :  Or 

2(//>-.  We  are  willing  to  agree  upon  fome  one  or  more  of  the 
legislatures  of  the  difintercfled  ftates  to  interpole  as  mediators, 
and  iettle  the  difpute  :  Or 

.  We  are  willing  Congrefs,  being  pofrtfTed  o(  fovereign- 
ould  interpole  to  prevent  the  elfufion  of  human  blood  : 
At  the  fame  time,  we  leprobate  every  idea  of  Congiefs  fitting 
as  a  court  of  judicature,  to  determine  the  difpute  by  virtue  oi 
authority  given  them  by  the  acl  or  acbof  the  Mate  or  ftates  that 
make  but  one  party. 

It 


APPENDIX.  403 

It  gives  us  pungent  grief  that  fuch  an  important  caufc  at 
this  jun6ture  of  affairs,  on  which  our  all  depends,  fhould  hi 
forced  on  by  any  gentlemen  profeMing  themfelves  friends  to 
the  caufc  of  America,  with  fuch  vehemence  and  fpirit  as  ap- 
pears on  the  part  of  the  flate  of  Newyork  :  And  fhall  only 
add,  that  if  the  matter  be  thus  purfued,  we  (land  ready  to  ap- 
peal to  God  and  the  world,  who  muft  be  accountable  for  the 
awful  confequences  that  may  enfue. 

Sigied  at  Philadelphia  this  22^  day  oj 'September,  A.  D.  1780. 

IRA  ALLEN, 
STEPHEN  R.BRADLEY. 


N°.  VI. 

££tt  (lions  prope/eJ  by  the  Committee  of  Congrefs  to  the  Agents   on   the 
Pa^t  oj.  Vermont)  ivitb  the  Anjwerscf '  tk&  Agents,  Augvjl  -iS,  1  781. 

0  /?'  /?  A  ^^  tnc  00undaries  fet  forth  in  the  written 
~*J!eJ  l  J  '  _/-\_  proportions  delivered  in  by  the  faid  Agents 
at  this  time,  claimed  by  the  flate  of  Vermont  -as  the  lines  of 
jurifd  ft;on,  the  fame  as  contained  in  ilia  relolution  ot  Con- 
grefs of  the  ;th  of  Augult  mftant  ? 

Answer.  They  are  the  fame,  with  the  addition  of  part  of  the 
wafers  of  Lake  Champtain,  for  the  benefit  of  trade. 

^K  2J.  What  par;  do  the  people  of  Vermont  mean  to  take 
as  to  the  pall  expenles  of  the  prefent  war,  and  what  aid  do 
they  propofe  to  afford  as  to  men  and  money  to  the  common 
defence  ? 

A.  Such  proportion  as  fhall  be  mutually  judged  equitable 
after  their  admifhon  to  a  feat  in  Congreis  ;  which  has  been  at 
fcveral  different  times  officially  propoled  by  agcrKs  on  the  part 
of  Vermont. 

^.  3</.  What  are  the  ideas  of  the  people  of  Vermont  rela- 
tive to  the  claim  of  private  property,  under  grants  or  patents 
from  Newhampfhire,  or  Newyork  previous  to  the  prefent 
tevolution  ? 

A.  Although  the  Mate  of  Vermont  have  not  hitherto  au- 
thorized any  courts  to  take  cognizance  of  fuch  caul.es  as  re- 
fpe£l  titles  of  lands,  nevertheless  they  have  had,  and  ftil!  have 
it  in  contemplation  to  adopt  fuch  modes  as  the  circumftancej 
arifing  out  ot  each  cafe  may  juitify,  without  adhering  to  the 
ftrift  rules  of  law. 

£K  4/h.  What  are  the  intentions  of  your  conftitusnts  in  re- 
gard to  the  patents  that  were  granted  on  conditions  of  fettle- 
ment  within  a  given  time,  and  which  have  been  prevented  by 
the  claims  of  thj  people  of,  Vermont,  and  the  prefent  revo- 
lution ? 

A, 


404 


APPENDIX. 


A.  No  forfeitures  have  been  taken  by  the  ftate  of  Vermont 
on  any  fuch  grants  for  nonperformance  of  conditions  of  fct- 
tlement,  and  we  conceive  it  to  be  the  intention  of  our  confti- 
tuents  to  grant  a  further  reafonable  time  for  fulfiling  luch 
conditions. 

4?.  $tb.  What  are  the  number  of  inhabitants  within  the 
lines  mentioned  in  the  propofrtions  above  mentioned  ? 

A.  As  the  citizens  of  Vermont  have  not  been  lately  num- 
bered, we  can  therefore  only  eftimate  them  at  thirty  thoufand, 
which  we  conceive  to  be  nearly  a  true  eftimate. 

£K  Stb.  What  quantity  of  land  is  contained  within  the  faid 
bounds  ? 

A.  There  has  been  no  accurate  furvey  of  the  Irate  of  Ver- 
mont, but  we  conceive  it  to  contain  about  five  millions  of  acres. 
£K  yth.  What  applications  have  been  made  either  publicly 
or  privately  by  the  enemies  of  the  United  States,  or  their  ad- 
herents, to  draw  off  the  people  of  Vermont  from  their  affec- 
tion to  the  United  States  of  America  ? 

A.  The  honourable  committee  are  poffeffed  of  copies  of 
Bev.  Robinfon's  letters  inclofed  in  Brigadiergeneral  Allen's 
letter  of  the  9th  day  of  Match  laft,  to  the  then  Preudern  of 
Congrefs,  and  any  ptivate  offers  we  cannot  avouch  for. 

i?.  8//-.  In  cafe  the  enemy  Ihould  attempt  an  invafion  of 
the  northern  frontiers,  what  aid  as  to  men  and  provifions 
could  be  raifed  in  the -ftate  of  Vermont  for  the  public  defence 
(you  can  fuppofe  the  invafion  made  in  different  quarters)  and 
in  what  time  ? 

A.  The  number  of  militia  within  the  lines  herein  limited, 
we  fuppofe  to  be  about  feven  thoufand  ;  are  in  general  well 
armed  and  accoutred,  and  have  ever  fhown  theinleives  fpirit- 
cd  in  cafe  of  alarms,  &c.  In  regard  to  provifions,  the  coun- 
try is  fertile,  but. new,  and  confiderable  emigrations  from  oth- 
er ftates  to  Vermont. — The  legiflature  at  their  feffion  in  Oc- 
tober laft,  levied  a  tax  on  the  inhabitants  fufficient  for  victu- 
alling one  thoufand  five  hundred  troops  in  the  field  for  twelve 
months,  and  we  are  of  opinion  a  larger  ftore  may  be  in  the 
fame  manner  colle&ed  the  enfuing  autumn. 


N°.  VII. 

An  Account  of  tie  ratealle  Property^  and  of  the   Number  of  Inhab- 
itants in  Fermont,   at  different  Periods  of  Time. 
BENNINGTON     COUNTY. 


Names  of  the  Towns, 

Bennington 
§h.aftfbury 


Value  of  the  ratablt 

Value  of   the  rata 

Numb,  of 

property  in  the  yem 

ble  property   in  the 

luhab.  in 

1781. 

year  1791. 

I792' 

£.11898     0     0 

£.11628  18     0  1     237/ 

9118     0    0 

10926    9    0  J    1999 

Barnes 

APPENDIX. 


Isames  of  the  Towns 

Pownal 

Manchefter 
jiVrhngton 

R  i.  pert 
fet 
Sunder!  2nd 
S  Am  ford 
o  a  negate 
Windhall 
Bromly 
Reecfb  ;ro!jgh 
Woodford 
Glafrcnbury, 
Landgrove 

Total 


Va'u;  of  the  rafabl. 
property  in  the  ye^i 

1781. 

£.  6615  10  c 
5170  3  o 

3503  5  o 
271 1  15  o 

2469  12-  O 

1928  16  o 
849  5  o 

847  10   c 


V3lueof  theratabk 
r>ropeuy  in  the  jeai 
1791. 

£<  6395    o    o 
6578     7     6 

4331    *5     ° 
4929  15     o 

4016  15  o 

1932   15  o 

904     o  o 

2677     5  o 


Numb,  of 
[t'hah.  in 
1792. 
1746 

12?6 

991 
1033 

958 
414 

272 

773 

*55 

7i 

64 

Co 
54 
31 


£-4S»»n    »€   o  l£-5^3l5   T9  6  I  12>254 


WINDHAM 


Guildford 

Brat'leborough 

Weftminfter 

Putney 

Hab  fax 

Rockingham 

Dummerfton 

Marlborough 

Wilmington 

Hinfdale 

Nevrfane 

Townfend 

Londonderry 

Whitingham 

Athens 

Thomlinfon 

Jamaica 

Wardfboro'  N.  D. 

Wardfboro'  S.  D. 

Somerfett 

Stratton 

Johnfon's  Gore 

-  Total 


5836  10 

49ba 
4*35 
3569 
3363 
2970 

1881  10 

1874  o 

1869  o 

1687  6 

j  462  5 

886  10 

693  10 

442  17 

200  o 

186  10 


COUNTY. 

o  6717  11  o 

o  5969  12  6 

o  6695  10  o 

o  6138  10  o 

o  4640  10  o 

o  4832  15  o 

o  4978  o  o 

o  2676  o  o 

o  2735  10  o 

o  1908  o  o 

o  2597  o  o 

o  2463  16  o 

o  1560  10  o 

o  -  1352  5  o 

O  1212   5  O 

o  1422  15  O 

o  663  15  o 

1758  10  o 

1009  15  o 


2432 

1601 

1848 
1309 

1235 

1501 

629 

645 

482 

660 
676 
362 
442 
450 

561 

263 

483 

270 
HI 

95 

49 


/•4L738   17    o  |£.€  1,332     9   6  117,693 


WINDSOR    COUNTY. 

Windfor  I       4085     3     o  J       6667     8 

Norwich  I       3659  15     0  j       5695     o 


o       1542 
o  j    1158 

Names 


406 


A     P     P     E     N     D     I     X. 


Names  of  the  Towns, 


Hartford 

Woodftock 

Hartland 

Springfield 

Chefter 

Pom  fret 

Weathcrsfield 

Barnard 

Sharon 

Royal  ton 

Cavend-fh 

Reading 

Andovcr 

Bethel 

Bridgewater 

Rochelter 

Ludlow 

Saltaffi 

Stuckbridge 


o 
o 
o 

12 


301  10 


Value  of  the  rati 
ble  property  in   th$ 
.ear  1781. 

C'  3°'3  2 
2770  5 
2549  10 
2139  10 
1884  10 

M93  © 
1279  10 
1027  o 

S93 
825 

502 
358 


Value  of  tli-  rat3- 
nle  property  in  tie 
year  1791. 

£•  4709 

6375 
378i 
4703 
3182 

4130 
3000  15 
341b  o 

33l3  '5 
l572  5 
2601  o 

99^  5 
1803  15 
j  106  c 

845  »5 


o 

9 

l5 

12 

5 
*5 

5 


Nuirib.  of 

179*. 
988 

160,5 

1652 
1097 

9'^  '«• 

710 

1146 

673 
5<9 
74« 

491 

7A7 

473 
"93 
215 
%79 
106 
100 


Total  £.26,781     7    6  U.%315   ig   o  \i5>7-& 
RUTLAND    COUNTY. 


Rutland 

Clatendon 

Tinmouth 

Danby 

PawTec 

Poultney 

Wells 

Caftlcton 

Wallingford 

Pittsford 

Ira 

Shrewfnury 

liar  wick. 

Middleiown 

Orwell 

Brandon 

iairhaven 

Benfon 

Hubbardton 

Sudbury 

Chittenden 

Pitts  field 


3975 

10 

0 

6324 

10 

0 

1407 

3748 

S 

0 

6083 

© 

0 

1478 

35°7 

5 

0 

4410 

0 

0 

935 

3241 

0 

0 

445  6 

lS 

6 

tzc6 

2507 

5 

0 

6038 

5 

0 

1458 

2296 

5 

0 

46^9 

l7 

6 

1 121 

1300 

0 

0 

2089 

0 

0 

62? 

1257 

0 

0 

3386 

11 

3 

800 

1200 

0 

0 

20S7 

2 

0 

536 

573 

10 

0 

34'1 

lS 

0 

850 

5i; 

0 

0 

1220 

'5 

0 

3*2 

228 

0 

0 

"5S 

10 

0 

383 

soo 

0 

0 

5*3 

i) 

0 

165 

\ 

2984 

s 

0 

699 

-^94° 

'5 

0 

778 

e273 

10 

0 

637 

> 

2225 

8 

0 

545 

2179 

»5 

0 

658 

1692 

0 

0 

404 

1032 

10 

0 

258 

499 

15 

0 

*S9 

AM 

Name* 

APPENDIX. 


407 


Namwof  the  Towns.jValue  of  the  rata 
[hit  property   in   iht 

Lea?  1781. 
Philadelphia  \£- 

Medway 
Killington 


Total 


£-H>S49     3   ° 


Value  of  die  rata- 
ble property  in  the 
year  1791. 


Numb,  of 

[nhab.   in 
179a. 

J9 
34 


£61  644  14  3  J  15,565 


ORANGE     COUNTY. 


Newbury 
Thetford 
Bradford     * 
Stafford 
Carinth 
Barnet 
FairLe 
Rugate 
.  Gu  lahdll 
Lunenburg 
MaidUonc 
Peacham 
Randolph 
Brookfitld 
Tunb  ridge 
Verfhire 
Danville 
Williamftown 
Biaintica 
Chelfea 
St.  Johnfbuyy 
Montpeher 
Top  (ha m 
Berlin 
Cabot 

Wilderfburg 
Wafhington 
Brunfwick 
Littleton 
Lyndon 
Concord 
Dewey's  Gore 
Calais 
Croton 
Northfield 
V/heelock 
Walden's  Gore 
Lemington 


2880 

10 

0 

367S 

0 

0 

87} 

1802 

5 

0 

3363 

15 

0 

862 

1450 

0 

0 

2432 

0 

0 

654 

*349 

'5 

0 

3048 

0 

0 

845 

1075 

10 

0 

1781 

0 

0 

578 

651 

5 

0 

202b" 

0 

0 

477 

508 

0 

0 

14 1 9 

5 

0 

463 

4  27 

0 

0 

994 

15 

0 

187 

416 

10 

0 

730 

6 

u 

158 

365 

0 

0 

494 

*S 

0 

119 

220 

0 

0 

679 

10 

0 

125 

214 

10 

0 

1367 

*5 

0 

365 

3098 

0 

0 

892 

1672 

0 

0 

421 

f€4i 

5 

0 

487 

H83 

15 

0 

439 

1440 

12 

6 

574 

802 

'5 

0 

146 

799 

0 

0 

221 

790 

*3 

6 

239 

590 

0 

0 

143 

J8J 

6 

0 

118 
162 

134 

122 

76 

7? 

66 
63 
59 
49 
48 
45 
45 
40 
33 
3* 

Name* 

4o3 


Names  of  the  Towns. 

Canaan 

Green  (borough 
Roxbury 
Walden 
Hardwick 

Total 


Value  of  the    rata 

Value  of    ihe   rata 

N;)inU.  of 

Ijle  property  in  [h 

ble  property  in    tin 

Inhab.  in 

year  1  781. 

war  J  79 1. 

I79Z. 

£■ 

£. 

l9 
'9 

I          3 

Ijf.  149541    17  6 

^.324796 18 10  1 10,529 

ADDISON     COUNTY. 


Cornwall 

Newhaven 

Salifbury 

Shoreham 

Bridport 

Monktorx 

Addifon 

Fetriiburg 

Leicefler 

Whiting 

Vergennes 

Middleborough 

Wey  bridge 

Panton 

Briftol 

King  (ton 

Hancock 


3314 

'5 

0 

826 

2939 

5 

0 

72* 

2850 

12 

6 

446 

2422 

11 

0 

721 

2008 

0 

0 

449 

1985 

5 

0 

450 

«9'5 

10 

0 

401 

1843 

5 

0 

481 

13*5 

5 

0 

343 

*°53 

10 

0 

250 

94o 

16 

0 

201 

«59 

0 

0 

395 

817 

5 

0 

1 1 5 

781 

0 

0 

220 
21 1 

Total 


101 

5£ 

\£'  25»u3   x9  6  I    M49 


CHITTENDEN     COUNTY. 


Charlotte 

Willi  Ron 

South  Hero 

Shelbutne 

Jericho 

Hinefburg 

Cambridge 

EtTex 

Ceoigia 

Burlington 

Milton" 

St.  Albans 

Fairfax 

North  Hero 

Colcbtltcr 


2767 

12 

6 

*M 

2206 

O 

0 

4-1 

J979 

5 

0 

537 

1907 

16 

0 

389 

1728 

5 

6 

**! 

1697 

J5 

0 

454 

15VI 

5 

0 

359 

1487 

*5 

0 

354 

I}12 

10 

0 

31(> 

I258% 

0 

0 

33- 

IO:J    F 

0 

0 

28^ 

014 

0 

0 

256 

878 

10 

0 

354 

569 

'5 

0 

12  ; 

5il 

10 

0 

*3>' 

APPENDIX. 


4*9 


Faroes  of  the  Towns. 


Fairfield 

Newhumington 

Hghgate 

Hungerford 

Johnion 

omithficld 

Bolton 

Middlefex 

Ifle  Mott 

Allbuig 

Waterbury 

Swanton 

Underhill 

Wen  ford 

Wait'field 

St.  George 

Fletcher 

Huntfburg 

Hydcfpark 

Stark  fborough 

Duxbury 

Wolcott 

N.  Huntington  G. 

Moretown 

Minden 

Cambridge  Gore 

Bakersfield 

Elmore 

Morriftowri 

TotalintheCounty 


Value  of  the  ratable 

Value  of  the  rata- 

Numb.of 

property  in  the  year 

hie  property  in  the 

Inhab.  in 

1781. 

year  1791. 

i79»- 

ff 

£.    480  14    2 

129 

423  10    0 

136 

300    0    0 

103 

300    0    0 

40 

275    0    0 

93 

273    0    0 

70 

176  10    0 

82 

176    0    0 

60 

159  *5     0 

446 

93 
74 

65 
63 

ft 

57 

46 

43 
40 

39 
3* 
3* 
24 

18 

»3 

12 
10 

_j 24,358     8    2   \  7,301 

Total  in  the  State. |£\i 4.9,541  17  6  |£\ 324. 796  18  10(85,539 

The  above  are  the  lifts  whteh  were  given  in  to  the  Generat 
Affembly,  by  the  particular  towns,  in  conformity  lo  an  aft  of 
the  leg:flature. — -In  computing  the  value  of  the  1ft  taken  iri 
1791,  the  price*  of  Tome  of  the  capital  articles  were  ihus  itat- 
ed  by  the  AlTcmbly  : — Improved  knd,  ten  (hillings  per  acre. 
Neat  Cattle,  one  yea-  old,  fifteen  (hillings  per  head  ;two  years 
old,  thirty  {hillings  per  head  ;  three  years  old  and  upwards, 
forty  fhidmgi  per  head  :  An  ox,  four  years  old,  and  upward^, 
three  pounds.  Horles,  one  year  old,  twenty  (hillings;  two 
years  old.  forty  (hillings  ;  th.tce  years  old,  and  upwards,  four 
pounds.-— .As  triefe  prices  were  fcarccly  one  half  of  the  current 
prices  of  thefc  articles,  the  real  value  of  the  ratable  property 
Ddd  or 


419  A     P     P     E     N     D     I     X'. 


of  the  fiate,  muft  have  been  double  of  what  was  fet  down  in 
the  lifts.  It  is  probable  this  was  alio  the  cafe  wi  h  the  hit* 
taken  in  1781.— Bur  although  neither  of  thefe  lifts  will  give 
the  exact  value  of  the  taxable  property  of  the  flate,  at  cither 
of  thofe  periods,  they  will  give  the  incieafe,  or  the  relative 
value  of  the  taxable  property  at  thofe  times  :  And  we  can 
clearly  doduce  from  them,  that  from  the  year  1781,  the  whole 
ratable  property  of  Vermont  became  doubled  in  eight  years 
and  an  half.  In  Virginia,  the  period  at  which  the  value  of 
their  lands  and  flaves  taktn  conjunctly,  doubles,  is  ftated  by 
Mr.  Jeffsrfon,  to  be  about  twenty  years.* 

The  number  of  towns  reprefented  in  1781,  was  fixty  three  . 
The  numb  r  reprefented  in  1791,  was  one  hundred  and  twen- 
ty fix.  Thofe  towns  which  are  act  taxed  or  reprefented,  do 
not  give  in  to  the  affembly  any  account  of  their  ratable  prop- 
erty. 

No  proper  enumeration  of  the  inhabitants  of  Vermont,  was 
made,  before  the  cenfus  taken  in  1792.  The  general  eftima- 
tions  of  the  affemblies  and  agents  before  that  time,  were  mere- 
ly conjectural. — From  a  report,  which  Governor  Tryon  of 
Newyork  made  to  the  king  of  Greatbritain,  of  the  (late  of  that 
province  in  the  year  1772,  it  appears  that  he  had  procured  a 
lift  of  the  inhabitants  of  each  county  in  that  province  :  Two 
of  thofe  counties,  Cumberland,  and  Gloucefter,  were  in  Ve;~ 
mont ;  and  contained  the  tract  of  country,  which  lies  on  the 
raft  fide  of  the  green  mountains,  and  is  now'formed  into  the 
counties  of  Windham,  Windlor,  and  Orange.  The  number 
of  people  in  thofe  counties  in  the  year  1771*  was>  as  follows  : 


*  Njtes  on  Virginia,  p.  18S. 


Whites* 


APPENDIX. 


4U 


Whites. 

Blacks. 

11 

." 

c      1 

■   ■ 

""* 

- 

■O 

K    jf 

cu 

M 

X 

- 

X 

»  - 

X 

X 

II 

3 

.5 

*  . 

"    . 

^ 

Namet  of  the 
Counties. 

u 

-3    . 

-    c 

k  x 
3 

U     u 

>  ». 

.O    C 

CO 

-§     . 
-  c 

09   — 

e 

3    • 

3    c 

V 

<r>    — 
_V 

a 

s 

-    c  ■  ' 

?! 

O  XL 
3    *" 

- 

3 

ro 

B 

r 

*  5 
"5  c 

.0 

c 

M 

u 

■0    . 
=   c 

3     »■ 
H 

a 

U 

9 

j 
.•a 

Li 
a- 

-*  > 
3  5 

5  * 

5-2 

S3 

to    op 

M        X> 

S      I 

u 

& 

<r1 

§:-. 

s 

it, 

£ 

GloticeittM.       |  i7§t  1S5I       81  193I  151I  715H 

2|        4 

0|           l| 

oj       7||  722 

CumDerf.ind;   lio-iboozl     59I   9 4. r  1   862I39351I 

ol       6|       i|      j| 

2I     i:||J9+7 

Thefe  two  Counties,  at  that  time,  contained  about  two  thirds  of  the  peo- 
ple in  the  whole  diftrift.  The  whole  number  of  inhabitants  therefore  in 
1771,  muft  have  been  about  feven  thoufand. — In  the  Ccnfus  taken  in  1792, 
the  numbers'  Hood  thus  : 


Counties. 


Addiion, 
Bennington, 
Chittenden, 
Orange, 

Rutland, 

Windfor, 

Windham, 


Total 


-a  m> 

S-'S  « 
"  -a  v 

3  r~ 

fc.     (J     P 

<*     c     % 

--OO 

U       R»       WO 

U    >  T3 

*i    >   « 

)«    O.V 

i<  us   3  -a 


8 


b 


■u    « 

u  u  E 

i£*     2-.«« 


V. 

0 

CM 

O 

u 

u 

<*-     0 

0 

V 

> 

zr2 

% 

< 

W3 

3 
H 


1784 

3I[4 
2256 

2874 
3986 
4003 
4418 


1664 
3211 

1764 
2768 
4092 

4X57 
4672 


224351   223z8| 


2964    37  6449 

5893     20  ;6    12254 

5258     23  730I 

4846     41  10529 

7456.    31  1; ;,565 

7543'    45  »5748 

_8S45 58|  ,             T  769,1 

4<>505J 255!         l6J 85^539 


ERR     AT 

4. 

Pa^c 

line    for 

read 

Page 

line    for 

read 

S3 

J 1  Lahontau 

Lakontan. 

J  54 

21   band 

mind. 

6% 

30  eight 

eight  tenths- 

360 

9  to 

for. 

37  dele  eight. 

169 

12  adapted 

adopted. 

70 

a  1  Amur 

Aim, 

196 

36  ha^e 

leave. 

76 

4  and 

are. 

e*j 

2Z  was 

were. 

JOl 

9  aquative 

aquatic^ 

7.44 

32  he 

itfey, 

103 

S  a'i 

able. 

252 

10  f,ee 

three. 

38  /y«<to 

OfcuJo. 

271 

17  controverly 

correfpondence. 

104 

a8  Laaza 

Ziara. 

272 

5  brided 

bribed. 

112 

1 3  B/irf 

ruirtf. 

279 

S  refoluti    1 

refolutions. 

»H 

10  mode 

rude. 

316 

15  ore 

ocre. 

14.Z 

31   fat     - 

fort. 

335 

36  renew 

rtvere. 

'51 

6  adapted 

ftdQoted, 

-71 

16  more 

none. 

NAMES 

NAMES  of    the   SUBSCRIBERS. 


:re. 


SENATORS  of  the  UNITED    STATES. 

Honourable  john  langdon,  i     H     ^ 

Paine  Wingate,  ,J  r 

Caleb  Strong,  1    M  attach  ufctts. 

George  Cabot,  J 

Theodore  Fofter,  1    Rhodcifland# 

Joleph  Stanton,  J 

Oliver  Ellfworth,         "1    n  ..     «. .     i. 
•c  c,  ■  >  Connecticut. 

Koger  bherman,  J 

Stephen  R   Bradley,  2  copies     1    Verm0Btt 

Moles  Robinlon,  3 

Aaron  Burr,    2  copies     7    XT  , 

•or      v  r  J-   Newyork. 

Kurus  King,  J  } 

Philemon  Dickinfon,   7    v      •     r 
John  Ruthe,  ford,         J   ^wjerfey. 
Robert  Morris,     Pennlylvania. 

Richard  Baffet,     7     t>  1 

G.j     j   '      >    Delaware, 
eorge  Read,        \ 

John  Henry,     Maryland. 
James  Munroe,  2  copies,  Virginia. 
John  Brown,  )    v     .     , 

John  Edwards,         \    Kentucky. 
J^eniamin    Hawkins,    1   XT     ,,         r, 
Samuel  Johnfon,  \   Norlhcarol.na. 

Pierce  Butler,    12  copies,     ?    e      .i.         r 
Ralph  I2ard  F  J  Southcarohna. 

•William  Few,     Georgia. 


VERMONT, 
His  Excellency  Thomas  Chittenden,  Governor. 
The  Honourable  Peter  Olcott,  Lieutenantgovernor 
The  Honourable  Timothy  Brownfo/i, 

Samuel  Safford, 

John  Strong, 

Ebenczer  Walbridge,  1  z  cop. 

Jonathan  Arnold,  2  copies,    \  Counfellors. 

Paul  Brigham, 

Ebenezer  Marvin, 

Luke  Knowlton,  z  copies, 

Thomas  Porter, 

The 


SUBSCRIBERS*    NAMES.      413 

The  Honourable  Samuel  M-attocksj-  Treafurer. 
Rofewell  Hopkins,  Efq;  Secretary  of  State. 
Jofeph  Fay,  Efq;   Secretary  to  the  Governor  and  Coun- 
cil. 
The  Honourable  Gideon  OHn,  Speaker  of  the  Houfe  of  Rep- 
refentatives,  3  copies. 
Samuel  Knights,  Chief  Juftice  of  the  Supreme 

Court. 
Elijah  Paine,  Juftice  of  the  Supreme  Court. 
Ilaac  Ttchenor,  Jufticeof  the  Supreme  Court. 
Nath.  Chiproan,  Judge  of  the  Di Uriel:  Court, 
2  copies. 
Samuel  Hitchcock,  Efq;  Attorneygeneral. 


A. 

Aaron  Adams. 
Jeremiah  Adams. 
Edwaid  Aiken. 
Jofeph  Allen. 
Samuel  C.  Allen. 
James  Alien. 
Caleb  Allen. 
Rev.  Jonathan  Allen. 
Majorgeneral  Ira- Allen. 
Levi  Allen. 
William  Alvord. 
Dr.  Abel  All  is. 

Robert  Anderfon. 
Reuben  Atwater,  Efq. 

Capt.  Elifha  Averil. 

Elijah  Avery. 
B. 

Benjamin  P.  Baldwin. 

Frederic  Baldwin. 

William  Baker. 

Tilley  Ballard 

John  Bancroft. 

Rev.  Thomas  Barnard. 

Jonathan  Barrett. 

Thomas  Barrett. 

John  Barton. 

Dr.  Prefcott  Barron. 

Frye  Bayley,  Efq 

John  G.  Bayley,  Efq. 

lfaac  Bayley,  Efq. 

Jofeph  Bayley. 

Samuel  Beach. 

Moody  Bedel,  Efq. 

Jonathan  Bell,  Efq.  1  copies, 


John  Benedict. 
Mofes  Bennett. 
Alfred  Bingham. 
Silas  Bingham. 
Solomon  Bingham. 
Elijah  Blake. 
John  W.  Blake. 
Rev.  Enos  Blifs. 
Charles  Boyle. 
Jofeph  Bradford, 
lfaac  Brevoort. 
John  Bridgman,  Erq. 
Rev.  Aaron  Jordan  Booge. 
Samuel  Brown. 
Prolper  Brown. 
Bryant  Brown,  Erq. 
Ebenezer  Bjown,  Efq. 
Elifha  Brown. 
Daniel  Buck,  Efq. 
Major  Elias  Buel. 
Thomas  Bull. 
Abraham  Burnham,  Efq. 
John  Burnam. 
Benjamin  Burt,  Efq. 
Jonathan  Burt. 
C. 
Jofeph  Cable. 
Doftor  Jofeph  Caldwell. 
Dr.  Alex.  Campbell,  2  copies. 
Dr.  John  Campbell. 
Matthew  Carey,  12  copies. 
Philip  Carigain. 
Bifid  Cafe. 
Louden  Cafe. 
Abbe  Cady. 

Nathaniel 


4i4     SUBSCRIBERS*   NAMES. 


Nathaniel  Chamberlain. 
William  Chamberlain. 
Gardner  Chandler,  Efq, 
Jeflfe  Chandler. 
Thomas  L.  Chandler. 
Jfaac  Chattel  ton. 
X)r.  Cyrus  Chipman. 
Daniel  Chipman,  Efq. 
Darius  Chipman,  Efq. 
Lemuel  Chipman,  Eiq. 
John  Chipman,  Efq. 
Samuel  Chipman,  Efq. 
Col.  James  Claghorn. 
Eleazar  Claghorn,  Efq. 
Jofeph  Clark. 
Ozias  Clark. 
John  Clayton. 
Edward  Clifford. 
Capt.  John  Cobb. 
Samuel  Cobb. 

Brigadiergenl.    Eli  Cogfwell. 
William  Coir. 
John  Cook. 
Caleb  Cooley. 
Stephen  .Coolidge. 
Ozias  Crampton. 
Samuel  Cutler,  Efq," 
John  Curtis 
Zebina  Curtis, 
D. 
Ezra  Dean. 
William  Denifon. 
Elijah  Dewey,  Efqa 

Ormond  Doty. 
Peleg  Douglafs. 
Mofes  Dow,  Efq. 

Jafon  Duncan. 

Jlaac  Duffs. 

Jofiah  Dunham,  t2  copies. 

Salmon  Dutton,  Efq.  2  copies. 
E. 

Ifaac  Elli6. 

Peiei  Evans. 

Zadoc  Evrri'it. 

James  Em  1  . 

James  Enos,  jun. 

jVlajorgeneral  Roger  Enos, 

Jaroco  Ewing,  Efq. 


F. 
Rev.  Daniel  Farrand 
Daniel  Ferrand,  Efq. 
David  Fifk. 
Mofes  Fifk. 
J^hn  Fitch,  Efq. 
Afaph  Fletcher,  Efq. 
Samuel  Fletcher,  Efq. 
Mills  D.  Foreft,  Efq. 
Jabez  Fofter, 
Rev.  Robert  Fowle. 
Col.  John  Fuller. 

G. 
Jonas  Galufha,  Efq. 
Elijah  Garfield. 
Jonathan  Gates. 
Willeby  Goodwin. 
Nathaniel  Gove. 
John  A.  Graham,  Efq.  z  cop. 
Afa  Graves. 
Benjamin  Green,  Efq. 
Ifaac  Green. 
Nathaniel  Green,  Efq, 
Sylvanus  Gregory, 
John  Griffin,  Efq. 

H. 
Nathan  Hale,  Efq. 
William  Hale. 
Lot  Hall,  Efq.  2  copies. 
Joel  Hamilton. 
Dr.  Z.  Hamilton. 
H.  Hardie,  12  copies, 
Ezckiel  Harmon. 
Joel  Harmon 

William  C.  Harrington,  Efq, 
Alex.  Harvey,  Efq.  2  copies. 
Dr.  Aaron  Haftings. 
Anthony  Hafwcll,  12  copies. 
Reuben  Hatch. 
William  Havendren. 
Jofeph  Hawley, 
Col.  Udny  Hay. 
Rev.  Lemuel  Haynes. 
William  Hennefy. 
Benjamin  Henry, 
Frederic  Hill,  Efq. 
Mofes  Hinraan 
Lyman  Hitchcock, 

David 


SUBSCRIBERS'   NAMES,      415 


David  Hoit. 

Elijah  S.  Hollifler. 

Jells  HoUifter. 

Seth  Holt. 

John  Hopkins. 

Lucius  Hubbard,  Efq. 

John  Hubbard. 

Jonathan  H.  Hubbard,  Efq. 

Arad  Hunt,  Efq. 

John  Hunt,  Efq. 

John  Hurd,  Efq.  12  copies. 

Richard  Hurd. 

Robert  Hufton. 

Aaron  Hutchinfon,  Efq. 

Stephen  Jacobs,  Efq. 
Leon2rd  jewett. 
A  fa  Johnion,  Efq. 
Col.  Thomas  Johnfon. 
Perez  Jones. 
Etenezer  W,  Judd,  Efq. 

Bradford  Kellogg. 
Rev.  Dan  Kent. 
Jacob  Kent. 
Col.  Stephen  Keyes. 
William  Kilburn. 
Nathaniel  KingGey. 
Aaron  Kinfman. 
Ephraim  Kirby,  Efq. 
Elijah  Knight. 
Calvin  Knowlton,  Efq. 

Rev,  Nathaniel  Lambert. 

Luther  Lar.gdon. 

Reuben  Langdon. 

Samuel  Lathrop,  Efq. 

John  Law,  Efq. 

Jeffe  Leavenworth,  3  copies. 

George  Leonard. 

William  Leverett. 

Beriah  Loomis,  Efq. 

Elijah  Lovett. 

John  Lovett,  Efq. 

Cornelius  Lvnde,  Efq. 

Rev.  Afa  Lyon. 

James  Lyon. 

Col.  Matthew  Lvon, 


M. 
Samuel  McCluer. 
Afa  McFarland. 
John  McNeil,  Efq. 
Jeremiah  Mafon,  Efq. 
Joel  Marih. 

Nicholas  S.  Matters,  Efq. 
Capt.  Ifaac  Meacham. 
Moulton  Morey,  Efq. 
Brigadiergnl.  Lew.  R.  Morris. 
James  Morfe. 
Conftant  Murdock. 
Benjamin  Muzzy. 
W.  Mynderfe. 

N. 
John  Nanton. 
Nathan  Nelfon. 
Oliver  Noble. 

O. 
David  Oaks. 
Elias  Olcott,  Efcj» 
Henry  Olin. 
Jonathan  Ormfly. 
Nathan  Ofgood,  2  copies. 

P. 
Jofiah  Page. 
Benjamin  Paine. 
Amafa  Paine,  Efq. 
Gamaliel  Painter,  Efq, 
Col.  Stephen  Pearl.    , 
Chauncy  Pier. 
William  Pike. 
John  Pomroy. 
Afa  Porter,  Efq. 
Benjamin  Porter. 
Dr.  Ezekiel  Porter, 
John  Porter,  Efq. 
Jofeph  Porter,  jun. 
Rofewcll  Poft. 
Dr.  Cephas  Prentifs. 
Samuel  Prentifs. 
Nathaniel  Prefon, 
Jofeph  Prince. 

R, 
Martin  Reed. 
Dr.  Daniel  Reed. 
Stephen  Rice. 
Amos  Richardfon. 

Jofhua 


416     .SUBSCRIBERS'   NAMES. 


Jofhua  Ricker. 
John  Ripley. 
Phinea<  Ripley. 
Chriftopher  Roberts. 
Joel  Roberts. 
Hon.  Jcfle  Root. 
William  Round. 

S. 
Silas  Safford.  Efq, 
David  Sandcrfon. 
IVIajor  James  Sawyer. 
Col.  Thomas  Sawyer. 
Andrew  Selden,  Efq. 
Jofeph  Selden. 
Aaron  Sexon. 
David  Sheldon. 
Nathaniel  Sheldon. 
Samuel  Shepardfon. 
John  Shumway,  Efq. 
Rev.  Samuel  Shuttlefworth. 
Walter  Sloan. 
Jacob  Smith. 
John  Smith. 
Jonathan  Smith. 
Ifaac  Smith,  Efq, 
Ifrael  Smith. 
Simeon  Smith,  Efq. 
Prince  Super. 
Col.  John  SpafFord. 
Simeon  Spencer. 
Eliakim  Spconer,  Efq. 
Trumau  Squier. 
John  Stacey. 
Elias  Stevens, 
Ab'jah  Stone,  Efq. 
David  Stone. 
Phineas  Stone. 
William  Stprer. 
Serb  Stcr'rs,  Efs. 
Chipman  S,wift,  Efq. 

T. 
Mansfield  Taplin,  2  copies. 
Aid  Tenny. 
1  Thayer^ 


Rev.  Lathrop  Thorr.fon. 
Thomas  Thomfon, 
Stephen  Thorn. 
Timothy  Todd. 
Thomas  Toleman. 
Col.  Orange  Train. 
Nahum  Trafk. 
Geoige  Trimble. 
Turell  Tufts. 

U. 
James  Underhill. 

W. 
Samuel  Walker, 
Samuel  Ward. 
Azel  AVafhburn. 
Calvin  Webb. 
Jehiel  Webb,  Efq. 
Dr.  Jofhua  Webb. 
Noah  Webfter,  Efq. 
Jabez  H.  Weld. 
Shipley  Wells. 
Elijah  Weft. 
Jedediah  Weft. 
Eli  Wheeler. 
Afa  Wheelock,  Efq, 
John  White,  Efq. 
Nathaniel  White. 
Dr.  Samuel  White. 
James  Wh;telaw,  Erq.  2  cop. 
Rev.  Samuel  Whiting. 
Benjamin  Whitman. 
John  Whitman. 
Brigadiergenl.  Dav.  Whitney, 
John  Whitney. 
James  Wh-tney. 
Lemuel  Whitney. 
Richard  Whitney,  Efq. 
Elias  Wiiiard,  jun. 
Samuel  Williams,  Efq. 
Dri  James  Whitherel/ 
Enoch  Woodbridge,  Efc. 
Jofeph  Woodward. 
Elcjzcr  Wright, 


FIN!     •".- 


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